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The paper considers whether the ‘new’ anti-Semitism identified by, for example, Bauer, Pipes and Sacks is in fact a new phenomenon. It considers several key moments in the history of anti-Semitism, together with a series of meetings facilitated by Volkan between psychotherapists affected by the Holocaust. The conclusion is that the ‘new’ manifestations are ‘old’ processes reactivated in new contexts. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between racism and the memory politics of the anti‐communist underground in Poland. It explores a covert antisemitism behind the conservative nationalist hegemonic project of transforming the anti‐communist underground into the ideologically charged symbol of the Cursed Soldiers. It demonstrates that under the conditions of the condemnation of antisemitism, the symbolism of the Cursed Soldiers has become a covert way of expressing anti‐Jewish prejudice in hegemonic memory politics. The paper argues that this covert antisemitism must be seen in the broader context of historical racialised antisemitism and racialised structures of Polish national identity. The paper challenges the notion of Poland as a country free from racism, by unpacking the role of racialisation in the dominant understanding of Polishness. It demonstrates how the memory politics of the Cursed Soldiers fit into the racialised logic of the dominant ideology of Polish national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the emotional appeal of Nazi propaganda from a psychoanalytic point of view. A shared ideological narrative connecting to unconscious fantasies within a large group psychology are utilized to explain this emotional appeal in the context of an intersubjective leader‐audience relationship. A narrative of narcissistic revenge, apocalyptic battle, and utopian unity and purification are explored utilizing speeches of Hitler as examples of ideological transmission. Prophesizing the extermination of the Jews of Europe is understood as integral to the emotional appeal of Nazi propaganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antisemitism has been a persistent and growing prejudice for millenniums against the Jewish people. This paper offers a general theory of group hatred appliable to antisemitism and other religious or racial prejudices. Theories of prejudice tend either to postulate an internal psychic template of hatred that is projected or postulate a social origin of hatred that is internalized. Rather there is a dialectic where there is a reciprocal movement between internal and external. The tendency to hate and project is a part of the human psyche, here called internal racism. Anxieties which cannot be contained internally can be stabilized by large‐group identity. When internal racism cannot be contained or the external social groups are weak, the result is pathological large‐group formations. A distinction can be made between personal antisemitism in which the hatred is projected onto a known person and impersonal antisemitism in which hatred is projected into groups. A fairy tale by the brother's Grimm, "The Jew among Thorns" is used to illustrate a number of personal antisemitic attitudes. "The Protocols of the Elders of Zion," a forged document that appeared in pre‐revolutionary Russia, is used to illustrate impersonal antisemitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 20th century, public discourse in Muslim‐minority countries has centered around the question of how to classify Muslims. In this paper, we compare the state, academic, and self‐classification of Muslims in two countries: the United Kingdom and Germany. We propose that the historical experience of anti‐Semitism makes religion a more salient master category to understand Muslims in Germany, while the history of both anti‐Semitism and anti‐Black racism largely resulting from colonial domination means that religion together with race are master categories used to understand Muslims in the United Kingdom. Through this multilayered ethnographic and historical analysis, we challenge taken‐for‐granted assumptions in both the political and academic milieu about what it means to be Muslim, emphasizing the importance of the interplay between sociopolitical categories and self‐identifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stephen Timoshenko was the author of numerous textbooks on various aspects of applied mechanics, and through them contributed to its rapid development in the world. As always, the community is also interested in the personal side of the scientists. This paper is devoted to a single statement made by Stephen Timoshenko in his autobiographical book. Specifically, it concerns Timoshenko's at least partial "explanation" of the Holocaust that took place during WWII. Whereas Timoshenko's statement constituted, to the present writer, open antisemitism, it does not seem to disturb many researchers who continue to honor him in various ways. "Nonsense is nonsense, but the history of nonsense is scholarship," according to Saul Lieberman. Hence the present article presents an investigation of Timoshenko's nonsensical and overly antisemitic statement. This author corresponded with a number of historians of science all repudiating Timoshenko's assertions. Most importantly, the correspondents shed additional vivid light on the Holocaust as experienced by Jewish scientists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a novel conceptualization of a type of untruthful speech that is of eminent political relevance but has hitherto been unrecognized: epistemically exploitative bullshit (EEB). Speakers engaging in EEB are bullshitting: they deceive their addressee regarding their unconcern for the very difference between truth and falsity. At the same time, they exploit their discursive victims: they oblige their counterparts to perform unacknowledged and emotionally draining epistemic work to educate the speakers about the addressees' oppression, only to discredit their epistemic trustworthiness. I argue that EEB is irreducible to various recently discussed untruthful speech, and in particular to Frankfurtian bullshit, as well as to epistemic exploitation or other epistemic injustices. Taking inspiration from Sartre's analysis of anti‐Semitic discourse, where bullshitting and epistemic exploitation are essentially interlinked, I instead suggest