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Through activities such as institutional partnerships, scholarships, mobility and, most recently, offshore campuses and satellite offices, universities and their nations of origin have furthered their relationship with key-countries. This paper aims to understand what factors universities considered when choosing the host country of their satellite offices and possible interest in diplomacy. The exercise focused on the efforts of US universities in Brazil. It tested expressions of soft power versus internal elements of universities' administration to verify their significance. By checking the efforts of 131 US universities, this paper hints that non-academic elements, such as a country's foreign policy, were also statistically significant and must be taken into account when analysing universities' internationalisation strategies.

Copyright of Revista Seqüência is the property of Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Programa de Pos-Graduacao Stricto Sensu em Direito and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Through activities such as institutional partnerships, scholarships, mobility and, most recently, offshore campuses and satellite offices, universities and their nations of origin have furthered their relationship with key-countries. This paper aims to understand what factors universities considered when choosing the host country of their satellite offices and possible interest in diplomacy. The exercise focused on the efforts of US universities in Brazil. It tested expressions of soft power versus internal elements of universities' administration to verify their significance. By checking the efforts of 131 US universities, this paper hints that non-academic elements, such as a country's foreign policy, were also statistically significant and must be taken into account when analysing universities' internationalisation strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Contexto Internacional is the property of Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro, Instituto de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines whether and how the imperatives of measuring Official Development Assistance (ODA; or development aid) are being translated to the policy world of South–South cooperation (SSC). Through a historical and political ethnographic account of a decade of global policy debates on Southern‐led development cooperation between 2009 and 2019, the paper argues that growing conversations on 'SSC effectiveness', and how to measure it, reflect both prevalent 'measurementalities' in the field as well as 'traditional/Northern donor countries' continuous will to socialise and integrate '(re)‐emerging Southern providers' into existing aid norms and practices. The paper also demonstrates Southern powerhouses'—such as Brazil, China, and India—agency in these accountability‐related debates and their will to integrate differently into the 'aid system' by proposing alternative tools to measure SSC flows and initiatives in their own terms. Finally, the paper argues that unfolding negotiations over quantifying, reporting, and evaluating Southern‐led development cooperation reflect the politicised consolidation of SSC in the second decade of the 21st century. Current impasses at the multilateral level, moreover, reveal unsolved North–South disputes over power, status, and responsibility in international development and international affairs, more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article provides an overview of Latvian-Brazilian economic relations in the interwar period. In the interwar period, economic relations between Latvia and Brazil were mainly confined to foreign trade. Latvia declared its independence in 1918, however Latvians had been emigrating to Brazil from 1890 and establishing farming colonies. By the end of the 1930s some 8000 Latvians had settled in Brazil. Latvia's foreign trade in relation to Brazil was regulated by the 1932 Commercial Agreement. Latvia's main imports from Brazil in the interwar period were coffee, cocoa, hides and furs, tobacco, raw rubber, and cotton, whilst Latvia's main exports to Brazil were fish conserves, paper, and rubber goods. In general, trade and thus economic relations were of marginal significance to both countries in the interwar period due partly to some similarities in their economic structures, but mainly because of geographical distance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Article Type: Research paper Purpose--Special attention is given to the political dimension of the bilateral relationship, including Brazilian perceptions regarding the DPRK's standing on multilateral issues such as human rights and nuclear proliferation. The article provides an additional contribution to the understanding of the DPRK's diplomatic engagement in Latin America. Design, methodology, approach--This paper is based on access to recently declassified documentation produced by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). Access to the documentation was made available via requests based on Brazil's 2011 Access to Information Law. The analysis discusses the evolution of Brazil's engagement with the DPRK since 2001. Findings--The analysis illustrates how Brazil's decision to provide diplomatic recognition to the DPRK in 2001 was part of a broader effort to engage with different Asian states. Bilateral relations expanded in the 2003-2016 period due to a foreign policy orientation that encouraged the expansion