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The paper continues previous research of media and communication discipline in Croatia and presents part of the results from the first Croatian case study on the international scientific research project MEDIADELCOM. We analyze scientific and professional production in the last two decades (2000- 2020) and provide an overview of texts that thematically cover four conceptual domains of the media system – Legal framework for freedom of expression and information, Journalism, Media usage patterns and Media related competences of the audience – which create opportunities or risks for the realization of deliberative communication, i.e. deliberative democracy. The analysis sample consists of some 500 scientific, professional and conference papers, chapters in books and conference proceedings, research reports, etc., collected from various national and international databases. The analysis indicates the unevenness of interest in certain domains and research topics, as well as the change of research focuses and methods in certain decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

he article focuses on social democracy in Croatia and on electoral demand in the context of the general crisis and declining political support for social democracy. The paper seeks to contribute to the understanding of the state of social democracy in Croatia, by examining the relationship between voter ideological self-identification and party preferences regarding social democracy and voting for the SDP. The analysis uses data obtained through field surveys from 1999 to 2020, to identify factors that influence social democratic voters to vote for the party that represents this political ideology – the SDP. The paper tests a generalized linear mixed model in which survey years are treated as random effects. Self-identification on the left-right scale, as well as the attitude on abortion are found to be significant factors explaining why some social democrats vote for the SDP and others do not, with SDP voters leaning towards more left-wing positions and being more likely to support a woman’s free choice on abortion when compared to other social democratic voters. The random effect of survey years has shown low variability, but the amplification of the impact of the fixed effects is evident for 2003 and 2012, where we can see fragmentation and consolidation, respectively, of social democratic voter support for SDP. The model points to the importance of ideological self-identification for voter orientation even among voters from the same ideological camp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last few years, we are witnessing a resurgence of populist radical rightwing parties all over Europe as well as in Croatia. In the 2020 parliamentary elections in Croatia, populist radical right parties achieved the best overall result since the Croatian independence. However, in Croatian scientific bibliography there are very few studies regarding that topic. The aim of the paper is to examine the geography of support for the Homeland Movement, the strongest populist radical right party in Croatia. The research is based on the comparison between the results of four statistical methods (OLS, LISA, GWR, MGWR). Results have shown limitations of global models and benefits of employing multiscale and geographically weighted models. Analysis points to COVID-19 vaccination rate followed by religiosity as the most vital factors explaining the voting for the Homeland Movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper provides an overview of the contribution of Croatian researchers, primarily scientists and associates from the Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Zagreb, to research and teaching of political communication, political marketing and public relations in Croatia. All three disciplines belong to the field of strategic communication, which refers to a purposeful use of communication by individuals, organizations, institutions or states aimed at achieving their strategic goals. The paper shows how Croatia, despite its belated enrolment in the market communication, quickly caught up with international research and academic trends in the field. The role of the Faculty in this process was the one of a pioneer and a leader. Researchers from the Faculty, as well as other Croatian scientists, have been contributing to the conceptualization and comparative analyses of contemporary election campaigns, as well as to the research of the phenomena of Americanization, personalization, packaging of politics, populism, celebrity populism, disinformation, e-democracy, cyber politics and others. In the field of public relations, particularly noteworthy are contributions related to image, identity and nation branding, crisis communication, strategic communication in tourism and evaluation in public relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of the paper is to provide a chronological overview of the development and history of the study of journalism at the Faculty of Political Science from its foundation in 1970 to the present day. Four key periods are identified in the paper, i.e.: 1) the one-year and two-year study period; 2) the four-year study period; 3) the period of implementation of practical work in journalism studies; 4) the period of implementation of the Bologna reform. The paper relies on records, published texts and transcripts of conversations with professors of political science and journalism who, in various ways, participated in the development of this study at the Faculty of Political Sciences, which now spans more than 50 years. The main part of the work is focused on recording the facts that were relevant for upgrading the study of journalism and what the study is today in the Croatian context. This paper confirms that the only constant in the development of the study of journalism is the constant re-examination of the conception and reform thereof as extensively as possible. Digital technology requires quick response, knowledge and skills, but the concern for fair access to the journalism profession has remained the same throughout the decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the paper, the authors analyse the institutionalization of the discipline of international relations and security studies at the Faculty of Political Sciences, guided by the criteria of stability, identity and autonomy, which are tested through specific indicators of their manifestation. In doing so, the emphasis is on the development during the last thirty years, with a brief review of the earlier periods when international relations were primarily incorporated as one of the constitutive disciplines at the then new university institution, which emancipated political science in relation to the other, older scientific fields which it is rooted in. In addition, in order to gain insight into the parallel development of international relations and security studies since the mid-twentieth century, the paper examines the possible emancipation of security studies as a separate scientific discipline and tries to answer the question of whether it is possible or useful to separate them, considering the intertwining and overlapping of the conceptual-categorical apparatus, theories and phenomena they investigate. In particular, the development of the discipline of international relations and security studies in Croatia is compared with neighbouring countries (Serbia and Slovenia), which leads to conclusions about the relationship between security studies and international relations. The paper argues that international relations and security studies, which have been developing more intensely since the second half of the 1990s in terms of scientific production and curricula, represent a strongly institutionalized discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to present and analyze public policy research in the context of the development of Croatian political science, while also probing the relationship between public policy research within political science and its application through other sciences and interdisciplinary areas in Croatia. After the introduction, in the first part of the paper, the concept of public policy is delineated and the development of the theoretical discourse that was formed around public policies as a rational system of state intervention in society that strives for good governance is presented. In the second part, the context-specific development of public policy research within the framework of Croatian political science is analyzed and interpreted. In the third part, this development is linked to the examples of policy relevant research and teaching in other academic institutional foci and discourses that deal with public policies. In the conclusion, the current