that recognizing the distinctiveness of EEB allows for a more refined conceptualization of these discursive phenomena. Specifically, I show how bad faith and the ensuing collective diffusion and delegation of epistemic responsibility play a so far neglected but key role here. I ultimately demonstrate that with Sartre's help, we can grasp how the existential, interpersonal and institutional dimensions involved in the negotiation of truth seamlessly intersect better than we would with the lens of analytic or critical epistemology alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The topic of migration, flight and trauma is as old as civilization, as its myths, fairytales, and its legends such as “The Odyssey” and well‐known literary figures like Oedipus and Medea (first section of the paper). However, the current refugee crisis in Europe has led to societal tensions and even splitting among large groups, such as in Germany where enormous empathy for the refugees' plight can be observed on the one hand, and hostilities, anxiety and xenophobic feelings and actions on the other hand. In the second section of the paper, the authors summarize some of the psychoanalytical concepts trying to understand some of the unconscious roots of xenophobia, antisemitism, fundamentalism and nationalism. Another psychoanalytical contribution in support of refugees comes from the body of psychoanalytic and interdisciplinary research on trauma and its transgenerational transmission (third section). Therewith psychoanalysis has produced a large conceptual, research and clinical knowledge base, which we may consider to be one of the contributions of psychoanalysis to current interdisciplinary and public discourse on refugees and immigrants. In the last section of this paper the authors summarize the pilot project STEP‐BY‐STEP which was carried out from January 2016 until April 2017 in a first reception center in Darmstadt. Concepts, applications and clinical experiences are presented for discussion. The pilot project has been quite successful and is serving as a model to be implemented during the next five years by four Psychosocial Centers for supporting refugees in Hesse. Given the large problems society faces in response to the “Refugee Crisis”, the authors consider their labors a mere drop in the endless ocean of pain, despair and sufferings of thousands of refugees who have escaped war, terror and poverty in their home countries and are hoping for a better life in Europe and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although conspiracy theories have been politically significant throughout history, only a few empirical studies have been about their influence on readers' views. Combining a rational choice approach with a content analysis of an anti-Semitic best-selling conspiracy theory book series in Turkey - the Efendi series - and semi-structured interviews with its readers, this paper reveals the effects of the conspiracy theories on readers' political perspectives. The findings suggest that whereas the rightists are reactive to the Jewish origins of the Dönmes, the leftists oppose the Dönmes as dominant bourgeois figures. This paper concludes that left- and right-wing adherents use the conspiratorial accounts in line with their political views and ontological insecurities. It expands the existing academic literature, which conceptualizes conspiracy theories either as paranoid delusions or as neutral, rational narratives, by showing that they can be both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Robert Fine was among the most original social theorists in Britain of the past 30 years, and the aim of this paper is to offer a first systematic assessment of his intellectual contribution. There are sound intellectual reasons to explore Fine's scholarship. He maintained a problematic relation with mainstream sociology and, against the reduction of sociology to questions of method, culture, or class, he argued that sociologists must continue to ask difficult normative questions as part of the social world they ought to explain. And there are also pressing political concerns that justify a reconsideration of his writings. Global politics is currently marked by a populist wave that decries the very ideas and values that were central to Fine's social theory: the need to uphold the rule of law at home and abroad, the politics of cosmopolitan solidarity, and the significance of antisemitism and its relationships with different forms of authoritarian politics. My main argument is that there is a dialectics of universality that drives forward Fine's intellectual project. By this, I mean that a universalistic idea of humanity—an all‐inclusive conception of all human beings—is the most important normative intuition of modern times. This idea of humanity moves forward in history through a dual process of emancipation and domination: successful forms of social, legal, and political inclusion help make visible previous dynamics of exclusion but may also create or recreate discriminatory practices. Building on the work of French historian Michael Löwy on heterodox Jewish thinkers, I explain the three main tenets of Fine's work: (a) his reconstruction of critical social theory; (b) the notion of cosmopolitan solidarity; and (c) the significance and main features of modern antisemitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The difficulties in defining hate crime, hate incidents and hate speech, and in finding a common conceptual basis constitute a key barrier toward operationalisation in research, policy and programming. Definitions disagree about issues such as the identities that should be protected, the types of behaviours that should be referred to as hateful, and how the 'hate element' should be assessed. The lack of solid conceptual foundations is reflected in the absence of sound data. These issues have been raised since the early 1990s (Berk, 1990; Byers & Venturelli, 1994) but they proved to be an intractable problem that continues to affect this research and policy domain. Objectives: Our systematic review has two objectives that are fundamentally connected: mapping (1) original definitions and (2) original measurement tools of hate crime, hate speech, hate incidents and surrogate terms, that is, alternative terms used for these concepts (e.g., prejudice‐motivated crime, bias crime, among many others). Search Methods: We