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The first chapter ('wetenschappelijke verantwoording' - academic justification) indicates the necessity for the model and the research method with which an object is approximated, to be of the same quality as the object itself. The consequences for this are elaborated in Chapter II, in which the model is developed and in Chapter III where a practice-situation is designed.A model is developed, in an ideal-typical way, that reflects assessment in groups. The extensive empirical data on which this model is based are only used as an illustration. The model is characterized by polarity and rhythm.The most striking polarity is that between cognition and choice. Cognition deals with insight; man wants to understand the world. Choice deals with decisions; man wants to change the world.Cognition begins with a feeling of amazement, choice with a feeling of oppression. Insight comes as a result of clarifying facts through thinking about them. Decisions are connected with the goals that one wants to reach by certain routes. Between facts and thoughts on the one side, and goals and routes on the other, there seems to be the same polar relation as between cognition and choice.Assessment can be described as a process of rhythm which is enacted between these poles.Thus the model is in strong contrast with nearly all models of problem-solving and decision-making known in literature. These are built on the logic of thought and not on empirical data.This model offers the possibility for extensive conversation- and problemtypology.Naturally the process of assessment is influenced by the relations between the members of the group. This aspect, however, is not included in the study.In Chapter III a design for a practice-situation is outlined in which people can work practically with this model. Definite insight into the nature of this process of learning and its methodical and didactic significance is given. In this section the model is translated for a practical situation of adult education, to test its effect on the people that use it.In Chapter IV the experiences with two practice courses of a week are described. It seems, the model can be passed on to the group and can be learned by them. The 'life-process' character of the model was sensed and recognized by nearly everyone. There is an increase in the critical powers of observation of what takes place during assessment. Also, it seems possible to have some feeling of balance and rhythm between the poles during a conversation. To deal practically with the model requires abilities which probably arise during the week's course but which first must be developed further by one's own activity. In Chapter V it is pointed out what prospects this model has for group dynamics, the process of learning, co- operative bonds, development of organization and structures of society.In the last chapter the author gives a biography of the study. He thinks it important to present not only the results of his study but also the process leading up to it and the motives it is based on. The introduction to this study deals with the relation between motive, process, and results.

At present, a noticeable tension makes itself felt in the Netherlands between the views of the Dutch government and those of village dwellers (inhabitants of nuclei of less than 6.000 inhabitants) on the future development of the villages. On the one hand, the Dutch government aims at "concerted deconcentration" of the nuclei pattern, based on the ideas laid down in the Second Report on Physical Planning In The Netherlands. Within the framework of this report, only a modest growth is planned for such villages as have less than 6.000 inhabitants. On the other hand, there are villagers - as well as townspeople who favour the residential environment of a village - who advocate a stronger growth of their villages.The local authorities, who are closer to the inhabitants than the national government, are generally more inclined to comply with the wishes of the population. The national government primarily wish to curb unrestrained sub-urbanisation.In this study an attempt has been made to analyse the views of present villagers with regard to future development. As a matter of fact, it Is open to doubt whether all villagers unanimously agree on the future of their village.In order to gain a deeper insight into this matter, a survey was conducted in 1968 in the villages of Beekbergen and Lieren, which are part of the municipality of Apeldoorn.This survey was based on the following hypothesis:Modern man would be prepared to consider changes in his present living environment and to accept them, since they may contribute towards an optimum material equipment of the residential environment he envisages.To test this hypothesis, we started out from two types of change which might lead to a complete modification of the villager's living environment, viz.:1. extension of the village,2. migration to a town.On the basis of the attitudes towards these two elements of change, the population was classified into nine categories, represented in the table below (the share of the various categories In the total population was also indicated).Growth of the villagepartly or exclusively bythe arrival of persons from elsewherea-urbanites17%hetero-urbanites18%urbanites9%partly or exclusively by the arrival of persons from the regionregionals5½%hetero-regionals5%urban-regionals1½%no growth or autonomousgrowthlocals27%hetero-locals13%a-locals4%migration to a townnoperhapsreadilyAccording to the classification criteria applied and to the results of the survey, the categories can be characterised as follows:1. Locals: persons who do not want a change In residential environment, who are relatively satisfied with the existing situation and who strongly depend on the facilities provided by their own village; in addition, this category feel there is relatively little need of additional facilities in the village.2. Hetero-locals: persons who might want to live in a town, yet do not wish for changes in their present living environment, who are relatively satisfied with the existing situation and strongly depend on facilities outside the village. Whereas this category have relatively little need of additional facilities in the village, they are more keenly aware of existing limitations than the locals.3. A-locals: persons who would gladly live in a town, yet do not wish to change the present living environment. With regard to accepting the existing situation, they represent an average of the population. They are