state of public policy research is evaluated and possible future directions of research development and academic influence on public policy making are outlined within and across the borders of political science. Our thesis – or, more precisely, a value-driven projection – is that in front of public policy as a theoretically and methodologically constituted subject of research and the political science sub-discipline, stronger interdisciplinary cooperation outside the framework of political science asserts itself as a major practical challenge ahead in the joint task of solving relevant public problems in the political community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper offers a historical overview of the development of the study of Croatian politics at the Faculty of Political Science. The pre-democratic period was marked by relatively unfavorable conditions for the study of national politics, due both to the dominant conception of the curriculum that denied the independence of political science, as well as the political and social context. Yet, already in the 1960s and 1970s, first studies dealing with voter behavior and the functioning of representative bodies were conducted. The multiple transition in late 1980s and early 1990s introduced new topics and led to the emancipation of national political science. After 2000, the study of Croatian politics experienced new diversity in method and scope. Recently, there has been a significant increase in papers published in top international journals, leading to greater visibility and internationalization of the study of Croatian politics, but also of Croatian political science in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to give an overview of the development of journalism ethics in Croatia. By analyzing the literature on the history of journalism in Croatia and using two research methods, four key periods of the development of interest in journalism ethics have been identified: 1) the emergence of the first informative newspapers and the beginnings of professionalization of journalism in the 1910s; 2) the adoption of the first code of journalists, the establishment of the first successful school for journalists and the beginnings of university education for journalists in the mid-1960s and the early 1970s; 3) the emergence of scientific interest in journalism ethics in the second half of the 1990s and the launch of the first university course on journalism ethics; 4) a period of heightened interest expressed through the proliferation of papers on journalism ethics within the scientific community in Croatia from the mid-2000s.31 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Different ideological positions determine models or policies aimed at regulating prostitution, respectively persons who engage in prostitution, organize prostitution or seek services in that domain of social life. In this paper, we present the views of relevant experts on prostitution policies in the Republic of Croatia. The conclusions of the paper are based on a qualitative research conducted in semi-structured interviews on a sample of 15 experts from different fields (ministries, government offices, independent state bodies, parliamentary committees and civil society organizations) in whose scope of regulation is the phenomenon of prostitution or related problems. Interviewees most often place prostitution either in the discourse of violence and exploitation or sexual labor. Most experts advocate a change in the model of regulation of prostitution, and among the most frequently mentioned European models, which the Croatian model could be modeled on, are the Swedish model of criminalization of clients, the decriminalization model and the model of legalization. It is noticeable that civil society professionals who devise harm reduction programs and work with people who sell sexual services are more likely to opt for liberal models of regulating prostitution. All experts emphasize the importance of adopting policies that would make it easier to get out of prostitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020 led to an unprecedented crisis of global proportions that led to the blockade of vital components of social action on a scale that threatened international and national security. The pandemic has demonstrated the potential to evolve and generate a wider range of threats and has opened up essential questions of understanding the security and security organization of states. It is a threat to which, although recognized in most strategic security documents, the response of national and international security systems has not been successfully defined within the still dominant understanding of security based on traditional security studies. It has been shown that security systems are still determined by a traditional concept that does not fully identify the causes of threats and crises and their correlations, which increases uncertainty and negatively affects the normative and institutional capacity needed to respond effectively to crises. The paper is based on the hypothesis that the COVID-19 pandemic has prompted a security paradigm shift that challenges the scientific community and policy-makers to define new approaches and new methods of researching security phenomena and strategic modelling of security systems and crisis management nationally and globally. The paper will therefore analyse the impact of the crisis triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic on understanding security through an analysis of the threats it has generated and defining the correlation between theoretical knowledge and practical crisis management experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collective cultural memory is built on important, often traumatic, historical moments, which are reconstructed in the consciousness of the people by sacralization, transmitted by oral tradition, and maintained by the creation of narratives that consequently become a formative, integrative, and mobilizing factor of collective identity. Strongholds of memory and symbols of collective identity provide permanence and stability to the community in the examples of both Japan and Kosovo*. Although the context of the study of memory is different in the two case studies, the authors find the point of convergence of two seemingly incompatible examples, Japan and Kosovo, in the memory of traumatic events and suffering of both nations through the prism of the culture of memory as a reference theoretical model. Seen through the lenses of social constructivism, the paper aims to answer the question of whether the memory of the nuclear attack tends to change and simplify the Japanese identity, and to explore the potential for the creation of a national myth based on the motives of suffering and sacrifice, as is the case with the Kosovo myth. Also, the research intention is reflected in the determination of the significance, but also the (mis)use of the Kosovo myth in the historical positioning of the Serbian people, both in the construction of our identity and in the creation of distinction in relation to Others. Ontological security, as a learned relationship with Others through the culture of remembering common (in)glorious moments, builds on the existing findings of the general theory of culture by answering the question of why the existence of collective identities through the culture of memory is a topical security issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work examines the relationship between Kant’s notion of freedom and the legal duty to leave the state of nature and enter the civil state in his theory of law and politics. As opposed to ethical duties, the fulfilment of legal duties can be forced upon a person. Coercion is important in the context of this paper because, according to Kant, right is always connected with an authorization to use coercion. The right of intelligible possession as an acquired right already existing in the state of nature is the basis of the legal duty to leave the state of nature and enter the civil state. The right of intelligible possession, which refers to the possession of external objects, or possession independent of the empirical conditions, implies the duty of all others to refrain from using the objects we first possess, but also the moral authorization of coercion over those who refuse to do so. However, since in the state of nature there is no public authority which enforces the law through general laws, coercion is arbitrary and depends on particular interpretations of legal situations. The arbitrariness of coercion implies the possibility that the freedom of the individual, which is externally manifested through the right of intelligible possession, will be endangered. For this reason, others can be forced to enter the civil state with me, submitting