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Aim: The paper examines quantitative and qualitative dimensions of India's research output on Eating Disorders. Methodology: Scopus database was searched for the publications on eating Disorder from India during the years 2000 to 2019, and then the articles were screened to select the relevant articles. Results: The study included 132 publications. India's cumulative research in this area registered 328% absolute growth and averaged 6.87 citations per paper. The distribution of output by type of research revealed that anorexia nervosa and pica (31.82% and 28.79% share) contributed the largest shares of publications on eating disorders during 2000–2019. All India Institute of Medical Sciences, New Delhi; National Institute of Mental Health and Neurosciences, Bengaluru; and Postgraduate Institute of Medical Education and Research, Chandigarh, lead the country as the most productive organizations (with 14, 11, and 7 papers each). Indian Journal of Psychological Medicine and Indian Journal of Pediatrics formed the most common journals publishing research on eating disorder, with largest contribution of 9 papers each. Conclusion: There is meager research on eating disorders from India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Border conflict is the product of aggression between the nations. Borders are not just physical barriers, but also psychological barriers between the neighboring countries. The Union Territory Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) is experiencing hostility and displacement since independence of India and Pakistan in 1947. The uncertainty continues, especially for the villages close to the border where incidences of firing are quite frequent. During conflict in border areas, the rights of a children i.e. the right to life, the right to education, the right to be with family and community, the right to health and the right to be nurtured and protected are severely violated and compromised. This paper aims to understand the impact of border conflict on the education of children in the Jammu region. This study adopted qualitative method in which, thirty children living in the bordering villages, of the age group between 10-14 years were interviewed. Phenomenological analysis is used to explore the lived experiences of the children. The findings of the study described the impact of border conflict under four sections viz. (a) disturbed school functioning and student hood; (b) frequent dislocation due to intense concern for security; (c) multiple impediments in sustaining education during conflict; and (d) tangled aspirations and hope for future among the children.

Copyright of International Relations & International Law Journal / Seriâ Meždunarodnye Otnošeniâ & Meždunarodnoe Pravo is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Advocates of global international relations (IR) present IR as a Eurocentric discipline that should now diversify its theoretical and empirical focus to the non-west. This paper turns this argument on its head, arguing that IR was 'global at birth'. Concentrating in particular on the implications that global IR debate has for our understanding of the historical development of disciplinary knowledge, the article argues that both conventional and critical stances within this debate tend to express a substantialist conception of knowledge formations, one which encourages diffusionist ideas of the spread of knowledge from an origin to a destination, and essentialist representations of specific geographies of knowledge. In order to address this, the paper proposes a relational sociology of disciplinary knowledge that offers a more historically grounded understanding of the ongoing, provisional, connected, and configurational nature of knowledge construction, without losing sight of the hierarchies that inflect this. The article applies this framework to archival work on the intellectual history of international thought in India, offering an approach that allows a global account of the development of disciplinary IR that operates within and beyond imperial frames, encompassing the entangled histories of colonial, anti-colonial, and postcolonial lineages of what became known as 'International Relations' in the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper delineates the characteristics of an emerging Southern multilateralism to argue against pessimistic narratives of anarchy and disorder as well as optimistic narratives that celebrate the resilience of the Liberal International Order (LIO). It does this by staging a conversation between a top‐down International Relations literature that explores the contours of global order and a bottom‐up international development literature that investigates the changing role of the Global South in world politics. By highlighting the continuities and discontinuities of Southern multilateralism with it, the paper illustrates the ways in which Southern Multilateralism both challenges the LIO and supports it. The perspective of Southern Multilateralism suggests that countries in the Global South insist on sharing global responsibility with prevailing institutions of liberal multilateralism, neither seeking to overthrow it nor to be co‐opted within it. A subsidiary argument of the paper is that Southern Multilateralism is not homogenous: To that end, it attends to the richness of Southern Multilateralism by directing attention to variations within it. In line with the theme of the Special Issue, this paper focuses on two cases that involve India's presence on the African continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TikTok, one of the most downloaded apps in the world, has been banned in India since June 2020, following military clashes on the India-China border. This article focuses on government narratives of the TikTok ban in the Indian media and situates the issue within the broader geopolitical framework of deteriorating Sino-Indian relations and attempts for digital sovereignty. At a time of strong nationalist discourses dominating the political and social communication in India, it is perhaps unsurprising that the narratives have been seen outside India as protectionism. However, this paper argues that the digital sovereignty in the Indian context is not exclusionary but aims to create a robust digital infrastructure that is critical for economic development and self-reliance. Highlighting