strongly dependent on facilities outside thevillage.The need for facilities in the village is somewhat less than among the total population.4. Regionals: persons who want to modify the present living environment by an influx of people from the region, who are relatively satisfied with the existing situation and very strongly dependent on local facilities. The need for additional facilities in the village is somewhat greater than among the total population.5. Hetero-regionals. persons who want to modify the present living environment by an Influx of people from the region and who might want to live In a town. They are relatively dissatisfied with the existing situation. As regards their dependence on local facilities they represent an average of the population. This also applies to the need for additional facilities.7. A-urbanites: persons who want to modify the present living environment by an influx of people from other parts of the country, who are relatively satisfied with the existing situation and who strongly depend on the facilities in their own village. The need for additional facilities in the village is relatively great.8. Hetero-urbanites: persons who want to modify the present living environment by an influx of people from other parts of the country, who might want to live in a town, whose dissatisfaction with the existing situation is relatively deep, and who depend to a fair extent on facilities outside the village.This category feel a relatively urgent need for additional facilities in the village.9. Urbanites: persons who want to modify the present living environment by an influx of people from other parts of the country and who would like to live in a town, whose dissatisfaction with the existing situation is relatively deep, and who depend to a very great extent on facilities outside the village. This category feel a relatively urgent need for additional facilities in the village.Since the outcome of this survey has revealed that within a village populations definite categories can be distinguished in respect of the development and the material equipment of the village, we have tried to fit these categories into a master plan. The types of environment for this plan were chosen in accordance with those mentioned in the Second Report on Physical Planning in the Netherlands (This is dealt with in detail by D. Hazelhoff in en article in "Stedebouw en Volkshuisvesting", 1967). Fitting the various population categories into specific types of environment yielded the following results:population categorytype of environmentnumber of inhabitantslocalsA-2-A-13.000 to 6.000hetero-locals, a-locals, regionals and hetero-regionalsA-1-B-26.000 to 11.000a-urbanites and hetero-urbanitesB-2-B-111.000 to 22.000urban-regionals and urbanitesC-2-C-145.000 to 90.000The desired material equipment of the villages served as a basis for fitting the categories into the various types of environment. Despite the fact that two or more categories were placed in the same type of environment with a view to the desired material equipment, modifications, particularly in the social structure, will often prove necessary.In a subsequent survey it will be important to pay attention not only to the desired material equipment, public amenities and housing in the villages, but also to:1. the evaluation of green areas2. the social structure3. the distance to centres of greater importance.In conclusion, it should be kept in mind that the population categories dealt with in the present structure are subject to time and place.

In the village of Laren in Gelderland, the extended family exists next to the individualized family. As in almost all agricultural societies of the past and in the many present societies of the third world, the family consists not only of parents and their children, but also of grandparents and even their parents, of uncles and aunts and sometimes even other kindred.While the extended agricultural family of the richer alluvium (Groningen, Friesland, Holland, Zeeland) developed to nuclear families long ago, the multi-generation household of the poorer soil of the diluvium remained unchanged. Where the "peasants" (Redfield) became "farmers" on the alluvium, there still were mostly "peasants" on the diluvial soil. A chance for an important economic development did not exist for them, and it was only after the introduction of artificial fertilizers that the farms in Laren started growing. Real "farmers" were few until the last decades.But the custom remained unchanged: the agrarians stayed together in extended families, although economic reasons for doing so became less important. Nevertheless, the fact that farmhands became scarce and expensive may have influenced the situation: it was not only cheaper but indeed necessary to work together with members of the older generation.While elsewhere the parents built a house next to the farm or in the village, here they stayed at the farm and were cared for when of old age. For them there was no reason to move, on the contrary.Whereas at present agrarians in Laren live in a nuclear family (23%), this is in many instances caused by "passive" family individualization: when inhabiting members of the older generation die, the younger remain in situ.However, a new form of family individualization developed: the farm-house was divided in two, and each generation got its own household, but with some, or even many, communal provisions. Exceptions were the few new houses built on the farm-grounds.For many outsiders, non-agricultural insiders and farmers living in nuclear families in Laren, and for some agrarians of the extended families this lack of family individualization was an aspect of Laren which had to be terminated as quickly as possible because of the injury it was supposed to do to body and soul of the persons concerned. Research carried out by sociologists suggested that many frustrations existed for the younger generation that married into the extended family. As a result an impairment of their health, particularly their mental health, was to be expected.The two general practitioners in the area saw the problem from another angle: they saw several in-living young couples, and particularly the female partner, with complaints which had or suggested a psycho-social background. The fact that an increase of this type of complaints was described by other physicians in areas with exclusively individualized families came to their attention only later. Several in-married persons came with specific complaints, attributed to their lack of privacy and autonomy. Sometimes the general