to the public authority under the same conditions. The public authority makes rights of possession explicit and secures them, and is thus a necessary condition for the fullness of human freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the results of empirical research that examined the forms of support and participation of Croatian high school students in the “School Strike for Climate Croatia” climate strikes, as well as some individual and contextual determinants of their attitudes and participation. The research was conducted using the online survey method in 2020 and 2021 on a convenient sample of final years of Croatian high school students (N=534). The results show that about 8% of the students were in some way actively connected with the strikes. Using the analysis of the main components, three types of student attitudes towards the protest and the protesters were determined: “protesters fighting for environmental protection”, “protesters as universal activists” and “supportive protesters”. In addition, multivariate analysis tested the effect of socio-demographic characteristics together with the constructs of perception of collective efficacy, environmental concern, ecological worldview, and attitudes about Greta Thunberg as the initiator of the global Fridays for Future movement on established attitudinal structures. The determinants involved were shown to be statistically significant predictors, although not in the same way for each of the three attitudinal dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparative politics in Croatia has had two phases of development: initial development and institutionalization. Since its establishment in 1962, the Faculty of Political Sciences in Zagreb has been the main scientific and higher education institution for political science in Croatia, and the development and institutionalization of comparative politics in Croatian political science were primarily carried out there. In the first four decades of the Faculty’s existence, there were sporadic researches and publications of scientific papers on foreign policies, and we consider that period as the phase of the initial development of comparative politics. The establishment of the Department of Comparative Politics at the Faculty in 2004 marked the beginning of the systematic work on further development of comparative politics through scientific research and teaching of this subdiscipline in the study program of political science. This enabled the institutionalization of the subdiscipline, and we analyse it using Gabriela Ilonszki’s theoretical concept with five institutionalization properties: identity, autonomy, reproduction, legitimacy and stability. Based on this analysis, we make conclusions about the state of comparative politics at the Faculty of Political Science in Zagreb in 2022, 60 years after the establishment of the Faculty and 18 years after the establishment of the Department. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the second half of the twentieth century policy scholars are increasingly devoting their attention to the transference of policy from one political jurisdiction to another. Concepts such as policy diffusion, convergence and transfer are being used to elucidate the modern-day policy process. Policy transfer, the youngest of these approaches, has been gaining momentum from the second half of the nineties and has grown into a respectable, widely cited and used research frame. This article is a historical account of policy transfer research. In addition to examining the evolution of similar approaches (diffusion, convergence, and transfer), the original systematization and demarcation of different studies is offered. The paper concludes with the insight that policy transfer studies are distinctive in relation to convergence and diffusion studies. They are characterized by an analytical focus on processes, on understanding of policy actors' actions, on qualitative methodology, and using small samples. The paper concludes that policy transfer studies are an excellent heuristic tool because they enable a multidimensional research of the policy process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of nationality in the Balkans, especially in the South-Slavic territory, has always been burdensome and it has historical, legal, and political connotations. After the bloody breakup of the former Yugoslavia, the question of Montenegrins’ national identity and their relationship with Serbia and the Serbs has intensified over the past twenty years. The relationship between these two nations became strained on the eve of the First World War and this culminated in 1918, when Belgrade, with the help of Montenegrin Serbs, annexed the internationally recognized Kingdom of Montenegro. Since then, the branch declaring itself to be Serb in the national sense remains strong among the Montenegrins. However, the Montenegrin population voted for independence in the referendum held in 2006. Since then, there have been two views on national and state history, culture, and identity of the smallest postYugoslav republic. Fifteen years after the restoration of statehood (21 May 2021), the population is as divided as it was at the time of independence. In this paper, we place special emphasis on the 1918 Podgorica Assembly, which is the starting point of Serbian-Montenegrin disputes regarding nationality and statehood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to clarify the modalities and degree to which advisory bodies, exemplified by The European Economic and Social Committee (EESC), are capable of contributing to European Union (EU) governance processes and legitimacy-building in a meaningful manner. Besides acknowledging their contribution via provision of information and technical expertise, serious inquiries into the mechanisms through which EU advisory bodies operate are scarce. In that sense, this paper strives to elucidate the added value of the EESC. The author applies discursive institutionalism and legitimacy taxonomies to explain the functional development and character of the EESC. The paper concludes that the EESC seems to have focused to a lesser extent on influencing EU legislative initiative (dominantly on the public policy items in which the EESC disposes of the highest specific expertise, and administrative/ ideational capacities), and more on promoting itself as the bridgehead of organised civil society in the EU. It does so through its deliberative working methods and by detecting topical niches through which the EESC specializes in building civil society, mediating between civil society organisations (CSOs) and the EU, and nurturing decent relationships with CSOs on Member State, candidate country and third country levels. Finally, a novel window of opportunity has opened for the EESC to transmit the voice of civil society to the EU level and to influence EU socio-economic governance, namely through the procedures of the so-called European Semester. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at defining the concept of “geopolitical space of the geopolitics of the Sea” and it analyses the way it is constructed. Given that the notion of geopolitical space in the general sense has been largely neglected in contemporary geopolitical theory, this is not a simple task. The paper deals with a physical space of the World Sea and utilizes the theory of modern human geography in which space is understood as a product of human activity. We argue that there is a significant connection between geopolitics of the Sea and the academic discipline of the International Law of the Sea. This link is taken as the basis for the discussion regarding geopolitical space, which encompasses three teleological elements: the fulfilment of the paper's main objective; the argument regarding the connection of Geopolitics of the Sea with the International Law; and, finally, presenting the political science context of the codification of the modern International Law of the Sea. By using earlier studies, the paper analyses the geopolitical space through ideas of construction within dichotomy, as well as through the process of establishing a community within the international framework. The paper also offers our own theory according to which the geopolitical space is the space of manifestation of geopolitical phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an application of the explanatory model aimed at formulation and institutional development in the field of the Croatian upper secondary vocational education. Data was collected via 17 in-depth semi-structured interviews with informants directly involved in formulating relevant policy documents from the independence onwards. Informants were affiliated with competent central state entities, counties, employers’ associations, trade unions and relevant