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This study explores the phenomenon of societal resolve as demonstrated by Ukraine during Russia's full-scale invasion in February 2022. By synthesising existing research, the article identifies 12 defining features of Ukraine's societal resolve, categorised into long-term qualities, such as a strong national identity and civic duty, and short-term responses, including collective volunteering and unity under existential threat. These factors highlight Ukraine's successful nation-building, democratic aspirations, and robust leadership. The findings provide insights into how societal resolve emerges and operates during crises, offering valuable lessons for other nations. The study emphasises the interplay of psychological resilience, national unity, and effective leadership in fostering societal strength, contributing to the discourse on national security and resilience in times of conflict.

Right-wing extremism is a form of political extremism. In recent years, strengthening far-right forces has been an unnoticeable trend and a global problem. The main aim of the study will be to find out whether and to what extent the inclination of the respondents living in the territory of the Prešov and Košice regions is related to the views and attitudes of the extreme right in Slovakia in the context of the above-mentioned socio-political developments related to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. In addition to the theoretical definition of the basic terminological background, the paper includes the interpretation of the results of quantitative research aimed at determining the degree of acceptance of right-wing radicalism and extremism and identifying the manifestations of covert and overt support for these phenomena in eastern Slovakia in the context of the war in Ukraine. The article uses analytical and descriptive methods and a representative survey by a questionnaire.

Copyright of Czech & Slovak Social Work / Sociální Práce / Sociálna Práca is the property of Czech & Slovak Social Work and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As the Russia-Ukraine war constitutes the most severe security challenge Europe has faced since the Cold War's end, many states have realized the fragility of statehood, which an aggressor can destroy overnight. Although this concern is valid, it should not overshadow other security threats. Unlike other authors addressing the phenomenon of foreign fighters in the war, the present article investigates the involvement of Ukrainian right-wing extremists regarding the pre-2022 development, during which the growing sociocultural nationalism, militarism, and tolerance of ultranationalist and ethnonational groups helped shrink their isolation. While they might have played an important role in Ukraine's territorial defence, heavily armed and combat-skilled right-wing extremists might pose a severe threat to Ukraine's post-war restoration. Initially, whereas a literature review indicates the hitherto research and positions the article's inquiry within it, existing theoretical approaches define the observed actors. Based on the open-source intelligence data collection from Telegram and content analysis, the article identified several Ukrainian and also foreign right-wing extremists involved in the war despite its focus on the former. It concludes that the predecessor authors' debated threats associated with the latter, i.e., physical threats, organizational challenges, and wider societal consequences, should be primarily applied to Ukraine

The Russian decision to conduct a full-scale invasion of Ukraine changed our world forever. European states are actively considering an increase in defense expenditures and trying to learn from ongoing armed conflict. On the other hand, Europeans are not the only ones learning from this war. The most dangerous geopolitical rival of the US, China, is watching this conflict closely as well and trying to learn as much as possible for its Taiwan campaign not only in the military domain, but also in diplomatic, information, and economic domains. This paper discusses possible implications for China in these domains. The authors pay special attention to the military domain divided into two subdomains, air and naval. First, a review of the literature of the Western view is conducted. Then data from semi-structured interviews with Taiwanese experts are used to compare those two views and identify possible implications for China and especially the People 's Liberation Army on the Taiwan campaign. Those two views are overall similar with minor differences.

The research into the strategies of the sides in the Russia-Ukraine war is of great relevance, as it is one of the most intense conflicts on the territory of Europe since World War II. Further, the violent actions committed by the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine have had an unprecedented impact on the international peace architecture and international relations; they have caused a humanitarian, economic, and social crisis on a regional and global scale. The present research may, most notably, help understand the causes and consequences of the conflict. For this reason, this paper aims to analyze and cover the peculiarities of the main military and political strategies of Ukraine and the Russian Federation in the context of the 2022 war, as well as evaluate specific actions the enemies took against each other as international actors. The updating of the states’ strategies should be noted, as previously Ukraine was regarded only in the context of European integration and reforms, while the full-scale war increases Ukraine’s subjectivity, particularly in terms of planning and implementation of military decisions and more proactive diplomatic efforts. Russia’s strategies were considered in the context of Western theoretical models aimed at establishing it as a regional leader with extensive military potential. Moreover, the beginning of the full-scale war proved that in the situation of the military conflict against Ukraine and its allies Russia’s strategic resources are limited, which calls for further research. The results of this investigation provide a theoretical basis for further research in the field and are of importance for the understanding of security issues, and safeguarding of peace and stability not only in Ukraine and Europe but all around the world.

