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U radu se istražuje elipsa glagolske skupine (VPE) u hrvatskome s naglaskom na ograničenja informacijske strukture u mogućnostima ostvarivanja i interpretacije. Usporedbom tipova elipse predikata iz višejezične perspektive, testovima konstituencije te ispitivanjem distribucijskih obilježja potvrđuju se prethodne analize VPE “engleskog tipa” kao VPE u hrvatskome. Analizom informacijske strukture ostatka VPE utvrđuje se stupnjevitost obaveznosti kontrastivne intepretacije ostatka s obzirom na odnose paralelizma u lokalnom kontekstu. Trima eksperimentima procjene prihvatljivosti VPE ispituje se ograničenje simetričnog kontrastivnog fokusa (Winkler 2005; Ha 2008) i utjecaj redoslijeda antecedenta i mjesta elipse na mogućnost ostvarivanja VPE u paralelnim strukturama. Zabilježen je efekt ograničenja kontrastivnog fokusa za VPE u kojoj antecedent prethodi mjestu elipse, no ne i za VPE u kojoj mjesto elipse prethodi antecedentu. Nije zabilježen efekt redoslijeda antecedenta i mjesta elipse na prihvatljivost VPE. Eksperimentom odabira antecedenta VPE kojoj prethode zavisnosložene te nezavisnosložene rečenice uz mjerenje vremena reakcije ispitane su hipoteze glavne tvrdnje i domene koordinacije (Frazier i Clifton 2005) prema kojima se novi jezični material u diskursu povezuje s glavnom tvrdnjom ukoliko je ona dostupna, neovisno o udaljenosti od mjesta elipse, dok se u suprotnome povezuje s recentnim materijalom ili čitavom koordiniranom skupinom. Rezultati pokazuju da je u svim uvjetima dominantna strategija odabira antecedenta odabir čitave koordinirane strukture te je potvrđena hipoteza domene koordinacije za elipsu nakon nezavisnosložene rečenice. U interpretaciji elipse nakon zavisnosloženih rečenica zabilježen je utjecaj glavne tvrdnje, ali i utjecaj recentnosti na odabir antecedenta. Nije zabilježena statistički značajna razlika u vremenu reakcije između dvaju uvjeta u kojima je elipsi prethodila zavisnosložena rečenica, no vrijeme potrebno za davanje odgovora bilo je značajno kraće u uvjetu koordinacije nego u uvjetu subordinacije u kojem je glavna tvrdnja nije bila recentna. The aim of this thesis is exploring VP ellipsis (VPE) in Croatian from an informationstructural point of view. We focus on (i) the possibilities of realization of VPE in various syntactic and semantic contexts; (ii) the possibilities of realization considering informationstructural constraints, and (iii) the possibilities of interpretation considering the role of the information structure in discourse structuring. An overview of historical and contemporary definitions and taxonomies of elliptical phenomena is provided, followed by an overview of theoretical approaches to ellipsis considering the issues of (i) the content of the ellipsis site; (ii) the identity conditions on ellipsis; (iii) ellipsis licensing. Issues of determining equivalents of VPE crosslinguistically are discussed. Several types of predicate ellipsis which can be analyzed as VPE are detected in Croatian. By conducting VP constituency tests and examining distributional properties, we confirm previous analyses of “English style” VPE as instances of VPE in Croatian. Two aspects of information-structural constraints of VPE realization in Croatian are investigated. Firstly, we examine the information-structural status of the remnant, concluding that the obligatoriness of the contrastive interpretation of a remnant may be traced down to general relations of parallelism and contrastivity between clauses. We detect three information-structural patterns – in VPE in Croatian, at least one element in a remnant is realized as: (i) contrastive focus; (ii) contrastive topic; (iii) polarity / modality focus. The information-structural constraints on VPE are then tested experimentally. Three written acceptability judgment experiments have been carried out in order to test the contrastive focus constraint on VPE. Following López and Winkler (2000), Winkler (2005), Kazenin (2006), and Ha (2008), as well as relying on analysis of the remnant status in VPE in Croatian, we predict that the acceptability of VPE in maximally parallel an maximally contrastive coordinated structures depends on the realization of contrastive focus. In first experiment, we tested the acceptability of VPE in following structures: (1) a. Marija neće pročitati članak, a Ivana hoće. b. Marija neće pročitati članak, a Ivana će. ‘Mary won’t read the article, and Jane will.’ The prediction that the sentences in which contrastive polarity focus (indicated by the stressed form of the auxiliary) is not realized will be judged as unacceptable was experimentally confirmed. In second experiment, we tested the contrastive focus constraint on backwards ellipsis (Ha 2008), predicting that the sentences in which contrastive polarity focus on the pre-elided element is not realized would be judged as unacceptable: (2) a. Marija hoće, a Ivana neće pročitati članak. b. Marija će, a Ivana neće pročitati članak. ‘Mary will, and Jane won’t read the article.’ Since no statistically significant difference was found between the experimental conditions, the prediction was not confirmed. In third experiment, we additionally test the effects of (i) the order of the antecedent and the ellipsis site and (ii) contrastive focus symmetry on the acceptability of VPE: (3) a. Marija neće, a Ivana će pročitati članak. b. Marija neće, a Ivana hoće pročitati članak. ‘Mary won’t, and Jane will read the article.’ c. Marija će pročitati članak, a Ivana neće. d. Marija hoće pročitati članak, a Ivana neće. ‘Mary will read the article, and Jane won’t. While the main effects of the order of the antecedent and the ellipsis site and contrastive focus symmetry were not found, the interaction effect suggests there is a penalty on VPE acceptability which was not predicted by the contrastive focus constraint. The possibilities of interpretation of VPE in Croatian considering the role of the information structure in discourse structuring were investigated experimentally. Two hypotheses proposed by Frazier and Clifton (2005) were tested: (i) Main Assertion Hypothesis (MAH): Comprehenders prefer to relate material in a new sentence to the main assertion of the preceding sentence. (ii) Conjunction Domain Hypothesis: The processing of conjunction allows either the entire conjoined phrase to be processed or just the closer conjunct. The differences in the interpretation of ambiguous VPEs were measured in a comprehension task for two-sentenced discourses including (i) complex sentences and (ii) compound sentences: (4) a. Tina je otišla kući nakon što je popila piće. I Marija je. ‘Tina went home after she had a drink. So did Mary.’ b. Tina je otišla kući i popila piće. I Marija je. ‘Tina went home and had a drink. So did Mary.’ Following Frazier and Clifton (2005), we predicted (i) that the preferred antecedent of VPE in example 4a. was VP from the main clause, regardless of the clause order; (ii) the least preferred antecedent of VPE in 4.b. was the first conjunct. The results suggest that the dominant strategy in both cases is choosing the conjoined structure as an antecedent of VP ellipsis. However, the effects of both the main assertion and recency are observed in the interpretation of the ellipsis which follows complex sentences. The results of the preferred interpretation of elliptical sentences which follow compound sentences confirm the Conjunction Domain Hypothesis, i.e. the role of the clause order in processing.

Avram Noam Chomsky 1957. godine svojom knjigom Syntactic Structures uvodi teoriju generativne gramatike koja je devijacija od tadašnjeg strukturalizma. U ovom je radu opisan transformacijsko-generativni pristup gramatici te je prikazan njegov razvoj. Opisana je i standardna (klasična) teorija generativne gramatike. S obzirom na to da je teorija generativne gramatike usredotočena na sintaksu rad objašnjava naglasak na sintaktičku sastavnicu generativne gramatike te je prikazuje u odnosu sa semantikom. Budući da je generativna gramatika bila ovjeravana u velikom broju jezika uključujući hrvatskom, opisan je formalni model generativne gramatike u hrvatskom jeziku. Raspravlja se i o zastupljenosti generativne gramatike unutar hrvatskog jezika danas., 1957 marked the year Avram Noam Chomsky published his book Syntactic Structures in which he introduced the theory of generative grammar which was a deviation from structuralism of that time. This work aims to describe the transformational-generative approach to grammar as well as showcase its development. The standard (classic) theory of generative grammar is described as well. Considering that the theory of generative grammar is focused on syntax, this work explains the emphasis on the syntactic component of generative grammar and presents it in relation to semantics. Seeing as how generative grammar was subject to verification in a large number of languages including Croatian, the formal model of generative grammar in the Croatian language is described. The representation of generative grammar in the Croatian language today is discussed as well.