international organizations. The overall thesis that central state actors hold the greatest positional power over key institutional features such as financing, learning content and standards of delivery, is but partially validated. Indeed, central state actors represent the most powerful group. However, dynamics are predominantly structured around workings of two relatively stable and competitive coalitions: “the educational” vs. “the economic”, with the affiliation of central state actors commonly split between these two coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the author deals with the punctuated equilibrium theory and its operationalization. The punctuated equilibrium theory describes the policy- making process in terms of long periods of policy stability and its radical change that occurs suddenly. Given the complexity and upgrading of the theory, in this paper the author seeks to operationalize it in the form of key terms and their indicators. Accordingly, in the first part of the paper the author dissects theory into many key terms, which he defines and sets them in the context of theory. After that, in the second part of the paper, the author examines how terms arising from operationalization have been so far integrated into the research of the punctuated equilibrium theory. Based on results and discussion, in the end the author displays the potential indicators of key terms following the principle of methodological pluralism. He conludes that this operationalization gives an innovative look at theory, but also in terms of researching punctuated equilibrium in public policies which has been predominantly quantitative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to demonstrate the significance and relevance of the poststructural gaze towards the economy by both tracing the conceptual commonplaces of this approach as well as practicing this theoretical position in the concrete analysis of indebtedness of the financial system. A brief and localized, but nonetheless significant tradition of the poststructural problematizing of the category of economy is here presented through three key disciplines: governmentality studies, economic sociology and international political economy. After portraying the contributions and limitations of those disciplines, the second part of the paper analyzes the apparatus of standardification and validification of credit risk within banks, namely the Basel Capital Accord and practices of securitisation. By offering a genealogy of those techniques, we interpret finance as a discursive space (re)articulated through an aggregate of normalized mechanisms and practices which collectively form a rationality of governance. In this way, we point out the importance of performative, symbolic, relational, decentered and contingent moments in the critical conception of (financial) economy, as well as show that the critique of economy does not necessarily have to be organized and conducted through the capital - class - ideology matrix. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of this paper is the analysis of conceptual narrative frames behind the news. The paper is theoretically based on the assumptions of text linguistics and cognitive linguistics with the reference to the achievement of the informative language function that should be predominant in media messages. Yet, journalists do not only mediate information or their own attitudes shaped by rational and analytical discourse, but mediate conceptual narrative frames as well. The paper presents the analysis of the usage of conceptual narrative frame of Bonnie and Clyde in Croatian and German newspapers when crimes with man and woman involved are reported. The given narrative’s conceptual frame is analysed by using the qualitative content analysis of the randomly chosen newspaper article. The results indicate that all the texts which use the narrative of Bonnie and Clyde share only one common concept, and that is the participation of a man and a woman in a certain activity, independent of whether it is the text which contains the elements of historical facts of this narrative or the respective mythical narrative is deconstructed in the text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper consists of two parts. The first part deals with the term “Geopolitics of the Sea” and it relies on relevant literature written by authors prominent in the field of geopolitical theories. The term is therefore introduced and defined in order to enhance its theoretical and disciplinary credibility. Interlinked with the essence of that discussion, this part further addresses: phenomena, geographic scale, subjects, and the relation of Geopolitics of the Sea to concomitant disciplines. Special emphasis is placed on the contemporary meaning of the term, given that contemporary geopolitics is scientifically established and that the general significance of the Sea is increasingly pronounced. The second part of the paper is an experiment i n which - based on the findings presented in the first part, but also by introducing new theoretical notions - the Republic of Croatia is analysed as a subject of Geopolitics of the Sea. Maritime boundary disputes are recognised as the basic “cognitive pillar” of this country's Geopolitics of the Sea. Additionally, recent geopolitical activities are analysed by utilising the methodology of the “three-fold typology of geopolitical reasoning” from Critical Geopolitics. The paper also addresses Croatian geopolitical identity in relation to the Sea. Finally, the second part of the paper is focussed on Croatian identity as both EU and maritime country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paradoxical status of case studies in social sciences is particularly evident in comparative politics, where theoretical relevance of a case study method is repeatedly undermined despite the overwhelming amount of empirical research that employs it. For this reason, the paper explores under which conditions a single case study can be defined as a method of comparative politics, as well as its specific strengths and weaknesses for theory development in comparative politics. The first part of the paper tries to clarify definitional disputes which contribute to unjustifiable dismissals of case study as a comparative method. The second part examines in more detail the potential contribution of case studies in accomplishing the goals of comparative research. Arguments put forward in both parts of the paper point to positive evaluation of case study as a legitimate method of comparative politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes differences between consociational and centrifugal democracy. It offers a conceptual framework for the two models and compares them through the Swiss and Bosnian-Herzegovinian cases. For the first time, the concept of centrifugal democracy is attributed to the Bosnian-Herzegovinian model of democracy. This attribution is confirmed through an analysis of the historical institutional development, and of existing cleavages and conflicts among political elites. The development of Swiss consociational democracy is examined since 1848, while the development of Bosnian-Herzegovinian centrifugal democracy is assessed since 1878. The paper also considers “political correctives”, which stabilize and direct the work of political elites in Switzerland and Bosnia and Herzegovina. These comprise referenda and popular initiatives in the first case and international community in the second case. The paper concludes with an assessment of a possible process of transformation of Bosnian-Herzegovinian centrifugal democracy into consociational democracy, and provides examples of potential institutional innovations that would follow the Swiss model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reflections on political systems are necessarily based on some sort of model of political man - an individual who thinks, decides, discusses, and participates in politics. This paper offers a review of modern conceptions of political man structured in five models. The personality model highlights the importance of childhood experiences for political behavior and belief in adulthood; the sociological model highlights the importance of primary and interest groups; the sociopsychological model highlights the importance of party identification; the rational-economic model highlights the efficiency of thought and selfinterest; while the cognitive model highlights the citizens' mental capabilities. The main assumptions, methodology, and findings for each model are presented in the paper. Also, implications for democratic processes for each model are explained. The conclusion offers a critical survey of the current state of research on political man, as well as recommendations for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author