Russia’s aggression against Ukraine is perceived by many as simply an adventuristic endeavor of Vladimir Putin and the result of his desire to maintain his personal power in Russia itself and extend his influence beyond its borders. Proponents of such views try to explain Vladimir Putin’s appeal to Russian chauvinism and its ideologues as purely situational and populist, and present the current regime in Russia as opportunistic and lacking a clear ideology and ideological goals. This paper however argues that Vladimir Putin’s policy towards Ukraine, including the war unleashed against it, stems from his doctrinal views, which have been unequivocally outlined by him over the years in various speeches and articles, but ignored by the world due to a flippant attitude towards them. These views have not only a historical dimension, but also an ethnological one, as they are based on a certain and very specific understanding of Russian and Ukrainian ethnicities, which is an arbitrary combination of primordialist and constructivist arguments. Along with the presentation of these views themselves, the article demonstrates the discrepancy between the propaganda myths resulting from them and the actual facts about Russian and Ukrainian political and ethnic history.

Current War in Ukraine represents conventional conflict of high intensity unparallel in contemporary European history. Using a qualitative method, authors present character of the war and identify its key specifics through multi-domain optics. A preliminary set of recommendations is derived from these results for the national defense capability of Czech Republic. Authors conclude that both State and the Armed Forces must increase their readiness for the large-scale conflict.

Despite the fact that military actions on the territory of Ukraine have been ongoing since year 2014, the negative consequences of which have been the destabilization of the political situation in the country and destructive processes in many spheres of life that caused the need for a complex solution including a legislative one by way of problematic issues that arise in connection with the implementation of criminal proceedings in the conditions of emergency, which drew attention in the scientific literature, the criminal and procedural legislation, unfortunately, turned out to be not ready for effective criminal proceedings in the conditions of martial law, which required prompt introduction of changes for the proper functioning of the entire criminal system of justice.

The main focus of the article is the exhibition "The Black Sea and Ukraine on Historical Maps of the 16th to 18th Centuries," which is taking place at the Regional Museum in Olomouc from October 20, 2023, to January 14, 2024. The exhibition, organized from the maps of private collector Aldo Tenedini, aims to bring visitors closer to the historical territory of Ukraine and the Black Sea in the context of the emergence of Ukrainian state identity. In addition to the displayed maps, which come from various European cartographic workshops, the exhibition has been enriched with additional information from history expert Tomáš Somer. An interactive element of the exhibition allows visitors to compare old maps with the current state of the territory. [Extracted from the article]

The article deals with the some legal aspects of Western military aid to Ukraine. The first part briefly analyzes the Russian Federation‘s attack on Ukraine from a „just war“ perspective. The following part is devoted to individual perspectives of different branches of international law on military aid to Ukraine - the law of neutrality, ius ad bellum, ius in bello, issues of co-belligerency and state responsibility for complicity in internationally illegal actions. The conclusion summarizes the findings and gives an answer to the question why Western aid to Ukraine mostly does not violate the norms of international law.