U radu se u okvirima minimalističkoga i kartografskoga istraživačkoga programa opisuju sintaktičke osobitosti imperativnih rečenica u hrvatskoglagoljskim neliturgijskim zbornicima. Zbog težnje da se analizom obuhvate kodeksi ispisani jezikom u kojem se miješaju hrvatski crkvenoslavenski i hrvatski jezik (pretežno) čakavskih obilježja korpus na kojem je provedeno istraživanje ograničen je na neliturgijske zbornike nastale od kraja 14. do početka 17. stoljeća. Analizira se strukturiranost imperativnih rečenica, položaj pravih i zamjenskih imperativa u rečeničnoj strukturi, odnosi na lijevome rečeničnom rubu, imperativni subjekti, negirane imperativne konstrukcije i umetanje pravih imperativa. U analizi se polazi od pretpostavke da je direktivna snaga u imperativnim rečenicama kodirana u specijaliziranome elementu koji se nalazi na položaju glave Force0 . Dokazuje se da je u jeziku neliturgijskih zbornika njezino aktiviranje rezultat dalekometnoga odnosa sročnosti između imperativnih glagola i imperativnoga operatora koji se nalazi na tome položaju. Na tragu modalnih pristupa imperativima pretpostavlja se da je u imperativnim rečenicama na položaju glave Fin0 kodirano modalno obilježje te da ono (upareno s EPP-obilježjem) na taj položaj privlači prave imperative i modalne čestica da i neka u zamjenskim imperativima. Na temelju činjenice da su u zbornicima kao imperativni subjekti potvrđene skupine s obilježjima prvoga i (osobito) trećega lica odbacuje se uvriježena tvrdnja u generativnoj literaturi da je imperativnim rečenicama usmjerenost na adresata inherentna. Kompatibilnost pravih imperativa i negativnoga obilježivača povezuje se s klitičkim karakterom potonjega. Pokazuje se da u negiranju pravih imperativa u jeziku neliturgijskih zbornika nema vidskih ograničenja kakva postoje u većini suvremenih slavenskih jezika. Među analiziranim zbornicima nisu uočene apsolutne razlike u pogledu sintaktičkih osobitosti imperativnih rečenica. Uočava se ipak da su zamjenski imperativi s česticom neka češće nego drugdje potvrđeni u tekstovima u čijem je jeziku crkvenoslavenska sastavnica marginalno zastupljena te da je umetanje pravih imperativa, inače svojstveno nekim suvremenim kajkavskim govorima, najčešće zabilježeno u neliturgijskim zbornicima nastalim na kontaktnome čakavsko-kajkavskome području. In this dissertation, syntactic features of imperative clauses in Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies are described within the Minimalist (Chomsky 1993, 1995, 2000, 2001, 2008) and Cartographic framework (Cinque i Rizzi 2010; Rizzi 1997, 2013a, 2013b; Rizzi i Cinque 2016, Shlonsky 2010), two contemporary descendants of the Principles and Parameters theory. Since the aim to analyze the codices written in the so-called Čakavian-Church Slavonic amalgam – i.e. the idiom in which the Croatian Church Slavonic and Croatian (Čakavian) elements are mixed in different proportions, depending on different factors (e.g. the education and the attitude of the writer, the nature of the text, the age of the codex, the type of the template from which the text was transcribed etc.) – the corpus on which the research is conducted is limited to the non-liturgical miscellanies written from the end of the 14th to the beginning of the 17th century. The following problems are analyzed: structure of imperative clauses, position of true and suppletive imperatives in the clause structure, left periphery of imperative clauses, imperative subjects, negated imperative constructions and embedding of true imperatives. As in other languages, the imperative forms in the language of Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies can be divided into true and suppletive ones. True imperatives are attested in all three persons of all three numbers (singular, dual, plural), with second and third person forms being formally identical in all three numbers. Among the suppletive imperatives, periphrases 'da + present' are most frequently attested. Periphrases 'neka + present' are less frequent in the corpus and their realization in the texts is a result of the influence of Croatian (Čakavian) organic idioms. Both periphrases with the particle da and the periphrases with the particle neka are by far the most frequently attested in the third