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Kort fortalt anskues Putins valg af krig mod Ukraine som udtryk for logic of appropriateness & russisk strategisk kultur, især hybris. Ukrainekrigens forløb gennemgås. Konklusionen er, at en ukrainsk sejr måske kan ændre Rusland.

This paper examines the Danish media coverage of the FIFA World Cup in Russia 2018 and Qatar 2022 and investigates whether there has been a change in the way that sports media in Denmark focuses on the political aspects of sports mega events.The cases have been analyzed through a content analysis of 899 articles and semi-structured interviews with journalists, who have covered both tournaments.Sports journalism has a reputation as being the toy department of news, and it has been criticized in academic literature for not meeting the general standards of journalistic norms.Our analysis showed that the political aspects of sports received much more attention in the media during the World Cup in Qatar. Our analysis further shows that sports and politics are today more mixed than ever in sports journalism and that journalists covering sports are expected to cover the political aspects as well.Following interviews with the journalists, it seems that the public’s expectations of sports journalism increasingly play a role in the topics, that journalists choose to write about. It seems that there is a demand for sports journalism to focus more on the political aspects of sports. However further studies of the public’s preference for sports coverage are needed.

Det er umuligt at forstå krisen i Ukraine løsrevet fra Ruslands ekstremt blodige og barske historie. Det har ikke mindst USA utroligt svært ved at forstå.

Vi må forstå, at vi ikke forstår de generationsbårne krigstraumer i forholdet mellem Ukraine og Rusland, der er så omfattende, at parterne heller ikke selv forstår dem.

Interviews med de russiske filminstruktører Viktor Kosakovskij og Alina Rudnitska

Debatanmeldelse af Bent Jensen, Ruslanfs undergang - revolutioner og sammenbrud 1917-1921, Gyldendal, 2017

Anmeldelse af Niels Bo Poulsen & Jørgen Staun (red.), Kreml i Krig, Djøf, 2018

Reportage fra forelæsning med Mark Galeotti på Center for Militære Studier, Københavns Universitet

Anmeldelse af Mihail Zygar, All the Kremlin’s Men – Inside the Court of Vladimir Putin, Public Affairs, 2016

Interview (dybdegående eliteinterviews foretaget af Marie Krarup med mig o.m.a.)

This thesis will focus on how the international development in Arctic affects the relationship between Denmark and Greenland. Foreign policy is mainly a Danish competence, but Greenland has over time negotiated a number of agreements and practices, that gives Greenland a limited foreign policy. This boundary between the limited Greenlandic foreign policy and the Danish foreign policy is affected by the increasingly international interest in Arctic. Which leads to the main question of the thesis:How can the development of the relationship between Greenland and Denmark, whilst the Arctic institutionalized progress, together with the three great powers China, Russia and the US increasingly interest in Arctic be explained starting from the theories of neorealism, neoliberalist institutionalism and neoclassic realism, in the time period from 2007 till 2018?In this thesis, the main question will be analyzed by using three theories from international politics - neorealism, neoliberalist institutionalism and neoclassic realism. It is examined how the Arctic policy is affected by the three big superpowers, China, Russia and the US as well as the Arctic institutionalized progress. This to clarify which opportunities and barriers the international development in Arctic can have for the collaboration between Greenland and Denmark.In the thesis, it is found that the international development in Arctic proceeds peacefully, because all three superpowers have an economical interest in the development of the arctic institutions. It is however, also found that Chinas economical interest in investing in the mining sector conflicts with the US security policy interest, which is felt in Greenland. This because the US defends their security instruments, like radar- and missile warning systems. Seeing that the US have Thulebasen on Greenland, they fear that Chinese investments can affect the political system in Greenland, and by that counteract the American presence in Greenland.It is also found that this conflict affects Denmark and Greenland. Greenland want the Chinese investments, seeing they can use them to develop their economy and make it more self-supporting, seeing Greenland is now relying a lot on Danish grants.Denmark, however also fears what Chinese investments could mean to their power and influence in Greenland, and is therefore leaning towards the US, which means Denmark is stopping their grants and investments.3The Danish choice to stop their investments, showed just how extensive the Greenlandic foreign policy is, as foreign policy in Greenland can have security policy implications for Denmark as well as the US.In the thesis, it is found that the Greenlandic boundary for its foreign policy has moved several times. This is seen by the unity of the Realm, that ties together Denmark and Greenland, is disintegrated towards Greenlandic advantage. This means that Greenland can conduct foreign policy within acquired competencies and even affect Danish foreign policy to their advantage. The thesis explains that the driving force behind this, is found at the political decision makers. Their focus is to conduct the foreign policy of