of Brazilian relations with the Global South. Practical implications--The research helps to understand the Brazilian decision to grant diplomatic recognition to the DPRK as well as the consolidation of bilateral relations in the two decades that followed, including the influence of multilateral issues on bilateral relations. Originality/Value: The article brings to attention primary sources that were previously unexplored. The paper sheds light into Brazil-DPRK and DPRK-Latin American relations, two understudied topics associated with the DPRK's international presence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the effects of subordinate financial integration on workers in peripheral countries. The objective is to link the financial, productive and social reproduction spheres, taking into account the centre-periphery dynamic in the global process of capital valorisation. In this sense, the main contribution is the proposition of an analytical framework on the subject, based on Marxist and post-Keynesian inspired literature. Considering the asymmetric international relations within the hierarchical monetary system, the dynamics of capital cycles and the external imbalances of peripheral economies, five transmission channels are proposed concerning: (i) the burden of wealth transfer, (ii) the rise in household indebtedness, (iii) the effects of exchange rate volatility on real wages, (iv) the increased pressure for fiscal discipline which contributes to labour and social security reforms, and (v) the regressive specialisation of the productive structure and its impacts on employment. The secondary contribution refers to the comparative analysis of the cases of subordinate financialisation of Brazil and Colombia. The results of this analysis reveal the relevance of the proposed channels in terms of the dynamics of workers' social reproduction in a contemporary context, particularly with regard to wages, employment, household indebtedness and labour and social security rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an interpretation of the ideology expressed by Jair Bolsonaro, current president of Brazil, as a Brazilian far-right neoliberal nationalism, which typically distinguishes between the members of the nation and its traitors and enemies, creating an authoritarian atmosphere of governance combined with the defense of neoliberal values. To establish the bases that sustain this ideology, we investigate four key arenas of his administration – family issues; the anti-left rhetoric; the call for a mixed-race identity; and Brazilian foreign policy. We sustain that Bolsonaro's discourse, instead of revealing a fragmented political project, actually articulates a powerful and authoritarian image of the Brazilian nation, while also reinforcing the idea of individual entrepreneurship and traditional morality. Although this project is deeply informed by past national ideological traditions, it is also aligned with the expansion of the far right internationally and sheds light to its dynamics in periphery countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Contexto Internacional is the property of Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro, Instituto de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper employs decolonial scholarship to discuss how Brazilian independence did not delink it from Portugal, thus leading Brazilian ruling classes to take their western identity for granted. This non-problematized western identity would later lead to hostile depictions of Afro-Asian anticolonial struggles by Brazilian diplomats and intellectuals during the decolonization process. The paper also proposes a decolonization of Brazilian foreign policy by urging it to delink from its western identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Interações is the property of Revista Interacoes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Brazilian Journal of Occupational Therapy / Cadernos Brasileiros de Terapia Ocupacional is the property of Cadernos de Terapia Ocupacional da UFSCar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The election of Jair Bolsonaro for president in 2018 turned Brazil onto a conservative extreme right political path. Beyond the domestic impacts on institutions and democracy, the rise of the far right also transformed the country's foreign policy as well as affecting its global prestige. The country's reputation abroad has deteriorated, and both Brazil and the president have been heavily criticised in foreign media. This paper moves beyond the views of the press and the public. It analyses changes in the country's international status after the election of Bolsonaro from the point of view of elite stakeholders. It draws from a reflexive thematic analysis of primary data collected in 94 semi-structured interviews with experts from the foreign policy community of great powers at the end of 2018 and in the first months of 2019. This article argues that the new president was seen as changing everything, creating a feeling of uncertainty regarding other nations' relations with Brazil and hindering the chances of Brazil improving its international standing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin American foreign-policy elites defend the principle of non-intervention to shield their countries' autonomy. By 2005, however, most Latin American foreign policy elites accepted the easing of limits on the use of force in international law. They supported the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), which