Copyright of Právník is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The use of renewable energy is one of the priorities of common EU policies to achieve carbon neutrality and mitigate the effects of climate change. On the other hand, the protection of biodiversity, which also contributes to climate protection and is even a much older priority, is also one of the EU's long-term priorities. In this article, the author analyses the current European and Czech climate legislation. He concludes that the analysis of the legislation shows that renewable energy production and biodiversity protection must be considered together in terms of planning, decision-making and enforcement. Climate protection can only be achieved if, in the future, the replacement of fossil energy sources is not unilaterally promoted in energy reform at the expense of biodiversity and the functioning of natural ecosystems. The question is, however, whether the Czech Republic is serious about measures towards carbon neutrality and energy security when it is still buying oil, natural gas and other strategic minerals from Russia two years after the Russian invasion of Ukraine began. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europe has faced many migration challenges in recent years. The migration crisis of 2015- 2016, when millions of illegal migrants tried to reach Europe. In 2022, Russia began an invasion of Ukraine, and millions of Ukrainian refugees were forced to leave their homes. Therefore, this study investigated and analyzed the factors leading Ukrainian refugees to relocate to the Czech Republic and France. A secondary goal was to examine the subjective refugee's perception of their ability to integrate into the majority society. A quantitative research survey was carried out through a questionnaire, in which 8,575 Ukrainian refugees participated. The results show that Ukrainian refugees stay in the Czech Republic primarily due to cultural similarities, work opportunities, and the availability of education. Meanwhile, for Ukrainian refugees staying in France the intercultural environment, openness of people, and support from the state are important. 76.53% of the surveyed Ukrainian refugees in the Czech Republic and 50.33% of the participating Ukrainian refugees in France rate the help and support from the state and society as sufficient. Integration into the majority society was rated positively by more than 82% of surveyed Ukrainian refugees in both countries, slightly more positively in the case of completing an integration or language course. While the first months of the war were in the spirit of providing the necessary assistance to Ukrainian refugees, now it is necessary to focus on their integration into mainstream society. Only then can the migration process be completed successfully, and everyone can benefit from it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Italian translation of Dvadcjat’ rokiv novoji ukrajins’koji liryky by Oleksandr Bilec’kyj.

Italian translation of Tvorčist’ indyviduuma i kolektyv by Iurii Mezhenko.

The Linguistic Landscape of the Transcarpathian Region as Part of Ukraine: Concept, Problems and New Approaches Transcarpathia (Zakarpattia) is one of the most interesting regions of Ukraine. It was part of at least six different states only in the twentieth century, and thus language priorities were subject to frequent changes. As a result, there are inscriptions in Ukrainian, Russian, Hungarian, English, Romanian, Czech and many other languages there today. This makes the linguistic landscape of Transcarpathia worth analysing. The concept of “linguistic landscape” is no longer new for Ukraine and for Transcarpathia in particular, which allows us to highlight the advantages and disadvantages of previous works on the topic. The article is illustrated with photographs taken by the author in the Transcarpathian region of Ukraine. Krajobraz językowy Zakarpacia jako części Ukrainy: pojęcie, problemy, nowe podejścia Zakarpacie to jeden z najbardziej interesujących regionów Ukrainy. Tylko w XX wieku znajdowało się w granicach sześciu różnych państw, co skutkowało częstymi zmianami priorytetów językowych w regionie. W rezultacie na terenie Zakarpacia można znaleźć napisy w języku ukraińskim, rosyjskim, węgierskim, angielskim, rumuńskim, czeskim oraz wielu innych. Dlatego uzasadnione jest przeprowadzenie analizy krajobrazu językowego tego regionu. Pojęcie „krajobrazu językowego” nie jest już nowe dla Ukrainy, a zwłaszcza dla Zakarpacia, co pozwala nam podkreślić zalety i wady wcześniejszych badań. Tekst został zilustrowany fotografiami wykonanymi przez autora artykułu na terenie obwodu zakarpackiego w Ukrainie.

Copyright of Právník is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents the main vectors of activity of the State scientific institution “Ukrainian Institute of Scientific and Technical Expertise and Information, UkrISTEI” (Kyiv, Ukraine) on the example of the work of the Department of International Scientific and Technical Cooperation and Technology Transfer. The basic tasks of the Sector are: the establishment of close and inseparable cooperation between developers and consumers of innovative products, as well as improving the quality of the process of transferring the products of scientific activity at universities to the economic and state activity. As part of the activities of the Sector, an interstate network technology transfer support group is operating; the interpretation of the concept of “interstate network technology transfer support group” is given. A model for assessing the technological maturity of groups/organizations in the management of innovative projects is described according to the theory of the American scientist, Dr. Harold Kerzner. The main measures to improve the efficiency of the functioning of a group with different levels of technological maturity, that is, different levels of training of specialists, have been identified. Examples of successful cooperations of UkrISTEI in the field of technology transfer and innovation are given.