systematically searched over 19 databases to retrieve academic and grey literature, as well as legislation. In addition, we contacted 26 country experts and searched 211 websites, as well as bibliographies of published reviews of related literature, and scrutiny of annotated bibliographies of related literature. Inclusion Criteria: This review included documents published after 1990 found in academic literature, grey literature and legislation. We included academic empirical articles with any study design, as well as theoretical articles that focused specifically on defining hate crime, hate speech, hate incidents or surrogate terms. We also reviewed current criminal or civil legislation that is intended to regulate forms of hate speech, hate incidents and hate crimes. Eligible countries included Canada, USA, UK, Ireland, Germany, France, Italy, Spain, Australia and New Zealand. For documents to be included in relation to research objective (1), they had to contain at least one original definition of hate speech, hate incidents or hate crimes, or any surrogate term. For documents to be included in relation to research objective (2), they had to contain at least one original measurement tool of hate speech, hate incidents or hate crimes, or any surrogate term. Documents could be included in relation to both research objectives. Data Collection and Analysis: The systematic search covered 1 January 1990 to 31 December 2021, with searches of academic databases conducted between 8th March and 12th April 2022 yielding 35,191 references. We carried out country‐specific searches for grey literature published in the same time period between 27th August and 2nd December 2021. These searches yielded a total of 2748 results. We coded characteristics of the definitions and measurement tools, including the protected characteristics, the approaches to categorise the 'hate element' and other variables. We used univariate and bivariate statistical methods for data analysis. We also carried out a social network analysis. Main Results: We provide as annex complete lists of the original definitions and measurement tools that met our inclusion criteria, for the use of researchers and policy makers worldwide. We included 423 definitions and 168 measurement tools in academic and grey literature, and 83 definitions found in legislation. To support future research and policy work in this area, we included a synthetic assessment of the (1) the operationalisability of each definition and (2) the theoretical robustness and transparency of each measurement tool. Our mapping of the definitions and measurement tools revealed numerous significant trends, clusters and differences between and within definitions and measurement tools focusing on hate crime, hate speech and hate incidents. For example, definitions and measurement tools tend to focus more on ethnic and religious identities (e.g., racism, antisemitism, Islamophobia) compared to sexual, gender and disability‐related identities. This gap is greater in the definitions and measurement tools of hate speech than hate crime. Our analysis showed geographical patterns: hate crime definitions and measurement tools are more likely to originate from Anglophonic countries, especially the USA, but hate speech definitions and measurement tools are more likely to originate from continental Europe. In terms of disciplinary fragmentation, our social network analysis revealed that the collaboration and exchange of conceptual frameworks and methodological tools between social sciences and computer science is limited, with most definitions and measurement tools clustering along disciplinary lines. More detailed findings are presented in the results section of the report. Authors' Conclusions: There is an urgent need to close the research and policy gap between the protections of 'ethnic and religious identities' and other (less) protected characteristics such as gender and sexual identities, age and disability. There is also an urgent need to improve the quality of methodological and reporting standards in research examining hate behaviours, including transparency in methodology and data reporting, and discussion of limitations (e.g., bias in data). Many of the measurement tools found in the academic literature were excluded because they did not report transparently how they collected and analysed the data. Further, 41% of documents presenting research on hate behaviours did not provide a definition of what they were looking at. Given the importance of this policy domain, it is vital to raise the quality and trustworthiness of research in this area. This review found that researchers in different disciplinary areas (e.g., social sciences and computer science) rarely collaborate. Future research should attempt to build on existing definitions and measurement tools (instead of duplicating efforts), and engage in more interdisciplinary collaborations. It is our hope that that this review can provide a solid foundation for researchers, government, and other bodies to build cumulative knowledge and collaboration in this important field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines emblematic texts by two important protagonists of post-1848 liberalism in Germany, Gustav Freytag and Heinrich von Treitschke, focusing on their treatment of Jews and Poles. The paper analyses the social content of their statements and argues that the elements of anti-Semitism and anti-Slav racism that they contain were motivated by the specific kind of nationalist liberalism that frames their affirmation of the process of modernisation. This affirmation was directed against the Poles on the one hand, seen as backward Easterners who had to be pushed into civilisation by Prussian- German colonialism, and, on the other hand, the Jews, largely perceived as representing the wrong kind of modernity against which benign (supposedly German) modernity had to be protected. At the same time, the image of the Jew in Freytag and Treitschke also participates in that of the backward Easterner, permitting to see undesirable, allegedly Jewish aspects of modernity also as distortions resulting from an alien and ancient culture. This analysis has consequences for theorisations of both liberalism and nationalism: it suggests that the racism and anti-Semitism of nationalist liberals were intrinsically related to core aspects of the liberal world-view rather than