is deconstructing the logics and the consequences of "structural adaptation" to the laws of the market and profit in Serbia from the 1960s until today. The paper consists of three systematic parts. The first one is a description of the period from 1965 to 1991. It is shown that the roots of capitalist restoration can be found in economical reforms undertaken within nominal socialism, which opened the way for a more free action of the market mechanisms. The second part of the paper is dedicated to the so-called "Milošević period" (1991 - 2001) during which, under the auspices of degenerated political capitalism and in a blocked context, the process of structural adaptation continues, in favour of the continuative nomenclature of the former collective owners, or the new class of lumpenbourgeoisie in formation. The third part is an analysis of the neoliberal period after the "democratic" changes in 2001 and the character of its own comprador political capitalism, which enters the final phase of the structural adaptation and redistribution of wealth towards the higher classes. Based on the results of the analysis, the author concludes that the process of a decade of destruction of Serbian society was conditioned by an agenda, i.e. it was conditioned by class interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses international response to the Croatian military operation Maslenica in January 1993. Based on media comments and reactions of key international mediators in the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, particularly the United Nations, France and Chairman of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, it seeks to answer the question of what the reaction was, how in reality it was in accordance with the proclaimed policies and how it fit into the overall international policy towards the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper is based on the documents of the United Nations, the analysis of several newspapers and reports of the Croatian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It situates behaviour of the main participants within the context of "carrots and sticks" strategy. The Maslenica operation had shown that international community would not prevent military interventions against the self-declared Republic of Srpska Krajina by Croatian forces. It thus announced what subsequently happened in 1995 with the decisive Operation Storm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author gives an overview of political sociology as a (sub)discipline of modern political science, with special reference to Croatia. The paper consists of three parts. In the first part the method and the development of modern political sociology is given by putting special emphasis on the eclectic nature of the (sub)discipline. The second part is dedicated to the bibliometric analysis with respect to the subject matter of political sociology of three journals relevant to political science in Croatia, namely Politička misao, Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva and Suvremene teme. The analysis results show an extremely small number of papers in the field of political sociology in all three journals, as well as the uneven distribution of topics within the subject of political sociology. The third and final part of the paper compares Croatian experiences in the field of political sociology with international trends and other political science (sub)disciplines. The author concludes that the Croatian political sociology is underdeveloped and inconsistent with the topics of political sociologies in other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its beginnings till the present day, Radovan Pavić has been the most frequent author in the area of Political Geography, Geopolitics and Geostrategy in Politička misao. Although he was not the only author in this area, his work left a strong influence on the development of Political Geography and Geopolitics at the Faculty of Political Science in Zagreb and on the development of the discipline in Croatia. Having in mind the quantitative extension of his work, this paper analyzes the contribution in Politička misao in the last fifty years (1964-2013). Besides quantitative analysis, the aim of this paper is content analysis on a geographical, thematic and theoretical basis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to expectations, the signing of the Central American peace accord and the democratization that followed failed to generate peace and security to the citizens of the Northern Triangle countries. Instead, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador were enveloped in a new wave of violence. Most criminal activities, insecurity and violence are caused by Drug Trafficking Organizations (DTO), which at the moment represent a greater threat to regional security than the wars led in the 1980s. They are the crucial violators of human rights, and state institutions in charge of implementing the law are too weak to successfully take them on. This paper portrays the activity of the Mexican drug cartels, the transportistas and members of the mara in the Northern Triangle countries. It emphasizes that high murder rates and insecurity have significant impact on the citizens' attitudes towards democratic efficiency, making them more prone to accepting repressive methods of fighting crime and insecurity, as well as undemocratic behavior and the approval of a military comeback into the political arena. The paper concludes that after a prolonged period of citizen dissatisfaction with the way democracy is working, an erosion of legitimacy might occur, which would, in turn, broaden the space for DTOs and their criminal activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Next to the Mediterranean region, Eastern Europe is set as one of the most important areas for the implementation of various EU policies. European Union enlargement policy, European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership are the most important instruments that ensure the construction of a democratic order in the European neighborhood. It is clear that the ultimate goal of EU policy towards its neighbors is to achieve security and stability. The aim of this paper is to point out that the European Union since the breakup of the Soviet Union, with various policies and instruments, is constantly present in the region of Eastern Europe. Emphasis is placed on measures and policies by which the European Union maintains its position in an attempt to stabilize the Eastern neighborhood. The paper will first define the region of Eastern Europe, and then provide a review of bilateral relations between the European Union and the Eastern European countries that participate in the Eastern Partnership (Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine). Analysis of bilateral relations tries to point out to what extent and in what way the European Union is present in the region of Eastern Europe and what are the main goals of the European Union in relation to the said countries. In the last part, the author gives the concluding remarks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper shows the development of consociational democracy in Lebanon from independence until today, and mutually intertwined internal and external factors that affected (and still affect) the Lebanese political system. The paper is divided into three sections. The first section is focused on the independence from France in 1943, and the establishment of the "First Republic". That same year, leading Lebanese Christian and Muslim politicians came to an unwritten understanding, a kind of Lebanese gentlemen's agreement, which later became known as the "National Pact". This agreement was not aimed at establishing the foundations of Lebanese confessional democracy, but despite that, it established the foundations for a political system, which regulates the interconfessional relations in Lebanon even today. The second section of the paper deals with the crises of 1952 and 1958, which tested the Lebanese state and society, and the Civil War of 1975-1989 that tore Lebanon apart. The 1989 Ta'if Accord officially ended the war and marked the beginning of the "Second Republic". The conclusion is a short discussion focused on the future of Lebanon, taking into consideration the current state of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper reports partial findings of a research project into Croatian ethnonationalism (Croatian: narodnjaštvo) as a religion (in the sense of a human invention of the sacred). The practical problems are as follows: ethnonationalism as a religion, which implies inter alia that an ethnic community (Croatian: narod) has the potential and/or capability to develop into, and ought to become, the substratum of a (nation-)state; consequences of