The study focuses on the issues of retrospectives and perspectives of the choice of system of government in the history of Ukrainian statehood from the beginning of the 20th century until today. On the one hand, the study aims to systematize the evolution of political systems and systems of government within the framework of history of Ukrainian statehood. On the other hand, the research seeks to develop a holistic view of what are the risks and prospects of the current system of government in Ukraine. Given this, the article characterizes and systematizes the conditions and evolution of political systems, as well as basic political institutions in the triangle “the head of state – cabinet – parliament” in various historical states and state entities on the territory of contemporary Ukraine. Based on this, the author verifies the extent to which the current system of government in Ukraine follows the previous/historical inter-institutional designs and corresponds to the “path dependence” concept. Finally, special attention is paid to verification the argument that the current system of government in Ukraine needs to be reformed or optimized, including in view of institutional, political, and legal heritage of political institutions in Ukraine in the past, as well as given the experience of other European countries.

This article offers an analysis of the scenarios of outcome of the Russia-Ukraine war and their impact on European security. The basis of each scenario is a definition of the interests of both Russia and Ukraine in this war, a hypothetical description of the assumptions of their fulfilment (full success of one or the other country in the war or partial success) and, at the same time, the expected impact of the full or partial success of one or the other country, i.e., direct actors of the war, on the international order. The scenario analysis is based on an examination of the course of fighting in the period from the beginning of the Russian invasion on 24 February (until the end of November) to identify the degree of probability of the fulfilment of each scenario.

The first findings of Limacus flavus in the Lviv region, Western Ukraine, are described. One specimen was shown with an atypical body colouration, without yellow mucus covering it, with a monochromatic back and an almost complete absence of a reticulate pattern on the mantle, assigned to the genus Limacus only after dissection. An analysis of our own and literature data, as well as observations from two citizen science databases, showed that both Limacus species rapidly expand their ranges in Ukraine due to anthropochory. Limacus maculatus is more common outdoors, while L. flavus is more common in basements and other enclosed rooms. Most Limacus records have been made in Crimea, which is part of the natural range of L. maculatus, and in the Kyiv region, where both species were introduced. In Western Ukraine, only L. flavus has been reliably registered so far, a few anatomically verified findings were made at the beginning of the 21st century in Lviv, Rivne and Khmelnytskyi regions.

The war in Ukraine has become a global issue that has been closely monitored and evaluated by military experts and the media since its beginning. The aim of this article is to point out some specific aspects of the development of the conflict in Ukraine in its initial stages. In the beginning of the article, the author deals with the surprising development of the so-called “special military operation”, leading to a change in Russia’s original plans. In the following parts, he discusses the way the forces of the warring parties are used in individual domains, applies the principles of warfare and discusses the possible causes of the operational failure of the Russian military forces. The article mainly uses data from open sources. Analysis, comparison, deduction and synthesis were used in its compilation. The overall intention of the author is to offer readers one possible view of the ongoing conflict and to motivate them to think about the nature and character of war.

The presented review discusses current situation with heavy metal pollution in the various regions of Ukraine and possible pollution of important crop. It is suggested that violent conflict of 2022 in Ukraine may cause development of polluted areas with Pb, Ni, Cr, Cu. Especially such tendency is dangerous for Ukrainian regions with high level of heavy metals level where is military conflict was in an active phase: Donetsk, Zaporizhia, Kyiv, Lugansk, Sumy, Kharkiv, Kherson, Chernihiv, Mykolaiv, Zhytomyr, Dnipropetrovsk, and Odessa regions. The analysis of monitoring data related heavy metals pollution has been described in regions of Ukraine. Current ccharacteristics of major crop production areas in Ukraine regarding their possible yield production and presence of heavy metals in the soil are presented. Near 70% of planted areas for major exported plants in the areas of conflict may be under additional increased effects of heavy metals. The wheat, corn, barley, rapeseed, sunflower have been presented and discussed their cultivation potential as major crops in Ukraine. It is recommended to use modern technologies of phytoremediation with use crop rotation of plants hyperaccumulators of heavy metals at these areas afterword's.

At the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, the role and value of subnational research in comparative political science are further strengthened, given that the political life of society is moving in two interdependent directions: localisation and internationalisation. Instead, the specifics of the subnational topic contribute to changes and innovations in the implementation of various methodological techniques in the study of subnational units and their structural elements. However, the question of correlating outputs of techniques – objective and subjective – still remains unresolved, and therefore actualises the following formulation: how they appear equivalent in the practical plane, as their theoretical context is illustrated balanced within equivalence in spatial research politics on a subnational scale. In other words, whether the results of each technique are approximate or distinctive from each other from the point of view of the final situation. In the article, a variable degree of correlation has been demonstrated between both techniques and also a hypothesis has been presented about the nature and type of such interactions on the example of three cases (Transcarpathian, Lviv and Chernivtsi regions) in Ukraine in the period 2010–2015.