being merely contingent opinions held by particular individuals. It also indicates that the nationalism of many German post-1848 liberals was ethnic as well as liberal. In this way, the paper contributes to the growing body of literature discussing the illiberal aspects of liberalism as well as the shortcomings of the long-established conceptual dichotomy of ethnic vs. liberal nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In this paper, we examine Shakespeare's sixteenth‐century play, The Merchant of Venice. Anti‐Semitism is a key theme in this play. The well‐known central character, Shylock, is a Jewish man ridiculed and victimised because of his identity. Much literary research has been done on the anti‐Semitism of the play, and many social studies have compared anti‐Semitism and Islamophobia, but scarcely any research brings a Shakespearean play from the sixteenth century into the context of twenty‐first century Islamophobia. There are a number of similarities between the manner in which Shylock is ostracised and the current victimisation that Muslim communities are facing in Europe and more specifically the UK. With this in mind, we explore contextual and thematic elements of this play and argue that it is possible to apply the way Shylock is unfairly victimised on stage because of his identity as a Jew to the treatment of some Muslims today. In particular, the treatment he faces shares stark similarities with the types, impacts and consequences of Islamophobic hate crime today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Glock and Stark theoretical framework on Christian beliefs and anti-Semitism implies that orthodox religious beliefs perpetuate secular anti-Semitism via particularism and religious anti-Semitism. Several critics have argued that the major weakness of this study is its failure to examine explanatory variables other than religious beliefs. This paper addresses these issues using data from a 1990-91 national Dutch survey. Although the results tend to support the assumption that nonreligious variables are far more important to the explanation of anti-Semitism and, too, that they attenuate the impact of Christian orthodoxy, the effects of the latter are by no means spurious. The most important conclusion of this paper is therefore that there still is, in Holland at least, a religious factor at work, albeit a modest one, generating anti-Semitic beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite their high degree of economic, educational, social, and political success, most American Jews in the early 2000s see anti-Semitism as a problem, and significant percentages see anti-Semitism as a very serious problem. How do we explain these perceptions of anti-Semitic threat given the comparative success of Jews in so many aspects of American life? This paper uses annual surveys from the National Survey of American Jews from 2000 through 2005 to address this question. Results indicate a multiplicity of factors affect perceptions of the seriousness of anti-Semitism. Those with a stronger sense of Jewish identity, lower income, and older people are more likely to see anti-Semitism as a very serious problem. Respondents also tend to see anti-Semitism as a more serious threat if they live in states with higher anti-Semitic incidents rates and when use of anti-Semitic terms in the news media increases. The conclusion puts the findings into perspective and suggests what we can learn by studying successful minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the period from 1964 to 1966, the Communist Party of Australia (CPA) moved from a position of denying the existence of anti-Semitism in the Soviet Union to voicing open public criticisms of Soviet policies towards its Jewish minority. These criticisms were unprecedented for an official Communist Party, and had considerable influence on the international communist movement. This paper explores the negotiations between Jewish community leader Isi Leibler and the CPA which induced these criticisms. It is argued that Leibler negotiated with the CPA on two fronts: official dialogue with the elected Sydney-based CPA leadership, and unofficial private discussions — which can arguably be termed secret collusion — with other senior CPA officials in Melbourne. These unofficial discussions seem to have been crucial in shifting the CPA from its traditional position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, anti-Jewish bigotry in the Muslim and Arab world has reached dangerous proportions, yet psychologists, sociologists, and other social scientists have produced scant research on the topic. This paper seeks to understand why there is so much hostility, paying particular attention to four potential sources: (1) Islamic history and theology, (2) frustration, anger and scapegoating, (3) socialization practices, and (4) the political context of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

“Within the Pale”: This paper examines British responses to the East European Jew in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Unlike other analyses, which have concentrated on the impact of Jewish immigration to the U.K. and the so-called aliens' debate, the author interprets the narrative constructed by British commentators who visited the Tsarist Empire (sometimes to specifically examine its “Jewish Question”) and who spent long periods there (either as independent observers, or as newspaper/journal correspondents). It discusses how Russian attitudes, images and allusions about Jews were transmitted to British discourse and the extent to which Anglo-Russian boundaries of Judeophobia were intertwined. In its assessment it considers British perceptions of anti-Tsarist persecution, life in the Pale, the Jewish-peasant relationship and Anglo-Jewish responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sombart's belief that double-entry bookkeeping was essential to the development of capitalism has been criticized by both accounting and economic historians. His substantive conclusions concerning double-entry bookkeeping have been rejected mainly because they result from his selective and self-serving rendition of history. Accounting historians have been preoccupied especially with denouncing his exaggerated appreciation of double-entry bookkeeping. They argue that he attributes far too much importance to its potentialities in preference to the more