Anmeldelse af meget sagkyndig, systematisk og vellykket analyse, hvis konklusion dog virker for ureflekteret

Da Institut for Statskundskab på Aarhus Universitet afholdt konferencen ”Europe, Russia and the Ukraine Crisis”, blev der præsenteret en række forskellige forklaringer på, hvorfor forholdet mellem Rusland og Vesten har udviklet sig, som det er tilfældet samt, hvordan Vesten fremadrettet på intelligent vis kan håndtere den store nabo mod øst. Således ønsker artiklen, udfra tre overordnede analyserammer, at belyse: (1) Hvad er de centrale årsager bag Ruslands adfærd i Ukraine?(2) Hvor farlig er Rusland? Skal Rusland betragtes som en revisionistisk eller enstatus quo-søgende aktør?(3) Hvordan kan Bruxelles og Washington bedst besvare russisk adfærd?

Rusland udgør en anden stormagtsudfordring for USA. Rusland er en stormagt i forfald, som imidlertid har genopfundet sin gamle sovjetiske 'Manifest Destiny'.

Anmeldelse af hhv. Yevgenia Albats: State within a State. The KGB and its Hold on Russia ...New York 1994 og Brian Taylor: State Building in Putin's Russia. Policing and Coercion after Communism, Cambridge 2011

Frits Clausen, the future leader of the Nationalist Socialist Workers Party of Denmark (DNSAP), was a Russian prison of war from 1915-18. The development that he underwent in captivity is examined through contemporary letters and later articles and reminiscences. He was forced to enlist in the German army as a professed Danish nationalist, and for him the war represented a possibility and a hope that Germany would lose, providing an opportunity for North Schleswig to be reunited with Denmark. He put this goal higher than other considerations, including the German orientation of Schleswigers, and his dislike of the Danish Social-Liberal Party was due in an inordinate degree to press releases from Denmark reporting the party’s half-hearted attitude to the North Schleswig issue. He also clashed with the Danish clergyman who was sent to minister to the prisoners of war from North Schleswig. The clergyman was more of an upright, neutral Danish official than a wholehearted advocate of the North Schleswig case. In this respect the clergyman was a disappointment in Frits Clausen’s eyes. His recommendation that the pro-Danish prisoners of war from North Schleswig should return to Germany to resuming fighting on the German side following the separate peace treaty between Germany and Russia was more than Frits Clausen could cope with. He went over the clergyman’s head and tried, together with a small number of like-minded individuals, to fight against Germany, but his attempt failed. In the course of his endeavours he developed a hatred of the new Soviet regime, as personified by the Marxist Jew, but in other respects had gained an excellent impression of the Russians, who he in no way considered to be an inferior people. On his return from Russia he expressed his anti-Semitism and anti-Communism in various anonymous articles in the press. This was the first step towards keeping the promise, made to himself during his captivity, to dedicate his life to the struggle against Marxism. PDFPubliceret2014-05-15Citation/EksportLauridsen, J. T. (2014). “… I denne Tid maa man ogsaa kunde taale at se Blod”. Frits Clausen i russisk krigsfangenskab 1915-18. Fund Og Forskning I Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger, 46. Hentet fra

Korruption og tyveri på arbejdspladsen er den helt store udfordring for danske ledere i Rusland. Men Grundfos har held med værdibaseret ledelse, og Bianco Footware coacher de russiske medarbejdere