ethnonationalism, which include the unattainability of ethnic democracy, ethnic economy and ethnic maturity; conditions of Croatian ethnonationalism, primarily the Catholic Church as a condition in 1961-71, and also before and after the period, especially since 1990. Theoretical problems, i.e. inadequacies in scholarly knowledge of the practical problems, include the following: firstly, Croatian Constitutional Court jurisprudence on ethnic and religious communities; secondly, systematic history of law and state in Croatia and Yugoslavia 1945-90; thirdly, transformation of both communism and catholicism into ethnonationalism; fourthly and fifthly, social structure and representation/agency. To attain the general goal of the research project, which is the use of reason in public affairs, the research is carried out within the theoretical and methodological framework of an integral theory of law and state which includes a modified Lasswell and McDougal's policy analysis expanded by historical institutionalism and critical theory. The subject-matter are the following features of Catholicism as an institutionalized religion, especially in Croatia 1961-71: (1) law, i.e. (1.1) sources of law; (1.2) internal law (organs, members, means); (1.3) external law (relations with the state and non-Catholics); (2) the Church and economy; (3) the Church and nation; (4) Catholicism on theory and practice. The hypotheses (which are ideal-types and as such cannot be either verified or falsified conclusively) are that ethnonationalism in Croatia is a consequence of, inter alia, the following beliefs maintained by the Catholic Church in Croatia in the 1960s and to a significant degree later on: 1. the only acceptable relationship between the Church and the state is the partnership of two legally equal public orders over the same subjects within which the Church has the exclusive power to regulate matrimonial and other family relations, and the power to control education in public schools; 2. peasant family is the basic organic human community; 3. the subjects to the ecclesiastical - originally feudal - power tied in fact to land make the ethnic community (Croatian: narod), which is united with the clergy into the Christian community (Croatian: kršćanski narod); 4. since fundamental truths are accessible by theology only, and practice is an application of theory, practical knowledge, especially on the appropriate relationship between the Church and the state, is valid only if in accord with Church teaching. The evidence presented in the paper supports to a significant degree the hypotheses. The research findings contribute to the solution of all the theoretical problems, providing major contributions to the second and the third: the most probable reason why the Catholic Church in Croatia was rather silent in the Yugoslav and Croatian Spring 1961-71 and quite vocal since the 1990 is the Croatian Church's allegiance in matters of Church and state more to the First than to the Second Vatican council (which abandoned the Church's "divine" right to be co-sovereign with the state, exposing the "right" as a human invention of the sacred); the Church's ethnonationalism, which facilitates the political partnership of the Church and the state and ensures the dominant position of the clergy within the Church, has coincided with the interest of Yugoslav communists to retain their might and power by a metamorphosis, with the Church's assistance honoured by a concordat, into Croatian ethnonationalists, who, as newly born capitalists, have appropriated the greater part of the former socialist property and continue appropriating the greater part of present public goods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The office of the High Commissioner on National Minorities, body of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, published at the end of 2008 a set of recommendations dealing with the rights of national minorities in inter-state relations. In this paper circumstances related to the origins of Bolzano/Bozen Recommendations are analysed, subsequently the paper presents the content of the Recommendations, and finally, the paper analyses to what extent the Recommendations have been reflected in minority-related legislation and policies of Croatia and several neighbouring countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a critical evaluation of the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia of November 8, 2006, and finds it an insufficient foundation of a democratic constitutional state. Based on Carl Schmitt's theory, the Serbian regime is defined as most similar to a total pluralist party-state (totaler pluralistischer Parteistaat). Still, there are large cracks in the regime resulting from the dialectics of opposed tendencies towards a pro-Kosovo commissarial dictatorship (aiming at the introduction of a state of emergency in order to defend Kosovo and Metohia) and a pro-European sovereign dictatorship (aiming at "European integrations", but not at the construction of a democratic constitutional state). In the final section, the paper points out the problems facing the Serbian political actors in the coming period should they strive towards constitutional consolidation of Serbia and towards making European integrations part of the task of constructing a democratic constitutional state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geopolitical evolution represents a permanent process. It is mostly influenced by the geopolitical condition, in which the geopolitical relations and processes are evolving. The understanding of geopolitical evolution is impossible without the critical review and even rejection of the dominant geopolitical visions. There are various theoretical perspectives that reject the dominant geopolitical visions and discourses as well as geopolitical practices of the political elites. Those theoretical perspectives are known as: critical geopolitics, anti-geopolitics, subaltern geopolitics, feminist geopolitics, radical geopolitics. There are also various comprehensions of relationship between these theoretical perspectives, although it is clear that each of them is overlapped with others, and all of them are overlapped with critical geopolitics, differing in the focus of study and the identification of new moments, and at the same time being similar by their deflection from the dominant geopolitical vision and practices, to which they react in different ways: by criticizing, by putting resistance or offering alternatives. In this paper, the research focus is mostly on anti-geopolitics, a radical geopolitical vision that puts into question the relations of exploitation and dominance. Anti-geopolitics also represents a theoretical perspective that poses the most serious challenge to the dominant ways of representing the World. The proponents of anti-geopolitics focus their research on the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles, as well as on the social movements and networks that offer a resistance to globalization and geo-economic logic that are advocated and practiced by the political-economic elites of states and multinational corporations and intergovernmental institutions, especially the financial ones. The paper also brings a brief review of the key aspects of other theoretical perspectives that represent a more or less radical deflection from the dominant geopolitical visions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the production of their own media material, the ethnic minorities assume responsibility for opposing the predominant media discourses of the majority culture, and fight for their own distinctiveness and (self)representation within the Croatian media sphere. The ethnic-minority media serve not only the purpose of preserving the socio-cultural values and special features of the minority identity, but also of providing information both to a particular community on the intra-ethnic level and to the majority of the Croatian society regarding the situation, the needs and the rights of the minorities themselves. Thus they represent and convey their interests to the general public. This paper aims to investigate how ethnic minorities are represented in the media and to what extent the ethnic-minority media are represented in the media arena of the Republic of Croatia. The author focuses especially on the city of Zagreb and the minorities which have organized ethnic-minority Councils there. An introductory discussion on the role and influence of the media is followed by an overview of the analysis of ways of reporting on ethnic minorities in the mainstream media of the majority, based on the results of research carried out so far. Furthermore, the paper includes a discussion on the minority media, comprising a tabular outline of print media and digital media (from the Internet