sober reality found in the historical record. This paper shows that in their denunciation of Sombart's conclusions and his faulty history, accounting history researchers have been seemingly oblivious to the way in which Sombart's anti-Semitism shaped his appreciation of double-entry bookkeeping. He accuses Jews, as exceptional exponents of rational profit calculation, of perpetrating the evils of capitalism. His views of double-entry bookkeeping and the history of economic systems betrayed a strong attachment to a romantic conception of German history which supported German anti-Semitism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Sombart's denunciation of Jewish influences extended from their business practices to observations of Jews that were consistently anti-Semitic and sympathetic to those of the Nazis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper directs its attention to a study of interminority hostility by joining two competing methodological traditions-fieldwork and survey research. I examine the following contributions of fieldwork to survey research in the study of black anti-Semitism: (a) selecting a suitable research site and sampling strategy, (b) generating theoretical clues, (c) garnering clues for data collection, and (d) analysis of data. In so doing, I am calling for a new style of research where both methods become the common mode of study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the support for the re-thinking of analytical psychology in regard to the theme of human differences. Disappointments in the anti-semitism with training for Jungian analyst; Accusations on the biases in Jungian psychology; Reduction of human differences in human nature.

It is widely recognized that the Council of Nicaea marks a watershed in relations between Christians and Jews – both specifically the Ecumenical Council itself and also more generally the decades around and following 325. It was at this time that the separation between Christians and Jews, and between Christianity and Judaism, can be said to have reached a definitively final form, the conclusion of the long, drawn‐out process referred to as the "parting of the ways." Despite periods of co‐existence and mutual enrichment, the history of Christian–Jewish relations has too often been marked by toxicity and tragedy. Christians have not only distinguished themselves from Jewish peoplebut have treated them with disparagement, exclusion, and, at times, persecution; moreover, Christian anti‐Judaism prepared the ground for a still more deadly secular antisemitism. Against this background, this article approaches the question of how to mark the 1700th anniversary of the First Council of Nicaea in terms of its significance for Christian–Jewish relations in our own time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article interrogates the arbitrary distinctions made between "anti‐Judaism" and "anti‐Semitism" by contextualizing the treatment of Jews in Roman late antiquity within the broader framework of premodern critical race studies. It illustrates the value of employing models such as racialization and monstrification when reconstructing the various iterations of anti‐Jewish prejudice that populate the long history of Christianity. More specifically, it outlines the modes of racialization utilized in two fourth‐century Christian writings: Eusebius's two‐part apology and the Pseudo‐Hegesippus. While Eusebius's work serves as an example of the racialization of Jews through ethnographic mythmaking, the so‐called Pseudo‐Hegesippus demonstrates the use of monstrification in the service of creating an affective culture of fear and hatred toward Jews. Such examples of Christian race‐making in late antiquity contribute to the task of tracing the developments of premodern race beyond the medieval period and disrupts the arbitrary and limiting distinctions made between anti‐Judaism and anti‐Semitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Knowledge on anti‐semitism and its effects as an attitude is limited. We seek to assess its relationship with other out‐group measures and its predictive ability on political judgments. We seek to (a) study the properties of a measure of anti‐semitism; (b) explore the relationship between anti‐semitism and other frequently used measures of out‐group attitudes; (c) assess the key demographic predictors of endorsement of anti‐semitic beliefs; (d) evaluate the predictive ability of our measure of anti‐semitism in models predicting support for the QAnon conspiracy theory and vote for Trump in the 2020 election. Data and Methods: This study utilizes two national online surveys fielded in January and August 2020 that are weighted to match the U.S. population. We utilize a Bayesian factor analytic approach to assess the relationship between various out‐group measures. We also use regression analyses to predict the correlates of anti‐semitism and to test the relationship between anti‐semitism and support for QAnon and for Trump. Results: Our results show that anti‐semitism shares more variance with xenophobia than anti‐black prejudice suggesting that people tend to perceive Jews as national outsiders not as racial others. Furthermore, anti‐semitism is a strong positive predictor of both support for QAnon and intent to vote for Donald Trump. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the history of social constructions, principally conspiracy theories, about a crypto-Jewish group, the Dönmes, in Turkey. It considers the socio-political reasons for the conspiracy theories and their significance by analysing their contents in different periods. The findings suggest that the fluid identity of Dönmes makes them stranger figures, in a sociological sense, creates public mistrust and encourages conspiratorial explanations. Moreover, the study shows that the conspiracy theories surrounding Dönmes are also fed by the ontological insecurities of Turkish politics, and that conspiracy theories tend to have appeal for alienated groups during major social transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a commentary on the British Conservative Press and its participation in antisemitic and radical discourse in 1830-1895 era. The author explores British politics, liberalism, Jewish principal, and economics to support his claims. He also comments on the conservative press's contribution to protectionism movement.