regulates the use of force to protect populations from mass atrocities. The paper presents a comparison of the Brazilian, Chilean, and Mexican positions in the R2P debates to understand why they supported this norm. During the debates leading to the emergence of R2P, these elites questioned a central premise of liberal internationalism: the idea that great powers would restrain their use of military force as part of their commitment to a liberal international order (LIO). Using Republican international political theory, I argue that these Latin American foreign-policy elites viewed a restricted humanitarian-intervention norm as a new defence against great powers interfering in developing countries. Instead of trusting that great powers would restrain their actions, these elites advocated for a humanitarian-intervention norm that would prevent uncontrolled humanitarian interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper engages with debates over the Liberal International Order (LIO) and Latin America by focusing on Brazil. More specifically, it addresses President Jair Bolsonaro's foreign policy. His radical-right populist and religious-infused approach has been characterised by an explicit rejection of practically all elements of the LIO, including multilateralism, multiculturism, and regionalism—historically core features of Brazilian foreign policy. We seek to answer two interrelated questions: (1) what were the political conditions—domestic and international—that allowed for such dramatic foreign policy change? (2) what impact is Brazil's new foreign policy orientation having on the LIO? To address them, we resort to the aspirational constructivist theory, which has allowed us to theorise Brazil's new identity formation. We argue that Bolsonaro has reshaped Brazil's foreign policy as part of his endeavour to create a national self-image based on three pillars: anti-globalism, anti-Communism, and religious nationalism. By doing so, the Bolsonaro administration has transformed Brazil, otherwise an avid supporter of the LIO, into one of the order's most vocal critics. While anti-globalism (and, subsidiarily, anti-Communism) undermines the normative and institutional foundations of the LIO, religious nationalism offers a replacement to the order, based on independent ethno-nationalist communities. If Brazil's radical right populist model spreads across Latin America, it has the potential to hollow out the region's support to the LIO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current paper analyses the Brazilian foreign policy towards the war in Ukraine, from the tensions preceding the invasion until the first half of the war's second year. Since the conflict began, Brazil was governed by two sharply contrasting administrations, neither of which clearly aligned with one side of the conflict. It is argued, however, that while Bolsonaro assumed an inert attitude, Lula undertook a proactive non-alignment. As proposed by this forum, this article presents three counterfactuals, exploring how the Brazilian position could have been different, and outlines future perspectives based on three uncertainties: (1) will Brazil be recognized as a viable mediator? (2) will Brazil explicitly choose a side in the conflict?; (3) will Brazil continue to be engaged with this agenda? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Brazilian Journal of Occupational Therapy / Cadernos Brasileiros de Terapia Ocupacional is the property of Cadernos de Terapia Ocupacional da UFSCar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Seqüência is the property of Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Programa de Pos-Graduacao Stricto Sensu em Direito and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this paper is to present considerations about the use of music as a critical and radical pedagogy in an International Relations class in the Global South. How can music help students understand the processes of marginalization, resistance, and struggle? Can it be understood as a tool to be used in the classroom to transcend traditional and marginalizing pedagogies? The contribution of our proposal derives from the possibility of a symbiosis between the teaching of critical, decolonial, and postcolonial perspectives and the language used to communicate these concepts and ideas to a young audience with different backgrounds. In this sense, we bring perceptions of the engagement with music as a pedagogical tool in an undergraduate course entitled " Decolonizing International Relations: epistemic violence and emancipation in Global South." By playing songs, not only the learning process became deeper and more meaningful to students, but it also opened margins to a dialogical interaction. We share our experience hoping to contribute to a meaningful debate among scholars, inspiring teachers to engage with decolonial/critical pedagogies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Characterized by their ability to impact the world order without having superpower status, middle powers contribute significantly to maintaining global stability and fostering notable advancements. The notion of middle powers is longstanding in international relations, with its roots traceable in the writings of the Italian 16th century thinker Giovanni Botero. The literature concerning middle powers is full of debates and considerations about their definitions, characteristics, and objectives. Türkiye and Brazil have been chosen as primary subjects of this study to exemplify