the lessons from India, this paper concludes the following: (i) digital sovereignty is a form of discourse which does not imply any specific policy, (ii) digital sovereignty relates to user control over their data, however, the role and limits of the State is not clearly defined and (iii) digital platforms are highly vulnerable to changing geopolitics in which their existence is not determined by user-platform interactions but by international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among several other countries, India has launched numerous digital initiative programmes aimed at integrating and upgrading various socioeconomic, political and health and social care arenas. One such area is child adoption, where a move away from the analogue system and towards digitalisation began in 2015. The Indian Ministry of Women & Child Development introduced the Child Adoption Resource Information and Guidance System (CARINGS), a digital adoption formalisation platform, under the Central Adoption Resource Authority, a nodal body that monitors and regulates both in-country and intercountry adoptions. This government initiative centralised adoption data from all over India, including the number of children declared free for adoption and the number of prospective parents registered and seeking to adopt. Against this context, this study aims to map the development of adoption in India through digital systems and the influence of digitilisation on those involved in the pre- and post-adoption phases. Drawing on both Western and Indian literature, as well as observations from an ongoing qualitative study on adoption digitalisation in India, this study discusses the benefits and limitations of digital systems for the people connected to them. The findings provide a comprehensive view of the interaction of technology and society and how this operates in the sociocultural context of adoption in India. Future implications for researchers and adoption social workers and consultants are discussed. Plain Language Summary: The process of adoption in India was largely paper based until 2015. With the launch of the Digital India movement in 2015, newer digital facilities were introduced in various socioeconomic, political, health and social care sectors. Adoption was one such area: the Indian Ministry of Women and Child Development introduced a digital adoption formalisation platform called the Child Adoption Resource Information and Guidance System (CARINGS). It was established under the Central Adoption Resource Authority, which is responsible for monitoring and regulating both in-country and intercountry adoptions. CARINGS is a centralised database of the children waiting for adoption and prospective parents registered and seeking to adopt. It aims to streamline the adoption process and make it more efficient and transparent. A qualitative study was conducted to explore the impact of digital adoption on those involved in the pre- and post-adoption phases. The study included the perspectives of adoption social workers, adoption consultants, prospective adopters and adoptive parents. The present paper maps the influence of digital adoption in the pre- and post-adoption phases and discusses the advantages and challenges that arise from the interaction of technology and society. The paper concludes by presenting the future implications of digital adoption for researchers, adoption social workers and consultants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing insights provided by the theory of monopolistic markets in economics and Great Power behaviour in the discipline of international relations, this paper aims to provide an alternative understanding of India's refusal to join the BRI beyond the immediate bilateral security, domestic politics, and economic considerations in Sino-Indian relations. We argue that BRI is an effort by China to position itself as the leading firm in the market for international development – a space for long dominated by Western development providers. The paper argues that India's efforts to contest the BRI can be seen as a natural outcome of other rising powers resisting China's efforts to monopolize the development market. In doing so, it provides a template of why rising powers compete with each other in providing developmental aid even when cooperation may create mutual benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Notwithstanding India's public stand professing its respect of the sovereignty principle, the imperatives of competitive international relations have necessitated the use of force against its neighbors, thereby undermining their sovereignty. This use of force has been manifested through conventional wars as well as through the sub-conventional use of force such as surgical strikes. This paper examines how India has sought to toe a fine line between pursuing its national interest through the application of military power while being mindful of the broader normative frameworks influencing state behavior since 1947. In doing so, it engages with the interplay of the material and the ideational. Given the time span of the study, it also seeks to shine light on the elements of continuity and change that mark its application of military power through the prism of the sovereignty principle. Furthermore, the paper also pays attention to the recent surgical strikes, features that mark them as being different from previous such actions performed by India, and what this means for India's understanding of the sovereignty principle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Establishing a liberal government in post-Taliban Afghanistan allowed India to fulfil its foreign policy goal, i.e., investment in Afghanistan to acquire leverage for its anti-Pakistan agenda. However, the twenty-year war ended with the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, resulting in the Taliban's rise to power, diminishing Indian influence and reversion of its interests. India halted its investment and diplomatic engagement with the Taliban government due to its previous position, which led India to compromise on its strategic interests outlined in the presence of US forces. To safeguard its strategic interests, India has resumed its diplomatic and economic engagement with the Taliban government at a critical time when other regional states are analysing the US' future course of action towards the war-torn country. Therefore, this