practitioner had to talk for a long time with members of each generation to help them find a solution for their problem. This was sometimes a problem of the old people too: their grandchildren showed a conduct which they could not understand.It was for these reasons that a research-project was planned around the central problem which had to be investigated: does a lack of family individualization (in the traditional agrarian extended family) do harm to the health and the success in marriage of the younger couple which married into the family, and does this couple aspire to greater privacy and autonomy than they have?The project was made possible by a generous grant from "Het Praeventiefonds".In the area of Laren in which the two general practitioners work, there were 231 married couples who met the qualifying conditions: that they were agrarians (on a farm of at least 3 hectare = 7½ acres) and had at least one child under 19 years of age living with them.Most information was obtained by an inquiry, which had to take place in one day, since it was necessary that the purport of the questionnaire should not be talked about before it was filled in by everyone.Measuring success in marriage implied a method of inquiry by which both partners answered the same questions without consulting each other (actually, they did not know they answered the same questions). Later it was possible, by comparing the results of the partners, to measure the factors constituting their success in marriage: were they harmonious with relation to the item, had there been previous communication about the item, and, if so, what was the nature of it (i.e., did they have the same opinion and did they know it) and finally, was there a certain amount of tension between the partners in relation to the item.As the most important matters for a marriage were considered: the affective aspect of the marital relationship, sexuality, the spending of one's spare time, economy, one's professional life, the rearing of the children, the relation with the outside world, individuality and socialization.The health of the partners was measured by two sets of questions in the questionnaire: one for physical health and one for mental health (the latter questions primarily measured neurotic instability). Only three persons suffered from slight non-neurotic psychic conditions.Secondly, the general practitioners gave their impressions of the health of the participants following a so-called A-P-scheme.Of the 231 married couples available, 226 participated. Of these, 51 couples were living in a nuclear family, 28 in a partially individualized family, living in their own part of the farm-house under the same roof as the older generation (a group for comparison with both others), and 147 couples lived in extended families: so 23% came from nuclear families, 12% from partially individualized families, and 65% came from the extended, non-individualized families.Apart from questions about the actual situation in the household (number of persons, age, degree of family individualization, tasks of the members of the household, etc.), there were questions which were intended to measure the aspirations in the field of family individualization.Next, the demographic data were compiled and analysed. One of the most interesting conclusions came from these data: the older generation lives so much longer than a hundred years ago that the oldest son, if married at an average age of 28 years, will live together with his parents for 15-16 years (1870: 1 year with the father and 6 years with the mother).Statistical analysis of the data resulting from the questionnaire proves the following relation to be true: marriage partners with a good mental health have more successful marriages than partners with a poorer mental health.Kooy (1969) proved this to be true for 620 married couples in the Netherlands. Many partners in the wider families wish for themselves more family individualization, and for their children they wish family individualization to a high degree in a percentage of about 96%.But these high aspirations do not cause such frustrations that health and success in marriage of the younger in-married generation in the extended family is worse than in the more individualized families. The over-all result is that the health and the success in marriage of these 226 couples is absolutely not less than in the Netherlands as a whole.For the general practitioner it is a disappointment that there is no correlation between his judgement of the mental health of the participants and their own opinion about it (general practitioners and respondents do not disagree about the physical health). However, for the doctor this should be a reason to re-analyse his judgements: to improve his diagnosis, it may be necessary for him to make use of the personality questions of this investigation.Other reasons for this lack of correlation may be of importance: the patient with a psycho-social problem may not feel or be (psychologically) ill: his symptoms may be a positive defence against a social situation. And: the doctor may include in his judgement other factors of mental health which were not tracked by the list of questions, e.g., past illness and non-neurotic disturbances.Meanwhile the general practitioner is confronted with families where the extended family- structure gives problems to the people concerned, resulting in frequent consultations with or without disturbances of health.The older generation does not want to leave the farm, the younger generation cannot leave the farm. The economic situation is not ample enough to permit an extra (new) house on the farm; for farms smaller than 15 hectares (37 acres) this is legally not even allowed.Their only solution is to rebuild the farm-house for separate habitation: partial family individualization, a not ideal solution, where the two families are still very near to each other.The results of this investigation give no reason to the general practitioner to advise every young couple, married or marrying into an extended family, to live separately from the older generation. Only where trouble ensues should the advice be: separate the extended family into the individual parts.How long will the extended family in Laren exist? Of the respondents of the questionnaire, 96% answered that for their children they wished a high degree of family individualization. These children will be marrying within the next 25 years. Will they all have nuclear families then? Or will some of them wish to stay with their parents, like the girls in Bethnal Green? (Young and Wilmott).