the growing role of middle powers as mediators due to their involvement in international negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine Brazil's international activism and ascent to the status of rising state during the presidencies of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003–2010) and his chosen successor, Dilma Rousseff (2011–2014). We focus on the dissemination of social policies under an innovative model of development that reflected the political and economic context of a developing country. We argue that this activism was framed in terms of Brazil's socio-economic and cultural peculiarities, whereby these were treated not as obstacles but as positive contributions to developing states' attempts to reform global governance structures. We argue that this reflects an alternative form of foreign policy politicisation in which the social dilemmas, particularities and contradictions of the Brazilian experience are incorporated in the foreign policy agenda to leverage its international stature as a rising state. We explain how Brazil's international cooperation through transferring its public policies and development models (policies for fighting hunger and poverty, agrarian development and income generation) to its Southern partners has been discursively articulated as representing Brazil's normative potential to contribute to political and institutional solutions, and rebuild norms and standards that affect the distribution of international power and wealth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We introduce the Freedom of Information Archive (FOIArchive) Database, a collection of over 3 million documents about state diplomacy. Substantively, our database focusses on the USA and provides opportunities to analyze previously classified (or publicly unavailable) corpora of internal government documents which include the raw—often full—text of those documents. We also provide within-country diplomatic records for the USA, UK, and Brazil. The full span of the data is 1620–2013, but it is mainly from the twentieth century. Our database allows scholars to view text and associated statistics online and to download and view customized datasets via an application programming interface. We provide extensive metadata about the documents, including the countries and persons they mention, and their topics and classification levels. The metadata includes information we extracted with domain-specific, customized natural language processing tools. To demonstrate the potential of this data, we use it to design and validate a new index for "country importance" in the context of US foreign policy priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few Catholic theologians wielded as much influence over the Twentieth-Century Catholic Church as Jacques Maritain. Furthermore, few have stirred as much global controversy in the realm of theological politics (especially in the area of global affairs). Considered treasonous by Latin American conservatives and impractical by those arguing for a politically active church, Maritain's work touts a contemplative moderation that frustrates all political sides. Maritain's canon daunts even the best readers and often breeds practical misinterpretation of his own philosophy. Using primary sources from Argentina and Brazil, this article reexamines Maritain's distinction of the spiritual and worldly planes and its application to Maritain's political thought during both the Spanish Civil War period and Brazil's twenty-one-year dictatorship (1964-1985). It thereby pushes back on longstanding theological critiques of this distinction. Far from advocating a church aloof from the political sphere, Maritain advocated for vigorous engagement with it while maintaining the church's spiritual integrity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Opinião Pública is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A key insight of dependency theorists such as Vania Bambirra and Ruy Mauro Marini was that dependency is not confined to an international relations phenomenon of unequal exchange, but plays out at the level of class relations in the periphery. While emphasising that financialization has exacerbated global uneven development, much of the peripheral financialization literature has disregarded the contributions of dependency theory, whose main object of discussion has precisely evolved around the uneven but combined nature of global capitalist development. Contributing to the pluralization and decolonization of IPE, we revisit dependency theory to analyse peripheral financialization and its political and social impact in Latin America. Drawing on case studies of Brazil and Mexico, we engage with the agency of Latin American 'dominated-dominant' ruling classes in reconstructing dependency under financialized conditions. In both cases, power has shifted towards the financial and export-oriented fractions of ruling classes, while financialization has reproduced the key characteristic of dependent capitalism – the super-exploitation of labour. The article updates earlier periodizations of dependency and maps financialized dependence as a new phase of dependency, entailing substantial changes in the role of the state and class relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article brings to fore long-standing intricacies and dilemmas in Brazil's and China's international positioning. It reveals the complex discursive repertoires shaping the Brazilian and Chinese sense of Self in the world, in the Global