paper examines how India evaluates the newly structured regional environment while finding a new role in Afghanistan. It also analyses the implications of India-Afghanistan re-engagement for Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do rising powers engage with international institutions? While this question has remained important, we have very few theoretically grounded, empirical studies that look at this engagement. This paper seeks to address that gap by focusing on India's engagement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). It argues that rising powers engage with the institution's distinctive design, seeking to change features such as the rules for controlling the institution. The issues the institution covers matter: the nature of the issue area can facilitate engagement. For example, in the case of India's engagement with the IMF, the technical nature of the issue arena provided autonomy to the executive and facilitated the process of formulating and implementing its strategy. The Indian executive has engaged mostly with formal rules during the period under review. Contrary to expectations that status-quoist institutions will normally discourage states from seeking change, the paper finds that India expended its resources to influence quota reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the importance of global health diplomacy (GHD), with India emerging as a key player. India's commitment to GHD is demonstrated by its active participation in regional and multilateral projects, pharmaceutical expertise, and large-scale manufacturing capabilities, which include the production and distribution of COVID-19 vaccines and essential medicines. India has supported nations in need through bilateral and multilateral platforms, providing vaccines to countries experiencing shortages and offering technical assistance and capacity-building programs to improve healthcare infrastructure and response capabilities. India's unique approach to GHD, rooted in humanitarian diplomacy, emphasized collaboration and empathy and stressed the well-being of humanity by embracing the philosophy of "Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam," which translates to "the world is one family." Against this background, this paper's main focus is to analyze the rise of India's GHD amidst the COVID-19 pandemic and its leadership in addressing various global challenges. India has demonstrated its commitment to global solidarity by offering medical supplies, equipment, and expertise to more than 100 countries. India's rising global leadership can be attributed to its proactive approach, humanitarian diplomacy, and significant contributions to global health initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Every state's foreign policy contains two important elements: (i) hard power, and (ii) soft power. In history, we have seen this since the ancient Roman Empire to represent a hegemon. America has been using both these elements to expand its influence on other countries. In this context, the relationship between India and the Baltic States can be viewed through the prism of soft power diplomacy. This paper analyzes the India-Baltic States relations from the perspective of cultural diplomacy. The relationship between the two is based on freedom, as well as mutual respect of the other's culture, language, and history. This paper traces this relationship to even before India's independence. It discusses in detail the linguistic similarities and cultural exchanges between both sides. The paper also deals with the diplomatic and political relations between the states in question after 1991 that marked the collapse of the USSR. The study enumerates how the cultural exchanges between India and the Baltic States increased many folds in this era as well. Apart from cultural exchanges, trade, interchanges on information and technology, education occupies a considerable part of this interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the features and potential of the emerging strategic partnership between India and Iran. The role of diplomacy in the energy and transport spheres in forming a belt of confidence in the Greater Middle East and Central Asia is discussed. It has been proved that one of the basic features of India's development--exceptional continuity--finds its expression in the balancing policy, particularly in South-West Asia. One of the key players in the region is Iran, which is under US sanctions. However, Iranian foreign policy has retained its commitment to the goals of the Islamic revolution and dominance in the region. In the past three years, India's policy towards Iran has shown a zigzag development. The paper focuses on the participation of India and Iran in the implementation of the international initiatives like the One Belt and One Road and the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), and the prospects for cooperation in the energy sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After becoming the Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi made many efforts to consolidate his dominance in South Asia and expand India's influence in the Indian Ocean. The "neighborhood first policy" was highlighted in India's foreign policy. Based on historical and logical research methods and studies in international relations, the paper aims to examine the implementation of "neighborhood first policy" through bilateral relations between India and its neighboring countries. These relationships have been facing challenges from the more profound influence and interference of China as well as frequent terrorist incidents due to border disputes, which threatened regional security. Although this policy connected India with its neighboring South Asian countries, there were still challenges. It can be seen that the "neighborhood first policy" was Prime Minister Modi's effort to nurture bilateral relationships, enhance regional connectivity, and strengthen and elevate India's position in the region. The progress of the "Neighborhood First" policy is expected to continue more successfully in the next phase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the incursions, or more accurately, the interventions of the Indian state into what are often called its "Northeast borderlands." It grapples with the specific space occupied by those who belong to this minoritized region in India. Theoretically, it works