domain) of the ethnic-minority communities in the Republic of Croatia. Finally, the author provides an analysis of such a state of affairs regarding the media, and some concluding remarks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the dilemmas regarding the nature of the European Union in contemporary political science and in the field of European Studies as a multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary field. The first part focuses on the evolution of the European Union from the original European Coal and Steel Community, via the European Economic Community, to its growth into a political union. The Maastricht Treaty, which lay the foundations of the European Union as a political union of its member states, instigated a debate on the actual nature of this supranational union as political construct. Consequently, the author analyses the various characteristics of the European Union, which is manifest in various forms, and asserts that it has some "state- -like features" and some "organisation-like features", which are characteristic of international organizations. In the approach to the European Union as a supra-state community, some essential traits of both federation and confederation are simultaneously manifest, corresponding to two tendencies in the development of the European Union as a super-state. Moreover, there is the conception of the European Union as an empire. Finally, this paper specifies the tasks of present-day political science and the need to find a new heuristic instrument, which, according to the author, can be found in the conception of the political system that was introduced in political science (comparative politics) by Gabriel Almond and David Easton. Such an approach, which is nowadays further developed by Jean-Pierre Quermonne, Wolfgang Wessels and Simon Hix, is additionally strengthened by the fact that various models of democratic practice are being incorporated in the European Union in opposition to the basic, legitimacy-related democratic deficit, models which confirm the possible conclusion regarding a European Union as a complex community with many faces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows the theoretical framework and the review of empirical evidence of the effect that corruption has on the socio-economic development. The main goals of this paper are: to present the possible origins of corruption, and to analyze the existing models to eliminate or at least to reduce corruption in the society. In the paper, it is argued that anticorruption models should also include the strategy for the development of the institutional infrastructure that will change the perception of the members of the society about corruption as an unacceptable model of behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How is law as both a set of standards of conduct and a way of reasoning related to politics, economy and culture? The approach to the problem taken in the paper is practical and instrumental rather than theoretical for its own; sake. The aim is to appraise the subject-matter with a view of facilitating its change towards the basic values of the inquiry. Since the values are postulated by a stipulative definition of law, which implies relations of law to politics, economy and even culture, it may appear that the approach unduly trivializes rather than solves the problem. The approach may nonetheless be valid, if the stipulated definition of law is sufficiently integral, that is, inclusive. To that end the paper attempts to integrate into the stipulated definition of law three major philosophical traditions, which are still building blocks of -- and hence the keys to -- contemporary doctrines and cultures. In the classical (ontological) key (which is analyzed in the first part of the paper) law is conceived of as a constituting and correcting aspect of the whole consisting of politics, economy, law and religion qua centerpiece of culture. In the modern (epistemological) key (analyzed in the second part of the paper) ideas of law range from the conceptions that law is the constituent of modern social systems and hence an indispensable means of identifying modern social phenomena to the theories that law, as well as politics, economy and culture, is a phenomenon reducible to its natural causes. In the contemporary (linguistic) key (also in the second part) law, which is the constituent even of religion, can be understood only from within of the culture--including politics and economy--into which it is woven. The three traditions differ most markedly in their views of the contact between reason and action. In contrast to the classical tradition, which recognizes that reason can be action-guiding, reason and action are in the epistemological key separated by a logical gap, whereas in the linguistic key they are hardly distinguishable. The triple solution of the problem of inquiry increases both heuristic and practical potentials of the stipulated definition of law. By integrating diverse philosophical traditions, the definition is serviceable to the integrity of a pluralistic legal order, that is, to achieving the postulated basic values within the limits of the law. However, the approach taken in the paper, while more inclusive than more partisan approaches, is still merely an approach which is in the final analysis also partisan. Moreover, when seen from a culture that has not been integrated by the definition, the approach may be parochial or even inimical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is reviewing basic features of contemporary economic crisis, from the standpoint of political economy and public policy. The argument developed in the paper is, on the one hand, based on the political economy of the public sector and its crucial empirical findings. Secondly, the contributions of public policy theory related to basic problems of public governance systems are systematically reviewed, by emphasising the potential of these systems for formulating development policy. The paper is also discussing the importance of the non-economic sources of economic crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How is law as both a set of standards of conduct and a way of reasoning related to politics, economy and culture? The approach to the problem taken in the paper is practical and instrumental rather than theoretical for its own sake. The aim is to appraise the subject-matter with a view of facilitating its change towards the basic values of the inquiry. Since the values are postulated by a stipulative definition of law, which implies relations of law to politics, economy and even culture, it may appear that the approach unduly trivializes rather than solves the problem. The approach may nonetheless be valid, if the stipulated definition of law is sufficiently integral, that is, inclusive. To that end the paper attempts to integrate into the stipulated definition of law three major philosophical traditions, which are still building blocs of -- and hence the keys to -- contemporary doctrines and cultures. In the classical (ontological) key (which is analysed in the first part of the paper) law is conceived of as a constituting and correcting aspect of the whole consisting of politics, economy, law and religion qua centerpiece of culture. In the modern (epistemological) key (analysed in the second part of the paper) ideas of law range from the conceptions that law is the constituent of modern social systems and hence an indispensable means of identifying modern social phenomena to the theories that law, as well as politics, economy and culture, is a phenomenon reducible to its natural causes. In the contemporary (linguistic) key (also in the second part), law, which is the constituent even of religion, can be understood only from within of the culture -- including politics and economy -- into which it is woven. The three traditions differ most markedly in their views of the contact between reason and action. In contrast to the classical tradition, which recognizes that reason can be action guiding, reason and action are in the epistemological key separated by a logical gap, whereas in the linguistic key they are hardly distinguishable. The triple solution of the problem of inquiry increases both heuristic and practical potentials of the stipulated definition of law. By integrating diverse philosophical traditions, the definition is serviceable to the integrity of a pluralistic legal order, that is, to achieving the postulated basic values within limits of the law. However, the approach taken in the paper, while more inclusive than more partisan approaches, is still merely an approach, which is in the final analysis also partisan. Moreover, when seen from a culture that has not been integrated by the definition, the approach may be parochial or even