person, while they are much less frequent in the first and (especially) second person. Infinitives and perfective present forms used imperatively are marginally attested in the corpus. They occur almost exclusively in the contexts in which their use was motivated by the (Greek and/or Latin) templates. The starting assumption in the syntactic analyses is that the sentential force is encoded in the specialized element, which, according to Rizzi’s (1997) model of split CP-domain, is located in Force0 . It is shown that in the language of Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies the sentential force is not activated by the movement of true or suppletive imperatives to Force0 , but arises from the Long-Distance Agreement between imperative verbs and the directive/imperative operator located in that position (cf. Cormany 2013). Based on the fact that imperative verbs in non-liturgical miscellanies are attested in various non-directive uses (e.g. in greetings, in conditional, final, consecutive, concessive clauses etc.), this work rejects the very common claim in the generative literature that imperative morphology (or some other abstract feature connected with imperatives) and directivity are encoded in the same position in the clause structure (cf. Medeiros 2015). Drawing on the modal approaches to imperatives (cf. Kaufmann 2012; Isac 2015), it is assumed that the (uninterpretable) modal feature is encoded in the lowest head (Fin0 ) in the split CP-domain of imperative clauses (cf. Roussou 2000) and that (paired with the so called EPP-feature) it attracts true imperatives (which enter the derivation with interpretable modal feature) and/or modal particles da and neka of suppletive imperatives. It is shown that focalized, topicalized, and left-dislocated constituents can appear in the left periphery of the imperative clauses in the language of the Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies. The latter can be associated with three different phenomena: Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD), Hanging Topic Left Dislocation (HTLD) and Contrastive Left Dislocation (CLD). In CLLD, the dislocated constituent is resumed with the clitic resumptive element, while in HTLD and CLD the resumptive element has a tonic nature. It is assumed that the dislocated constituents are situated in the specifier position of the LDP projection (Miškeljin 2016), located between TopP and ForceP in the left periphery (CP-domain). On the basis of the criterion of case agreement between the dislocated and resumptive elements and the possibility of reconstruction effects, it is assumed that CLD is derived by movement of the left-dislocated constituent from the clause-internal position to SpecLDP (with the resumptive element as a lexicalized lower copy of the moved constituent), while in CLLD and HTLD the left-dislocated constituents are base-generated in that position. It is argued that topicalized and focalized constituents are placed in the specifier positions of TopP (which is recursive) and FocP, respectively, and that their realization in these positions results from movement from the clauseinternal position. It is shown that the vocative expressions can not be analyzed as subjects of imperative clauses (with the 2nd person verb). Several facts show that the vocative analysis is not on the right track: (i) vocative expressions can occur simultaneously with the prototypical syntactic subjects of imperative clauses with the 2nd person verb; (ii) vocative expressions can not host clitics, while prototypical syntactic subjects can; (iii) in imperative clauses anaphors (as elements which have to be anteceded in their syntactic domain, i.e. in the clause in which they occur) can occur independently of the existence of vocative expressions. The fact that NPs with inherent first and (especially) third person features are attested as imperative subjects in nonliturgical miscellanies confirms the validity of Medeiros's (2013: 105) claim that, contrary to the usual opinion in the generative literature, "addressee-orientation should not be considered a property inherent to imperatives, but rather (...) a language-specific, morpho-syntactic property of imperatives". The attestation of imperative subjects in all three persons