Diss. Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, 18-9-1970.

In dit artikel zal enkel de een- of meerduidigheid van het begrip " sociale integratie". voor de onderzoekers onder de loep worden genomen. Het geheel moet gezien worden als een voorbereiding tot een explikatieve definitie van het begrip « sociale integratie ». De hier gebruikte klassifikatiecriteria zijn drievoudig : het historisch belang van de schrijver, het aantal aangewende defi-nities, en de bepaling van de wijze van samenhang van de con-stituerende bestanddelen. Daar de aandacht telkens naar één van deze criteria afzonderlijk gaat, wordt het mogelijk eenzelfde schrijver onder verschillende hoofdingen te behandelen. Dit komt de duidelijkheid ten goede.- ispartof: Politica: Sociale Wetenschappen en Beleid vol:16 issue:3 pages:213-226 status: published

This research, originally under the auspices of Professor van Vuuren, was accepted by Professor Edelman after the war because of a vacuum in the Social Economic Department of the Agricultural University. Because of the change of promotors the description of the physical environment was extended. The development of Huissen was closely dependent on the history of the River Rhine, on whose bank it was originally founded near the bifurcation of the Rhine and Yssel. After the diversion of the bifurcation and its silting up Huissen lost its importance as a trading centre. The sandy soil, after which the hamlet of Het Zand was named, consisted of deposits of dike breaks and of breaks in the natural levees before the dikes were built. On these sands tobacco cultivation was introduced in the eighteenth century. After its disappearance this crop was in turn followed in the 19th century by the introduction of market-gardening and fruit- growing both for the nearby town of Arnhem and especially for the rapidly developing industrial area of the Ruhr.The social and economic conditions of farmers and farmworkers throughout its history and at present were fully discussed.Prospects for the development of Huissen as a horticultural centre after the severe damage of the Second World War were considered.

In the village of Laren in Gelderland, the extended family exists next to the individualized family. As in almost all agricultural societies of the past and in the many present societies of the third world, the family consists not only of parents and their children, but also of grandparents and even their parents, of uncles and aunts and sometimes even other kindred.While the extended agricultural family of the richer alluvium (Groningen, Friesland, Holland, Zeeland) developed to nuclear families long ago, the multi-generation household of the poorer soil of the diluvium remained unchanged. Where the "peasants" (Redfield) became "farmers" on the alluvium, there still were mostly "peasants" on the diluvial soil. A chance for an important economic development did not exist for them, and it was only after the introduction of artificial fertilizers that the farms in Laren started growing. Real "farmers" were few until the last decades.But the custom remained unchanged: the agrarians stayed together in extended families, although economic reasons for doing so became less important. Nevertheless, the fact that farmhands became scarce and expensive may have influenced the situation: it was not only cheaper but indeed necessary to work together with members of the older generation.While elsewhere the parents built a house next to the farm or in the village, here they stayed at the farm and were cared for when of old age. For them there was no reason to move, on the contrary.Whereas at present agrarians in Laren live in a nuclear family (23%), this is in many instances caused by "passive" family individualization: when inhabiting members of the older generation die, the younger remain in situ.However, a new form of family individualization developed: the farm-house was divided in two, and each generation got its own household, but with some, or even many, communal provisions. Exceptions were the few new houses built on the farm-grounds.For many outsiders, non-agricultural insiders and farmers living in nuclear families in Laren, and for some agrarians of the extended families this lack of family individualization was an aspect of Laren which had to be terminated as quickly as possible because of the injury it was supposed to do to body and soul of the persons concerned. Research carried out by sociologists suggested that many frustrations existed for the younger generation that married into the extended family. As a result an impairment of their health, particularly their mental health, was to be expected.The two general practitioners in the area saw the problem from another angle: they saw several in-living young couples, and particularly the female partner, with complaints which had or suggested a psycho-social background. The fact that an increase of this type of complaints was described by other physicians in areas with exclusively individualized families came to their attention only later. Several in-married persons came with specific complaints, attributed to their lack of privacy and autonomy. Sometimes the general practitioner had to talk for a long time with members of each generation to help them find a solution for their problem. This was sometimes a problem of the old people too: their grandchildren showed a conduct which they could not understand.It was for these reasons that a research-project was planned around the central problem which had to be investigated: does a lack of family individualization (in the traditional agrarian extended family) do harm to the health and the success in marriage of the younger couple which married into the family, and does this couple aspire to greater privacy and autonomy than they have?The project was made possible by a generous grant from "Het Praeventiefonds".In the area