South, and, more particularly, in relation to Africa. It engages with the concept of "liminality" to highlight how constructing South–South relationships and invoking Southern identities have been ambiguous, indeterminate—thus liminal—endeavors in these countries' international affairs. By dissecting their diplomatic and corporate narratives towards Africa, our analysis demonstrates, notwithstanding tensions and contradictions, how Brazilian and Chinese actors have creatively acted upon this liminality to pursue foreign policy goals and economic projects. In doing so, the article stresses the floating, ambiguous nature of powerful constructs such as "South" (and "West"), and binary oppositions between them. It concludes by discussing how a liminality perspective allows us to understand the unfixed and multifaceted nature of roles and identities in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZOPACAS) is a maritime zone of peace that was established, largely through Brazilian efforts, by the UN General Assembly in 1986. Since its establishment, ministerial meetings have been convened to discuss the zone's evolving agenda, which has focused on maintaining peace, building diplomatic and defence cooperation between its twenty-four member states, and encouraging development in the South Atlantic region. This article examines Brazilian diplomatic and defence interests in the South Atlantic, providing an analysis of sections in Brazil's official defence documents (1994–2020), pertaining to the ZOPACAS, South-South cooperation, development and regional security. It ultimately seeks to address how efforts behind a new revitalisation of the ZOPACAS are being driven by the Brazilian military with the aim of expanding Brazil's defence framework in the South Atlantic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the Conservation of Resources Theory, this longitudinal study analyzes the contribution of organizational affective commitment during the preparation phase of a peacekeeping mission (T1) to explain the well-being of soldiers during that mission (T2). A sample of 409 Brazilian army participants in the MINUSTAH (United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti) was used in two waves -- preparation of the troops in Brazil, and their deployment in Haitian territory. The data analysis was performed using structural equation modeling. The results supported organizational affective commitment during the preparation phase (T1) positively predicting the general well-being (perception of health and general satisfaction with life) of these soldiers during the deployment phase (T2). The workplace well-being (i.e. work engagement) of these peacekeepers was also found to mediate this relationship. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed, and limitations and suggestions for future research are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazilian music carries strong characteristics of its people and has become one of the most recognizable features of the country abroad. In this study, I analyze how Brazil is pictured overseas by the means of music as an element of soft power of the country. Nonetheless, I bring attention to the importance of self-awareness of the Brazilian identity and its relations with the image that the country has abroad. I address the issue through analysis of the cases of Heitor Villa-Lobos, Carmem Miranda, bossa nova, and heavy metal. In this analysis, the role of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs is also taken into account. I suggest that Oswald de Andrade's anthropophagic idea can apply to the reflections of Brazilians towards their image abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Opinião Pública is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Collaborative Online International Learning (COIL) is an innovative teaching pedagogy involving faculty collaboration and student co-learning across global partner schools. Guided by the cross-cultural alignment model, the purpose of this educational research project was to analyze the impact of COIL on the knowledge, skills, and attitudes of nursing students in two global partner schools and to determine if groups of students were impacted differently. Students engaged in synchronous and asynchronous learning sessions using a secure digital platform over several weeks. Data was gathered from students using an optional, anonymous, online, retrospective pre-posttest survey. COIL enhances student understanding of key global nursing concepts and culturally responsive care. Differences across schools were observed. COIL is a feasible and cost-effective way to integrate global education into the curriculum of undergraduate nursing education. Recommendations for future COIL experiences are made. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been considerable debate about the capacity of emerging powers, such as the BRICS (Brazil, India, China, South Africa), to act as a unified and coherent force in global economic governance. In the case of the World Trade Organization (WTO), strategic cooperation and alliance-building among the emerging powers—specifically Brazil, India and China (BIC)—were essential to counterbalancing the US and other traditional powers and enabling the rising powers to defend their interests. However, as this article shows, the BIC alliance at the WTO has collapsed. The core issue that historically united the emerging powers and provided the foundation for their alliance was 'special and differential treatment' (SDT) for developing countries. Yet both Brazil and India have now defected from the alliance, abandoning China. Brazil was the first to defect, switching sides and realigning itself with the US; the change in its alliance calculations reflected shifting economic priorities and a fundamental reorientation of its foreign policy strategy away from its earlier Third Worldism. India then defected when its alliance with China, once an important source of strength in WTO negotiations, instead became a liability. As a result, having lost its key allies at the WTO, China is increasingly isolated in multilateral trade negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Contexto Internacional is the property of Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro, Instituto de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although the recent advancements in critical constructivist IR on political rhetoric has greatly improved our understanding of linguistic mechanisms of political action, we need a sharp understanding of how rhetoric explains foreign policy change. Here we conceptualize a link between rhetoric and foreign policy change by foregrounding distinct dynamics at the regional and domestic institutional environments. Analytically, at the regional level, we suggest examining whether norms of foreign policy engagement are explicitly coded in treaties and agreements or implicit in conventions and practices of actors. And at the domestic level, we suggest examining whether a particular foreign policy issue area is concurrent or contested among interlocutors. In this constellation, we clarify how four different rhetorical strategies underwrites foreign policy change – persuasion, mediation, explication and reconstruction – how it operates, and the processes through which it unfolds in relation to multiple audiences. Our principal argument is that grand foreign policy change requires continuous rhetorical deployments with varieties of politics to preserve and stabilize the boundaries in the ongoing fluid relations of states. We illustrate our argument with an analysis of Brazil's South-South grand strategy under the Lula administration and contrast it against the rhetoric of subsequent administrations. Our study has implications for advancing critical foreign policy analysis on foreign policy change and generally for exploring new ways of studying foreign policies of nonwestern postcolonial states in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

China began to accelerate the energy transition in the last decade as a strategy for rebalancing its economy and becoming a more influential actor in the global renewable energy market. This article explores to what extent Chinese investment and financing in renewable energy projects in Argentina and Brazil promote these countries' energy transition strategies and sustainable development more broadly. To approach this question, the article provides a reading of Ostrom's postulates of the energy transition as an increasingly relevant driver of certain states' relationships with other countries. General trajectories of Chinese investment and lending in Latin America provide a background to Chinese investment in solar and wind power projects in Argentina and Brazil. The article concludes that China's overseas finance merges with Argentina and Brazil's own goals regarding renewable energy deployment and discusses future challenges in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and its aftermath. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The dearth of child and adolescent mental health services (CAMHS) is a global problem. Integrating CAMHS in primary care has been offered as a solution. We sampled integrated care perspectives from colleagues around the world. Our findings include various models of integrated care namely: the stepped care model in Australia; shared care in the United Kingdom (UK) and Spain; school-based collaborative care in Qatar, Singapore and the state of Texas in the US; collaborative care in Canada, Brazil, US, and Uruguay; coordinated care in the US; and, developing collaborative care models in low-resource settings, like Kenya and Micronesia. These findings provide insights into training initiatives necessary to build CAMHS workforce capacity using integrated care models, each with the ultimate goal of improving access to care. Despite variations and progress in implementing integrated care models internationally, common challenges exist: funding within complex healthcare systems, limited training mechanisms, and geopolitical/policy issues. Supportive healthcare policy, robust training initiatives, ongoing quality improvement and measurement of outcomes across programs would provide data-driven support for the expansion of integrated care and ensure its sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article considers whether Brazil's foreign policies aimed at reforming the global governance architecture for development finance can be considered the application of 'strategic diplomacy', and assesses the conditions for and limitations of implementing strategic diplomacy in new democracies. To do so, the analysis focuses on the Workers' Party (PT) governments' policies and actions related to national and multilateral development banks. It examines whether the Brazilian National Bank of Economic and Social Development (BNDES) and the New Development Bank (NDB; or BRICS Bank) exhibited four key features of strategic diplomacy (systemic focus; long-term objectives; dynamic view of