through conceptions of "sovereignty" and "intervention" to underscore what is at stake for those who lie within the remit of recognized state sovereignty but are nonetheless subject to brutal and invasive "intervention." The article engages Naga author Temsula Ao's writing on questions of "tribal" identity, globalization, and borders to situate India as a postcolonial "settler" state. Finally, it puts her work in conversation with Manu Karuka's notion of "counter-sovereignty" to highlight the ways in which even critical International Relations (IR) theory risks falling into the trap of reifying "sovereignty" and unwittingly giving credence to Westphalian and Euro-centric understandings of sovereignty at the expense of alternative and prior imaginaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quad or Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, a group of four democracies, the US, India, Japan, and Australia, was first proposed in 2007 by Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in his 'confluence of two seas' speech that subsequently embarked on the path to the foundation of the group. Quad perceives China's economic growth, which enables her to transform the world order as a threat and aims at containing the growing Chinese assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific region. The Malabar naval exercises in the Indian Ocean by the Quad members were one such exercise. This paper, aims to analyze the formation of Quad and will contemplate whether the group is causing confrontation or stability in the Asia-Pacific and Indo-Pacific regions. The paper will also assess that the Quad is designed to counter China's growing influence in the Asia-pacific and Indo-pacific regions. Containing China is likely to create a confrontation in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to counter China’s rising influence, US is finding more allies in South Asia. As a result, it has been signing various agreements with India to strengthen its footsteps in the region. Due to the mutual interests and shared values of both the partners, they have come close to each other through the civil nuclear cooperation. This is causing a number of concerns for the neighbors as US-India partnership is proving highly beneficial for both of the states at the international arena. India is becoming a source of balancing power for the US to retain its influence in the Pacific and Indian oceans against the rising power, China and its allies. Contrary to this, India is also getting benefit from US in terms of strengthening its military capabilities using the state-of-the-art technologies provided by the US, posing many security implications for the adversaries and neighbors of India. India-US strategic partnership is causing a shift in balance of power in India’s favor which can be dangerous for Pakistan’s security. In this scenario, Pakistan can never afford to remain oblivious of the developments taking place between these two countries because of its security concerns. These developments can undermine Pakistan’s deterrent capabilities and can weaken its position in the Indo-Pak strife over the Kashmir issue. Consequently, Pakistan will have to work with China to strengthen its bond to counter the negative effects caused by the USIndia partnership. Also, it will have to rethink its foreign policy towards the eastern countries and will have to establish cordial bilateral relations with its neighbors. This paper covers all the aspects of bilateral partnership between India and the USA and its implications for Pakistan economically, politically, strategically and diplomatically. This research aims to analyze the emerging strategic partnership between the United States and India and its implications for Pakistan. Moreover, a descriptive-analytical method has been adopted to carry out this research work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores hedging in a theoretical thinking and applies it to the foreign policy of India in an era of growing USA–China power rivalry. In this regard, hedging is defined as insurance seeking strategy under situations with high uncertainty, where rational actors (both middle and small states) will try to avoid taking sides and to pursue room for autonomy in decision-making. While Washington and Beijing dislike middle and small countries' hedging, they both overlook that it is the uncertainties stemming from their own behaviors that push middle and small states to hedge. As uncertainties deepen, most countries in Indo-Pacific region will prefer to use hedging policies to reduce their possible losses. For India, unless USA–China rivalry escalates into a direct military conflict, or unless Washington retreats its commitment to regional security in Indo-Pacific, then India will stop hedging and moving to bandwagoning with China; or if Beijing's actions directly undermine India's vital interests in security, then India's hedging will be replaced by balancing against China. In short, hedging is a passive response, not an active choice; India's hedging strategy is very likely to persist on making ambiguities in the USA–China–India strategic triangle and entanglement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decades, China has rapidly increased its influence throughout the South Asian region, using both its hard and soft power tactics. China has succeeded in eclipsing India's influence and emerged as an important player in the region. China is making inroads in South Asia by making huge investments and constructing roads, highways, railways, sea ports, bridges, power grids, dams, and public buildings. China is pursuing a foreign policy that aims to advance its strategic and economic interests while trying to imbalance India's predominant position and contain India within the boundaries of South Asia. This is to prevent the rise of a peer competitor that can challenge or hinder the rise of China as a sole Asian power. This paper argues that the geostrategic situation of South Asian countries is such that they pose threats to India's security by aligning with the extra-regional powers. Hence, China's expanding strategic and security ties with South Asian countries have wider implications for India's security due to the complex and sensitive nature of its relationship with China. The theoretical approach of Power Transition Theory has been utilized to analyze the Sino-India power rivalry and China's growing threat