The article discusses various reports published within the issue, including one by Joseph Montville on Muslim-Jewish relations and another by Mortimer Ostow on the motivation for mass hatred against the Jews.

The article discusses the anti-Semitism in Arab and Muslim countries. The article offers a sharp retort of Neil J. Kressel's view on the Muslim-Jewish antagonism, claiming that his take on the issue is extraordinarily shallow in its use of historical sources. It argues that the anti-Semitism is principally the fault of Israel and maintains that the net loss resulting from such conflict is on the Palestinian side. It also discusses the role played by national identity in the conflict and focuses on the history of Jews living under Muslim rule.

After having spoken to lay and professional audiences in Germany, Switzerland, Austria, England, France and in the United States on the effects of the Shoah on people in psychotherapy today and found varying reactions, I decided to pursue the question in a more consequential way. I devised a questionnaire which I sent to a large number of international psychoanalytic societies. My initial impressions were confirmed: Freudian societies generally devote more work to the topic. Some Jungian societies with especially interested individuals have also devoted a substantial amount of work to the Shoah and its aftermaths. The Jungian hesitancy has to do with our often more archetypal approach and with shame about Jung's statements on the Jewish archetype. On the collective level, the presence of a survivor population seems to make research on the topic more difficult. A certain amount of time must evolve before a society (be it professional, individual or political) deals with collective trauma, be it the Shoah or political oppression. On the personal level, intimacy (also in future, adult relationships) seems blocked when fantasies about parents’ implications in the Shoah prevail. The bottom line of both phenomena is taboo, a prohibition against touching tameh. I propose that the IAAP supports research projects on the Shoah. They could also, as the Freudians do, offer a special prize at each international conference for the best piece of research on the topic of collective trauma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on antisemitism and the aesthetic. Topics include accounts of antisemitism being functionalist meeting certain psychological, religious, political, economic, and intellectual; conspiracy theories' playfulness participating in a kind of puzzle-solving game by uncovering the plot and players passing tests of ingenuity; and discerning in the Nazi leadership ideals animating the own research.

Presents an analytical and feeling response regarding the question of psychologist Carl Jung's anti-Semitism. Calls for a compassionate understanding approach to Jung's lifelong development; Appreciation of Jung's religious attitude, which evolved toward a deep acceptance of Judaism and its traditions; Jung's belief in the maxim that individuals grow and change.