national interest; and engaged political leadership) and what its implications were for achieving Brazil's long-term foreign policy objectives of national development and autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To provide experience for formulating prevention and control policies, this study analyzed the effectiveness of the Coronavirus disease 2019(COVID-19) prevention and control policies, and evaluated health equity and epidemic cooperation among BRICS countries. Methods: This study summarized the pandemic prevention and control policies in BRICS countries and evaluated the effectiveness of those policies by extracting COVID-19 related data from official websites. Result: As of May 4, 2021, responding to COVID-19. China adopted containment strategies. China's total confirmed cases (102,560) were stable, without a second pandemic peak, and the total deaths per million (3.37) were much lower than others. India and South Africa who adopted intermediate strategies have similar pandemic curves, total confirmed cases in India (20,664,979) surpassed South Africa (1,586,148) as the highest in five countries, but total deaths per million (163.90) lower than South Africa (919.11). Brazil and Russia adopted mitigation strategies. Total confirmed cases in Brazil (14,856,888) and Russia (4,784,497) continued to increase, and Brazil's total deaths per million (1,936.34) is higher than Russia (751.50) and other countries. Conclusion: This study shows BRICS countries implemented different epidemic interventions. Containment strategy is more effective than intermediate strategy and mitigation strategy in limiting the spread of COVID-19. Especially when a strict containment strategy is implemented in an early stage, but premature relaxation of restrictions may lead to rebounding. It is a good choice to combat COVID-19 by improving the inclusiveness of intervention policies, deepening BRICS epidemic cooperation, and increasing health equities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil's decade of mega sporting events, which ended in 2016, presented a series of unexpected difficulties. The country hosted the events with the goal of changing its international status. This article aims to identify the effects of the Olympic Games of Rio de Janeiro on Brazil's international image through an analysis of articles that were published during the event in nine international media vehicles. Methodologically, this article makes use of media framing to develop five categories: Political and Economic Situation, Unequal Brazil, Culture and Tourism, Event Organization and Urban improvements, and Mediatic Pleonasm or Lochte Affair. It can be concluded that during the Olympic Games, while the news coverage centred around the host city, the scope of reports was limited and themes were replicated across newspapers, and the domestic situation influenced the media source's depiction of the host country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to contribute to the critical understanding of how International Relations (IR) was built as a social science field within Brazil's modern project. I argue that the foundation and the development of IR in Brazil in the twentieth century is closely associated with foreign policy, on the one hand, and with the national geopolitical thinking, particularly in the aftermath of the Second World War, on the other. In its trajectory, Brazil's IR has been influenced, among others, by the analysis of domestic and systemic determinants of foreign policy, historical interpretations, the study of the components of state power, studies of diplomacy and its contribution to the country's development, the analysis of decision-making processes and to a lesser extent, cognitive approaches. This article is organised around three sections. First, I present a brief history of the geopolitical tradition in Brazil's IR. Second, I discuss IR development in Brazil, stressing the role of diplomats, the key contribution of intellectuals coming from social and human sciences, and finally the emergence of the first generations of IR scholars in the eighties. Third, I analyse the institutionalisation of the field, its quantitative and qualitative growth, presenting some data on its organisation in recent times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although middle powers are expected to behave as supporters of international organisations, cooperation, and as promoters of norms and ethics, as well as providers of international public goods, they are not immune to current global 'de-democratisation' processes. The authoritarian turn challenges the patterns of behaviour of middle powers. This article discusses the changes of middlepowermanship engagement by presenting an analysis of middle powers' foreign policy and their narratives thereof. We analyse whether and how middle powers experiencing democracy backsliding have changed their language of political communication and contribution to international relations. We argue that the redefinitions of middle powers' foreign policy remain in line with their broadly understood foreign policy culture, that is that a middle power embedded within consensus-oriented domestic political context is less likely to change its foreign policy than a middle power embedded within conflict-oriented domestic political context. The argument is substantiated by an analysis of political behaviour of Indonesia, representing the former, and Brazil, representing the latter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]