Copyright of Intellectual Property / Dusevne Vlastnictvo is the property of Industrial Property Office of the Slovak Republic and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Russia’s aggression against Ukraine on February 24, 2022, triggered a migration crisis unprecedented in the Central and Eastern Europe. The mass of refugees from Ukraine moved towards Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania. Most of the refugees, however, ended up in Poland. Both the Polish state and society welcomed the refugees with great openness. Nevertheless, the influx of such a large number of the Ukrainian citizens on the territory of Poland made the authorities responsible for the systemic regulation of their stay, treatment, employment, education in schools, etc. Systemic solutions, in this regard, were adopted in the Act of March 12, 2022, on Assistance to the Ukrainian Citizens in Connection with the Armed Conflict in the Territory of that State. The paper discusses the most important regulations of the act in question.

This study analyzes the relationship between the Makhnovshchina (Makhno movement) and the Bolsheviks in 1920. It focuses on circumstances and factors that led Makhnovists and the Bolsheviks to sign the Starobilsk Agreement, and asks questions about how both sides perceived this agreement, and what their expectations were. It also discusses the ramifications of concluding the agreement and its significance for the subsequent alliance. The relations between the Makhnovshchina and the Bolsheviks can be characterized as ambivalent and dynamic. The relations were based in common interests that consisted of the defeat of the White Army; however, they had different goals, which gradually led to further military confrontation. Unlike the Bolsheviks, who had clear plans for the Makhnovshchina, the Makhnovists lacked a defined concept for developing their movement after the defeat of Wrangel. For the Makhnovists, the Starobilsk Agreement may have been a means to legitimize their movement; however, for the Bolsheviks, it made a convenient means for their liquidation. Thus, paradoxically, in 1920 the Makhnovshchina became an unintentional “long arm” of the Bolsheviks, which indirectly helped them gain control over southeastern Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the European Union's approach to territories of the Member States or associated states, whose legal regime is controversial due to the absence of de facto governmental control or due to conflicts with the rules of international law. Using case studies of Cyprus, Germany before 1990, Morocco, and Israel, the article maps case law of the Court of Justice of the EU concerning the mutual recognition of judicial decisions, the liberalisation of trade, and labelling of products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Právník is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following the Russian invasion of non-occupied Ukrainian territory commenced on 24 February 2022, the international community began discussing the immunity gap of the International Criminal Court for holding the responsible accountable for the crime of aggression. As a result of these discussions, proposals to create a special tribunal to fill the gap have been suggested. The pathways discussed gained support by various scholars depending on their effectiveness, probability of functioning, and legal characteristics. This article presents the suggested categories and analyses them based on the mentioned criteria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Právník is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper deals with some issues of the law of armed conflict in relation to the armed invasion of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. The paper is divided into two parts. The first part of this paper deals with the issues of illegal use of force by the Russian Federation, the role of the Security Council and the Ukrainian exercise of the right to self-defense. The second part deals with the use of prohibited means and methods of fighting in relation to attacks on the civilian population. The paper seeks to determine what specific (customary or contractual) rules of international law have been violated by the Russian Federation.

In this article, the authors present their vision of the theoretical and empirical aspects of the party system’s nationalization and regionalization in Ukraine in 1991–2020. Electoral processes and the party system structuring in Ukraine are analyzed through the prism of the nationalization theory. The main factors that affect the processes of nationalization / regionalization of the party system (sociocultural heterogeneity, features of post-communist transit, political regime, electoral rules) are characterized. The degree of nationalization / regionalization of the Ukrainian party system is analyzed using a set of empirical indicators: the index of the effective number of parties, the Pedersen volatility index, and the nationalization index. Comparison of empirical indicators testifies to the variability of the processes of parties’ nationalization and regionalization based on the election results, and also demonstrates the ambivalence of the party system development in Ukraine and the low level of its institutionalization. A general conclusion is made about the low level of nationalization of the party system and the heterogeneity (regionality) of party preferences of the citizens of Ukraine.