This article argues that traditional Christology is intimately bound up with a triumphalist agenda that denies Jesus' Jewishness and is structurally antisemitic. Taking an antiracist stance, the article argues that systemic rethinking of Christianity's theological resources is needed, which must be anti‐antisemitic and antiracist. This involves reconfiguring how we take on board Jesus' Jewishness in a post‐Holocaust context and recognizing Jesus as a Jewish prophet. From this, it is tentatively suggested that rethinking the role of the Messiah involves understanding a Levinasian Messiah who does not come, but rather calls upon us to act in a Messianic role before the Other as an ethical imperative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the approach of the World Council of Churches (WCC) to the theological questions involved in Jewish‐Christian relations, while also noting connections between these questions and political factors. The first part focuses on WCC assemblies. At Amsterdam in 1948, a brief document emphasized four key issues: the relationship of the Jewish people to God and to the Church; antisemitism; mission; and the State of Israel. At subsequent assemblies, especially after 1967, with attention focusing on the Israel‐Palestine conflict and the plight of the Palestinians, theological discussion of these questions was avoided. The second part of the essay turns to the discussion of these four questions at other levels of the WCC, also considering the wider context of this discussion in the varied approaches developed among WCC member churches. A major theme throughout the essay is that because of the spectrum of ecclesiastical and regional affiliations across member churches, theological discussion of these questions has been controversial within the WCC. If its output in this field of theological work has therefore understandably been limited in comparison with that of some member churches and ecumenical partners, the WCC does nevertheless have a unique capacity to play a convening role for discussion of these difficult questions between Christians of different traditions and from very different political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The IHRA definition is one of the most contentious documents in the history of efforts to combat antisemitism. Although it first became well known in the UK as a result of disputes within the Labour Party, the definition reaches well beyond that context, and has been adopted by universities, city councils, and governments. With its intensive focus on the critique of Israel as a marker of antisemitism, the IHRA definition has been heavily implicated in the suppression of Israel‐critical speech in recent years. This article is among the first to adopt a global perspective on the definition—both its history and its content—clarifying the political stakes of this definition and broader paratextual apparatus for a general audience, and provides an explanation of why it should be rejected rather than used to censor Israel‐critical speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti‐Semitism represents one of the most penetrating forms of prejudice, yet social research has failed to address the causal underpinnings of the phenomenon. To this end, we empirically test the notion that anti‐Semitism builds on the legacy of the Holocaust. Standing as the benchmark for collective suffering, the Holocaust creates competition over recognition of the status of the victim. Upward comparisons between victimized ingroups with other victimized outgroups trigger social prejudice. Victimhood, thus, creates an antagonistic view of the Jews that, in turn, fuels anti‐Semitic prejudice. We test this theory using data from Greece—the European nation with the highest proportion of anti‐Semites—leveraging two survey experiments and a natural experiment. Our results confirm our theoretical expectations, showing that perceived victimhood fuels anti‐Semitism. The findings of our research carry important implications for dealing with anti‐Semitism and for combating various forms of outgroup prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literary criticism for the book "Roman But Not Catholic: What Remains at Stake 500 Years After the Reformation" by Jerry Walls and Kenneth Collins is presented. It mentions that the problem of the Church's overwhelming history of anti-Semitism; and also mentions that Christianity claims to be a continuation of Judaism.

In this article, we argue that Labour's antisemitism crisis has been misunderstood. We suggest that a more accurate and sophisticated understanding of antisemitism offers a way forward. There are three elements to this claim. First, by drawing on existing data on attitudes towards Jews, we criticise the widespread focus on individual 'antisemites', rather than on the broader problem of antisemitism. In turn, we conceive of antisemitism not as a virus or poison, as in so many formulations, but rather, as a reservoir of readily available images and ideas that subsist in our political culture. Second, following on from this understanding, we offer five ways forward. Finally, we set this analysis in the context of a historical parting of the ways between anti‐racism and opposition to antisemitism. An anti‐racism defined solely by conceptions of whiteness and power, we argue, has proven unable to fully acknowledge and account for anti‐Jewish racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The World Council of Churches (WCC) and the International Jewish Committee for Interreligious Consultations met formally on 25–27 June 2019, in Paris, under the theme "The normalization of hatred: Challenges for Jews and Christians today." This article outlines the presentation of WCC policies on antisemitism and the WCC's work for human rights for all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To explore current attitudes among Jewish students, faculty, and leaders of Jewish campus organizations regarding the putative exclusion of Jewish concerns from campus dialogs around diversity, we recruited 40 such individuals to engage in a semi‐structured interview. The consensus among our interviewees was that there is a significant, ongoing, and too‐often overlooked problem with virulent anti‐Israel activity on many campuses that often seeps into antisemitism; that many, though not all, Jewish students are disturbed by this phenomena; that the consequences of anti‐Israel hostility on some campuses are felt most significantly by self‐identified progressive Jewish students who feel emotionally attacked for pro‐Israel sentiments and ostracized in their attempts to join with seemingly progressive and/or intersectional campus movements; that college diversity officers and courses have, for the most part, failed to include issues of concern to Jewish students; and that psychotherapists, especially those on college campuses, maybe unprepared to deal with concerns specific to Jewish students. We believe that the failure to recognize and deal with campus antisemitism is both dangerous and morally disingenuous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In short, in the German case, and especially discussing Weber and Sombart, the fact that Jews were importantly I present i in sociological writings does not necessarily lead to the bold conclusions Goldberg draws about sociological theory. [Extracted from the article]

Comments on a paper regarding the question of psychologist Carl Jung's anti-Semitism. Jung's lifelong development; Appreciation of Jung's religious attitude, which evolved toward a deep acceptance of Judaism and its traditions; Jung's belief in the maxim that individuals grow and change.