is explained by the assumption that the imperative T0 in the language of Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies is endowed with φ-features inherited from the CP-domain (cf. Medeiros 2015). Hence, imperative subjects can Case- and φ-Agree with T0 and are not forced to do that with another head which contains interpretable second person feature, as is usually assumed in languages which permit only second person imperative subjects (cf. Bennis 2007; Zanuttini 2008; Medeiros 2015; Isac 2015 etc.). Since syntactic subjects are well-attested in the postverbal position (not only in imperative clauses), it is assumed that the subject gets the Case feature in situ, i.e. by Long-Distance Agreement with T0 from the position in which it enters the derivation (SpecvP), and that its movement to higher positions results from discoursepragmatic reasons. It is argued that the negative marker in the language of Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies (as in other Slavic languages) is a clitic and its compatibility with true imperatives is explained by virtue of this. The clitic status of the negative marker is supported by the fact that other clitics cannot occur between the negative marker and the verb and the possibility of the negative marker and the verb moving together in the clause structure (e.g. in yes/noquestions). Following the analyses proposed in Bošković (2002) and Isac (2015), it is assumed that the negative marker merges in SpecNegP and is left-adjoined to the verb after it moves to the position from which it c-commands the negation. Periphrastic negated imperatives are not particularly frequent in the corpus. Among the attested examples, those with the verb hotěti are most frequent. Periphrases with the verb moći are attested very rarely, while there is only one example with the verb brěći. Periphrases with the verb směti, represent a novelty in terms of the situation in the Croatian Church Slavonic liturgical codices, and these are mostly attested in the Rule of Saint Benedict (Regula svetoga Benedikta). Departure from the situation attested in the liturgical codices is also manifested in the fact that periphrastic negated imperatives in non-liturgical miscellanies occur beyond the second person and independently of the Latin periphrases ‘noli/nolite + infinitive’. It is shown that there are no aspectual constraints in the negated imperative constructions in the non-liturgical miscellanies (which exists in most contemporary Slavic languages), i.e. that negative imperatives are possible with both imperfective and perfective verbs. In the non-liturgical miscellanies, true imperatives can occur in complement clauses and nonrestrictive relative clauses. According to Cinque's (2013) criteria, nonrestrictives with true imperatives show typical properties of the nonintegrated type of nonrestrictive relative clauses. They are illocutionary independent, they don't have to be adjacent to their external head, their internal head can be retained, they don't necessarily take nominal antecedents etc. It is argued that the true imperatives in complement contexts can be analyzed as cases of proper syntactic embedding, i.e. that their realization in syntactically dependent clauses cannot (always) be analyzed as (semi-)direct speech. In the examples in which true imperatives with second person features are attested in complement clauses, actual context and reported context always agree in all relevant parameters (speaker, addressee, tense), which suggests that the embedding in these examples is semantically vacuous (Kaufmann 2012). The absolute differences regarding syntactic features of imperative clauses are not found among the analyzed non-liturgical miscellanies. However, it is noteworthy that suppletive imperatives with the particle neka are mostly attested in texts in which the Church Slavonic component is marginally present (or completely absent) and that the embedding of true imperatives, otherwise typical of some modern Kajkavian local dialects, is most frequently attested in the non-liturgical miscellanies written in the area of the Čakavian-Kajkavian contact – the Vinodol miscellany (Vinodolski zbornik), the Petris’ miscellany (Petrisov zbornik) and the Tkon miscellany (Tkonski zbornik).