This paper assesses the information war in Ukraine in the context of the military strategy. An influence of the information operation (disinformation and deception) presents the strategic tool. The author pragmatically analyses the information war from the military art perspectives and as a part of the strategy used for support of the combat operations. He identifies phases of the information war in the context of the war. The author expects and confirms the opinion that the information war is led by both external actors (the USA and the Russian Federation). Their top representatives are involving in the information war because they support their own interests. This paper has been written as a neo-realist case study. The balance of power concept is in accordance with the used theory, as well as with the key interests of the external actors.

Copyright of Pediatrie pro Praxi is the property of SOLEN sro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The objective of this paper is to evaluate the law of the Council of Europe (CoE) regarding protection of the human rights of elderly in crisis situations using the examples of the armed conflict in Ukraine and COVID-19. Given this, the paper is divided into two main parts. The first part analyses the response of the Council of Europe bodies to the measures influencing the rights of elderly introduced by the governments of the CoE member states in relation to COVID-19. The second part is devoted to the specifics of the legal regulation of the human rights of the elderly during armed conflicts, applying the example of the war in Ukraine. The Conclusions focus on the comparison of the protection of older people in the two mentioned crisis situations, i.e. with regard to the war in Ukraine and in connection with COVID-19. The author is of opinion that the rights of older persons received more attention in times of the health crisis than during the armed conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is focused on changes in linguistic landscape (especially in urbanonyms) due to the Russian attack on Ukraine in February 2022. It follows official and unofficial renaming of streets around the world in effort to show solidarity with Ukraine and its people. Official commemorative names have often the meaning ‘Free Ukraine’ (e.g. in Riga and Tirana), ‘Ukrainian Heroes’ (e.g. in Prague and Vilnius) etc. and are mostly located close to Russian embassies. Unofficial names given to streets by activists as a protest against the war are usually motivated by the name of the Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Street names derived from the adjective Russian, or from Russian toponyms are changed as well, however only unofficially (e.g. the sign with the name of Ruská ‘Russian Street’ in Prague was replaced with the sign containing the famous answer of the Ukrainian soldiers from Snake Island to the Russian warship). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the areas of Ukrainian-Slovak relations, in which changes took place under the influence of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement provisions and the tendencies in the development of the bilateral relations in new institutional and geopolitical conditions. The conclusion is made that institutional environment between Kyiv and Brussels, which began to form in 2014 with the beginning of the signing of the Аssocaition Agreeement has the significant influence on the development of bilateral diplomatic, economic, trade relations, migration trends of Ukrainian citizens to Slovakia. More attention has to be paid to the practical convergence of socio-economic development of border territories and the stimulation of the cross-border practices of local communities, the support of business and public bilateral initiatives and projects.

The dramatic developments devastating Ukraine since February 2022 represent a true watershed not only for social and political dynamics in both countries, but also for Russian and Ukrainian studies. In this article, the authors aim to contribute to a preliminary review of the most relevant issues touched upon by the academic debate emerging in the months following the start of the war of aggression waged by the Russian Federation in Ukraine.