Traces Carl Jung's anti-Semitism conceptually rather than historically in the article "Jung and anti-Semitism," by Andrew Samuels. Evidence of the degree to which Jung's dealings with the Nazis were shadowed by his own nationalist sentiments and convictions; Political theory of history which was rooted in the intense growth of nationalism.

This article focuses on the long‐term ideological vision of Jews and Israel in radical Islam. By examining, on the one hand, the animosity towards Judeo‐Israelis in the spawning and bolstering of Islamist, Salafist and Jihadist movements, and on the other hand, the sociological composition of Jihadist elites related to the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict, I show the centrality of the Judeophobic discourse in the world of radical Islam as well as the importance of Israel in its reinforcement. By trying to historicize this discourse, as well as political and strategic movements linked with the State of Israel, I also question the nature of the hostility towards Judaism, and more specifically the role of the Israeli issue in the development and evolution of the most radical and violent forms of Muslim identity over nearly a century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This article examines the impact of Enoch Powell's speech on Britain's numerous right‐wing fringe groups and their response—in particular, that of the National Front, who benefitted the most from Powell's intervention on race and for a brief moment became Britain's fourth political party. It begins by looking at the growth of post‐World War II British fascism and how its emphasis switched from anti‐Semitism to anti‐colonial immigration. Throughout the piece, the relationship between Britain's far right and the Conservative party is examined to show how Powell inadvertently blurred the lines between the two. The article concludes with the 1979 general election victory of Margaret Thatcher who, by adopting Powellite themes but in more measured tones, destroyed the National Front's dream of an electoral breakthrough. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shortly after I joined the faculty of Emory University, a young undergraduate, Eric Goldstein, decided to write his honors thesis on the history of the Jews at Emory. First, Brickman discovered the systematic antisemitism: 'Dean Buhler ... said, "Ronald [a fellow student], I flunked nineteen of your class. Brickman also discovered the courage of others as his fellow students got over their shame and emotional isolation and allowed Brickman to interview them on videotape as they told their stories. [Extracted from the article]

Responds to a critique of a paper regarding the question of psychologist Carl Jung's anti-Semitism. Background on Jung's approach to psychology; Appreciation of Jung's religious attitude, which evolved toward a deep acceptance of Judaism and its traditions; Jung's belief in the maxim that individuals grow and change.

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Groups that perceive themselves as victims can engage in 'competitive victimhood.' We propose that, in some societal circumstances, this competition bears on the recognition of past sufferings-rather than on their relative severity-fostering negative intergroup attitudes. Three studies are presented. Study 1, a survey among Sub-Saharan African immigrants in Belgium ( N = 127), showed that a sense of collective victimhood was associated with more secondary anti-Semitism. This effect was mediated by a sense of lack of victimhood recognition, then by the belief that this lack of recognition was due to that of Jews' victimhood, but not by competition over the severity of the sufferings. Study 2 replicated this mediation model among Muslim immigrants ( N = 125). Study 3 experimentally demonstrated the negative effect of the unequal recognition of groups' victimhood on intergroup attitudes in a fictional situation involving psychology students ( N = 183). Overall, these studies provide evidence that struggle for victimhood recognition can foster intergroup conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay reconsiders the category of ' Holocaust denial' as the marked indicator of ethical transgression in Holocaust historiography within American civil religion. It maintains that the present category excludes and thereby enables other violations of responsible Holocaust historiography. To demonstrate the nature and gravity of such violations, the essay engages the widespread claim that Hajj Muhammad Amin al- Husayni, the former mufti of Jerusalem, was an instigator, promoter, or 'driving spirit' of the Nazi genocide against Jews, and the associated suggestions of wider Arab and Muslim complicity. The essay uncovers the history of the Husayni narrative in question, the dramatic circumstances in which it emerged, its role in the 1961 trial of Adolf Eichmann, and its rediscovery and misuse within American popular and political circles over the past two decades. Such misuse, it concludes, corrodes Holocaust recognition within American civil religion and demonstrates the need for a revision of the socially accepted ethical boundary for responsible Holocaust historiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]