This paper serves as an introduction to Optimality Theory and to the principles of its application to phonology. Optimality Theory (OT) is a formal theory of language, based on the interaction of universal, violable and ranked constraints. The core idea of Optimality Theory is that the surface language forms are the product of the resolution of the conflicting demands that are forced upon them by two types of constraints: faithfulness constraints that command the output form to be as similar to the input form as possible and markedness constraints which demand that the output forms be in agreement with the universal principles of simplicity and unmarkedness. The language form that best meets these conflicting requirements is the optimal candidate. The paper introduces four areas of significance. First, Optimality Theory is related to the earlier generative models of phonology, especially pointing out certain prominent phonological problems, such as the Duplication Problem and conspiracies, which have brought the traditional derivational honology into question and which consequently led to the founding of constraint-based phonological models such as OT. In the second part, the architecture of the OT grammars is explained and certain central ideas like optimality, constraints, evaluations and markedness are defined. Third, the main principles of Optimality Theory are applied on a wide variety of segmental processes such as assimilations, deletions, epenthesis etc. In the fourth part, suprasegmental processes like rhythm-induced vowel syncope and various tone alternations are described within the OT framework. Since Optimality Theory has been the dominant descriptive model in international phonology for the last two decades, the aim of this paper is to bring it one step closer to contemporary Croatian linguistics.

Ovaj članak uvod je u optimalnosnu teoriju i u načela njezine primjene u fonologiji. Optimalnosna teorija (OT) naziv je za teoriju jezika koja se zasniva na interakciji univerzalnih, prekršivih i rangiranih jezičnih ograničenja. Osnovna je ideja optimalnosne teorije da su površinski jezični oblici rezultat razrješavanja konfliktnih zahtjeva kojeim nameću dvije vrste ograničenja: ograničenja vjernosti koja zahtijevaju da površinski oblici budu što sličniji temeljnima te ograničenja obilježenosti koja zahtijevaju da površinski oblici budu što jednostavniji, prirodniji, prototipniji, odnosno što manje obilježeni. Jezični je oblik koji najbolje zadovoljava takva konfliktna ograničenja optimalan. U radu se prikazuju četiri područja. Prvo, optimalnosnu teoriju dovodi se u relaciju s ranijim generativnim modelima te se ističu određeni značajni fonološki problemi, kao što su duplikacija i urote, koji su doveli do preispitivanja derivacijske generativne fonologije i do osnutka fonologije zasnovane na ograničenjima. Drugo, obrazlaže se ustroj gramatike u optimalnosnoj teoriji i definiraju se ključni OT pojmovi kao što su optimalnost, ograničenja, evaluacija i obilježenost. Treće, načela OT gramatike primjenjuju se na raznolik skup segmentnih fonoloških alternacija kao što su jednačenja, ispadanja i umetanja. Četvrto, razmatraju se suprasegmentni procesi kao što su tonske alternacije i sinkope uzrokovane ritmom i prikazuje se njihova analiza u sklopu optimalnosne teorije. Optimalnosna teorija posljednjih je dvadesetak godina dominantan deskriptivni model u svjetskoj fonologiji, a ovim ju radom nastojimo približiti i hrvatskomu jezikoslovlju., This paper serves as an introduction to Optimality Theory and to the principles of its application to phonology. Optimality Theory (OT) is a formal theory of language, based on the interaction of universal, violable and ranked constraints. The core idea of Optimality Theory is that the surface language forms are a product of the resolution of the conflicting demands that are forced upon them by two types of constraints: faithfulness constraints that command the output form to be as similar to the input form as possible and markedness constraints which demand that the output forms be in agreement with the universal principles of simplicity and unmarkedness. The language form that best meets these conflicting requirements is the optimal candidate. The paper introduces four areas of significance. First, Otimality Theory is related to the earlier generative models of phonology, especially pointing out certain prominent phonological problems, such as the Duplication Problem and conspiracies, which have brought the traditional derivational phonology into question and which consequently led to the founding of constraintbased phonological models such as OT. In the second part, the architecture of the OT grammars is explained and certain central ideas like optimality, constraints, evaluations and markedness are defined. Third, the main principles of Optimality Theory are applied on a wide variety of segmental processes such as assimilations, deletions, epenthesis etc. In the fourth part, suprasegmental processes like rhythminduced vowel syncope and various tone alternations are described within the OT framework. Since Optimality Theory has been the dominant descriptive model in international phonology for the last two decades, the aim of this paper is to bring it one step closer to contemporary Croatian linguistics.