of Laren in which the two general practitioners work, there were 231 married couples who met the qualifying conditions: that they were agrarians (on a farm of at least 3 hectare = 7½ acres) and had at least one child under 19 years of age living with them.Most information was obtained by an inquiry, which had to take place in one day, since it was necessary that the purport of the questionnaire should not be talked about before it was filled in by everyone.Measuring success in marriage implied a method of inquiry by which both partners answered the same questions without consulting each other (actually, they did not know they answered the same questions). Later it was possible, by comparing the results of the partners, to measure the factors constituting their success in marriage: were they harmonious with relation to the item, had there been previous communication about the item, and, if so, what was the nature of it (i.e., did they have the same opinion and did they know it) and finally, was there a certain amount of tension between the partners in relation to the item.As the most important matters for a marriage were considered: the affective aspect of the marital relationship, sexuality, the spending of one's spare time, economy, one's professional life, the rearing of the children, the relation with the outside world, individuality and socialization.The health of the partners was measured by two sets of questions in the questionnaire: one for physical health and one for mental health (the latter questions primarily measured neurotic instability). Only three persons suffered from slight non-neurotic psychic conditions.Secondly, the general practitioners gave their impressions of the health of the participants following a so-called A-P-scheme.Of the 231 married couples available, 226 participated. Of these, 51 couples were living in a nuclear family, 28 in a partially individualized family, living in their own part of the farm-house under the same roof as the older generation (a group for comparison with both others), and 147 couples lived in extended families: so 23% came from nuclear families, 12% from partially individualized families, and 65% came from the extended, non-individualized families.Apart from questions about the actual situation in the household (number of persons, age, degree of family individualization, tasks of the members of the household, etc.), there were questions which were intended to measure the aspirations in the field of family individualization.Next, the demographic data were compiled and analysed. One of the most interesting conclusions came from these data: the older generation lives so much longer than a hundred years ago that the oldest son, if married at an average age of 28 years, will live together with his parents for 15-16 years (1870: 1 year with the father and 6 years with the mother).Statistical analysis of the data resulting from the questionnaire proves the following relation to be true: marriage partners with a good mental health have more successful marriages than partners with a poorer mental health.Kooy (1969) proved this to be true for 620 married couples in the Netherlands. Many partners in the wider families wish for themselves more family individualization, and for their children they wish family individualization to a high degree in a percentage of about 96%.But these high aspirations do not cause such frustrations that health and success in marriage of the younger in-married generation in the extended family is worse than in the more individualized families. The over-all result is that the health and the success in marriage of these 226 couples is absolutely not less than in the Netherlands as a whole.For the general practitioner it is a disappointment that there is no correlation between his judgement of the mental health of the participants and their own opinion about it (general practitioners and respondents do not disagree about the physical health). However, for the doctor this should be a reason to re-analyse his judgements: to improve his diagnosis, it may be necessary for him to make use of the personality questions of this investigation.Other reasons for this lack of correlation may be of importance: the patient with a psycho-social problem may not feel or be (psychologically) ill: his symptoms may be a positive defence against a social situation. And: the doctor may include in his judgement other factors of mental health which were not tracked by the list of questions, e.g., past illness and non-neurotic disturbances.Meanwhile the general practitioner is confronted with families where the extended family- structure gives problems to the people concerned, resulting in frequent consultations with or without disturbances of health.The older generation does not want to leave the farm, the younger generation cannot leave the farm. The economic situation is not ample enough to permit an extra (new) house on the farm; for farms smaller than 15 hectares (37 acres) this is legally not even allowed.Their only solution is to rebuild the farm-house for separate habitation: partial family individualization, a not ideal solution, where the two families are still very near to each other.The results of this investigation give no reason to the general practitioner to advise every young couple, married or marrying into an extended family, to live separately from the older generation. Only where trouble ensues should the advice be: separate the extended family into the individual parts.How long will the extended family in Laren exist? Of the respondents of the questionnaire, 96% answered that for their children they wished a high degree of family individualization. These children will be marrying within the next 25 years. Will they all have nuclear families then? Or will some of them wish to stay with their parents, like the girls in Bethnal Green? (Young and Wilmott).