inimical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the development of political theory in Slovenia since 1990. It surveys the development of the discipline and traces its roots back to the beginning of political theory studies in 1961. Authors, ideas, books and approaches are discussed. The paper challenges the assumption that studies of political theory share a similar destiny in Central and Eastern Europe by showing that there have been no breaks or rifts in political theory in Slovenia, but that one can rather speak of evolution, where the next period is based on the previous. The paper critically evaluates the public role of political theorists, their (non)positions on political theories, their responsibility and potentials for development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to compare the Western European scientific insight into the relation between sport and violence in contemporary societies with the respective Croatian scientific insight. The point of departure for the comparison is the excellent evaluation of the available scientific research of this relation offered in the book of the French sociologists Bodin, Robéne and Héas Sport and Violence in Europe. They analyse the sociological, political science, psychological and other research of sport related violence, including those of its aspects that have been insufficiently recognized or neglected; they especially highlight the importance of understanding the violence of extremist sport fans for the understanding of the whole phenomenon. From 1980's onwards the violence of sport fans is equally present in Croatia as in the countries of EU but in the last decade Croatia cannot stand comparison with the EU countries when it comes to the efficiency of the measures undertaken to prevent and bring an end to this type of violence. The authors of this paper claim that the respective research of Croatian sociologists, political scientists and others can stand comparison with those in the Western European countries as to their theoretical insight, applied methodology and the quality of interpretations. This is true, however, only regarding the research of manifest violence, and it does not entirely apply for research of latent violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper the author analyses the possibility of 'creating' a European political people and forming a European political identity and a European political community. In the first, theoretical part of the paper, the author defines two concepts of people -- demos and ethnos -- and describes problems in identity building on purely political grounds of people as demos. By examining the references on a European political people in the EU legal foundations, the author illustrates dual premises of legitimacy for the Union and the Union's identity referents which are generally of a universalist nature. In the second, empirical part of the paper, the author presents how the European identity is formed, in line with classic distinction between 'civic' and 'ethnic' identity. Since the Eurobarometer survey showed a low level of European identification of EU member states' citizens, the author presents concepts which aim to overcome the low level of European afiliation. In the final part of the paper the question which is examined is whether the existence of a European political people is necessary for the future of the European integration. To this end, the author uses various theoretical approaches to the 'creation' of a European political people: economic/market approach, communitarian/ statist approach, 'constitutional patriotism' of Habermas, Weiler's 'multiple demoi' and pluralism/particularism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Being one of the theoretical approaches to the study of the EU, the goal of the analysis of policy networks is to identify the policy process actors, both governmental and non-governmental, and the structure of their interaction in order to describe, explain and predict the outcomes of the European public policy. Many authors claim that the exceptionally rapid development of this approach in the last thirty years (and its intensive EU application since the 1990s) can be attributed to the changes in the contemporary practice of governance. Namely, although public policy is above all related to the accountability of authorities in securing public goods, the tasks are increasingly allocated to a growing number of non-governmental actors, especially in the EU. In its analysis of policy networks the paper offers the typology of the actors and an array of the concepts which define the structuring of their interaction (in the policy literature the term policy network is used generically and also when referring to the EU). It also outlines the continuum of the types of EU policy networks which as independent variables affect the outcomes of the European public policy. The paper identifies which approach within the analysis of policy networks the application to the EU belongs to. In the EU research policy networks are understood as an instrument of the policy analysis that explains the decisions shaping public policy at the subsystem level of decision-making, which makes it necessary to combine it with other theoretical approaches for the other levels of decision-making and for the other types of decisions to grasp the entirety of the manner in which public policy in the EU is shaped. The policy network analysis contributes most to improving the understanding of everyday events in the process of creating European public policy, the events that change the environment in which key decisions are made as well as the actors' perceptions of their own interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author analyzes the Polish 2003 EU membership referendum. In the first part of the paper she looks into the factors which influenced the evolution of individual political actors in the course of the European debate in Poland. Due to the increasing interest in the significance of the EU-related issues for the consolidation of the political system in Poland, the first part of the paper focuses on the EU-membership debate and on the role of the political elite and the public support. In the second part the author analyzes the role of the referendum in that debate and its impact on the political actors' strategy. The author analyzes the mobilization of the pro-European and the anti-European camp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first part of the paper the conceptual framework of the political science approach to the state is outlined using some key insights of the contemporary political theory of the state. The second part of the paper contains a critical discussion about the scope and the purpose of those insights and puts forward a possible partial reconstruction of the main types of the state as methodological grounds for the developmental and comparative research of the process of the socalled transition. As the methodological basis for a contemporary reconstruction of the theory of the state, the set of basic terms (power, government, authority) -- as identified by A. Passerin d'Entrèves -- can be used. A productive elaboration of these basic terms can be carried out by critically looking into the possibilities of combining the systematic approach by Passerin d'Entrevès, the genealogical approach by Barret-Kriegel and the historico-political one by Q. Skinner. Also, the author points out how a full reconstruction of the concept of the state is not possible without a parallel reconstruction of the concept of society. The state as the fundamental legal/political project of modernism is possible only as a complementary process to the creation of the civic society as the fundamental politico-economic project of modernism. The state (sovereign) and the society (civic) are modern creations whose raison d'être is the legal, economic and political subjectivization of the individual. The co-constitutive link between the state and the society -- the precondition for the possibility of the genuine process of the individual's emancipation in modernism -- is methodologically the central assumption for understanding the state and the logic of sovereignty. This reconstructed comprehensive understanding of the state enables a valid differentiation of the types of states in comparative research. The working hypothesis of this paper is to distinguish two pure types of the (modern) state: the power state (Machtstaat) and the legal state (Rechtsstaat). The reconstruction of the modern concept of the state and its major forms offers the final opportunity to identify the methodological injunction for looking into the logic of transition as the transition in the direction of the sovereign legal state in the fullness of its contemporary definition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]