The paper deals with the current issue of consumer discrimination from the perspective of the Russia-Ukraine conflict. The subject of the study is the assessment of whether an entrepreneur can completely prohibit or condition access to services to Russian citizens, or whether it can do so against persons supporting the war in Ukraine or Putin's regime. This conduct is assessed in particular from the point of view of illegality under Section 6 of the Consumer Protection Act, which very strictly enjoins an entrepreneur not to discriminate. The paper provides a summary of the related case law, raising the question whether, in view of the current political developments in Russia, these case law conclusions can continue to stand in the same form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Relations / Medzinarodne Vztahy is the property of University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of International Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of International Relations / Medzinarodne Vztahy is the property of University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of International Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following the recent Russian aggression in Ukraine, a significant part of the international community imposed sanctions against Russia and selected individuals. Russia is subject to sanctions already from its aggression against Ukraine in 2014. However, recently adopted measures are much more powerful. Sanctions in international law represent an important tool for its enforcement given to the hands of the members of the international community. This contribution explains the position of this legal concept in the system of international law and the conditions for its legal application. It also offers a brief insight into the legal framework of the EU and the Czech Republic, including the recent developments in Czech legislation. The contribution also offers short reflections on selected legal issues - confiscation of property as an international sanction and admissibility of thirdparty countermeasures in international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The available data on the present distribution of Cepaea nemoralis in Ukraine, Belarus and the European part of Russia, the history and possible ways of penetration of this species into various parts of Eastern Europe, as well as the colour and banding polymorphism of its shells are analyzed. It has been suggested that the process of rapid spreading of C. nemoralis in the three compared Eastern European countries began at approximately the same time (late 20th – early 21st centuries) and that it may be caused by active and practically uncontrolled importation of seedlings from other European countries, as well as by global climate change, which can contribute to better survival of snails outside their natural range. Despite the possible initial limitation of the phenotypic and genetic diversity associated with the accidental transfer of a limited number of individuals, in the Eastern European colonies, in general, a fairly large variety of the inherited traits of the shell colouration remains. This concerns, first of all, the polymorphism in the shell ground colour (yellow, pink, less often brown) and the main variants of the shell banding (unbanded, mid-banded, five-banded, less often three-banded).

Five Ukrainian filmmakers discuss how the war has impacted their work, how they see the role of cinema in wartime, and what the institutional landscape of Ukrainian cinema looks like today. The header image: A still from Sashko Danylenko's Istoriya Ukrainy za 5 Khvilyn / The History of Ukraine in 5 Minutes (2019 Ukraine). Courtesy of the author.

The visa dialogue and visa liberalization between Ukraine and the European Union are the result of European policies promoting partnership and neighborhood cooperation. It is also a consequence of political changes in Ukraine, especially after 2014. Pro-European and pro-Atlantic overnments in Ukraine have had and are interested in implementing reforms, adapting legislation, regulations and standards to European Community law and deepening economic and political cooperation. The result of these processes are benefits not only for cooperating entities, but also for ordinary citizens. We see the results of these policies in Slovak Republic in the presentation of data on migrants from Ukraine and the migration of Ukrainians to Slovakia.

The paper is devoted to the disclosure of certain aspects of recodification in Ukraine, some existing problems of the Ukrainian commercial law as well as the conflict of norms between the Commercial Code of Ukraine and the Civil Code of Ukraine. In year 2020, the Concept of Civil Legislation Reform was adopted in Ukraine. The Concept of Civil Legislation Reform states that the systematic renewal of the Civil Code of Ukraine as a whole is possible only if the Commercial Code of Ukraine is repealed because the latter does not meet the parameters of the acts governing business relations which, by their nature, are primarily private. The presented study explains the current problems of the Ukrainian commercial law as well as civil law regulation of business relations for both: 1) the foreign scholars dealing with the civil law and commercial law; 2) the foreign investors (including investors from the European Union countries) who are already conducting economic activities in Ukraine or plan to invest in the Ukrainian economy. Special attention is given to such issues like the types of ownership, penalties for obligations, differences in legal capacity, difference of approaches to the system of legal entities, existence of some archaic legal forms of entrepreneurial activity, etc. The author emphasizes that undoubtedly the Commercial Code of Ukraine as well as the Civil Code of Ukraine need some updating. There is an urgent need to systematize the existing organizational and legal forms of legal entities and to renew the basics of civil law regulation in Ukraine. It is explained in the paper, while in most neighbouring jurisdictions steps are being taken to systematic update of the commercial codes (including expanding the scope of their legal regulations), in Ukraine steps are being taken to eliminate the commercial code. This seems completely unacceptable; it harms the legal regulation of business relations in Ukraine significantly and slows down the progressive development of the Ukraine’s economy. The analysis of the commercial codes abroad shows that there is no single approach to the list of legal constructions that should form the basis of the relevant code. All, without exception, codified acts of this type are characterized by the presence of special institutions that, from the point of foreign lawyer’s view or current trends in private law, may seem do not meet certain standards.

A leading Czech Russian scholar and semiotician answers questions about the place of Russian conspiracy thinking in the context of the ongoing war in Ukraine. It examines the roots of anti-Western attitudes in both society and the Orthodox Church and their current manifestations. It examines the personality of Alexander Dugin and the roots of his ideological engagement, and discusses contemporary Russian critical reflection on conspiracy theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]