to India's security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While scholars (mainly from the Global North) in International Relations have been turning to a (critical) constructivist agenda in norms research, the field has increasingly become devoid of applying this area of research in understanding the nuclear behavior of deviant states from the Global South. The paper therefore attempts to bridge this research gap by using the case of the India-US nuclear relationship. To do so, the paper: i) identifies the probable convergences of the existing literature on nuclear policy and the research on constructivist norms, ii) highlights India's racial treatment as a Southern nuclear state in academia and policy discourse, and iii) recognizes plausible avenues for the expansion of the Western dominated normative research agenda by analyzing India's nuclear relationship with the US ― with a specific focus to norm contestation and normative change. In bringing together (critical) constructivists and scholars in nuclear politics to further our understanding of how we perceive security of non-western states, this work makes an epistemological and ontological contribution in the field of international security studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People leave their homeland, some to follow their dreams, some run from war, hunger and some by the sense of adventure but leaving homeland and settled in abroad is a life changing experience. A UN report -International Migration Highlights by UNDESA said that the Indian Diaspora (18 million residing outside India), is the largest in the world. Over the last years, the prime minister has repeatedly called attention to the importance of Diaspora which will play a key role in the promotion of Indian foreign policy goals. The purpose of this paper is to provide a conceptual overview of Diaspora, growing significance in foreign Policy, its Issues, challenges and government initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of American exceptionalism in guiding US national security concerns has often come under scrutiny in the past from security analysts and policy makers alike. The US is not alone in projecting its exceptional values in its foreign policy articulations. Indian foreign policy assertions also stress India's unique civilizational qualities that make it capable of pursuing a "peaceful" modernity as opposed to the "violent" modernity of the West. The aim of this paper is to analyze how the idea of exceptionalism impacts the national security cultures of the two biggest democracies of the world. What are US and Indian exceptionalism in the context of international relations? How do they translate into the national security cultures of a superpower and a rising power? Is their national security culture driven by fear or hope, trust or mistrust, flexible or rigid strategies? These are some of the issues that this paper seeks to address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently Varghese (2018), in his report to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade of the Commonwealth of Australia, remarked that till 2035 India will be in the list of top three economies and will be in Asia's top three trading partners for Australia. In this context, the research questions addressed in this paper are: What is the current efficiency level of India in exporting its merchandises; What constraints does India have to overcome to improve its export efficiency; and Has the governance structure of the 'majority government' played an effective role in rigorous opening up to improve its export efficiency. The empirical analysis covering the period 2001 to 2019 indicates that on average India's export efficiency with its trading partners worked out to be about 80%. The empirical analysis has identified human capital, physical capital, and 'majority government' as important factors contributing to improvement in India's export efficiency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term soft power has become a catch-all-phrase for public and cultural diplomacy since Joseph Nye introduced it in 1990. India has had several historical and cultural advantages regarding its influence in foreign countries. While India and Indians enjoyed goodwill in most countries, the sudden interests in India among the policymakers, businesses, and politicians were mainly after the 1992 economic liberalization that had opened the Indian markets to foreign investments. Besides the nation-branding exercises globally, New Delhi employed soft power instruments in countries it deemed to have more significant interests, from traditional allies like Bhutan and Afghanistan to the countries in the West in the last three decades. Nevertheless, how successful has India been in exploiting its cultural linkages and using its soft power in its branding? This question becomes pertinent as, in recent years, India has often received negative press coverage in international media, and on several freedom/democratic indices, its rankings have gone down. As India celebrates 75 years of independence as Azadi ka Mahotsav (a grand celebration of independence), this paper assesses the scope of its soft power as a foreign policy instrument, points out its shortcomings, and recommends the possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the contribution of decolonising states to the nascent international order emerging after the end of World War II. More precisely, it investigates the Indian contribution to the emerging international human rights regime, focussing on two key contributions: the advocacy for a strong supranational authority endowed with substantial enforcement mechanisms for the realisation of human rights and the equally strong defence of a bifurcation of civil-political and socio-economic rights into two treaties. Both contributions have been largely ignored within International Relations – and where they have been acknowledged, they have been subsumed into either narratives of liberal progress (as in the case of human rights enforcement) or Cold War rivalry (as in the case of a separation of the two Human Rights Covenants). In contrast, this paper seeks to shed light on the agency of Indian diplomats and politicians. It shows how their positions were neither simply replications of pre-existing scripts nor bare executions of superpower preferences. Instead, they were responses to the challenges of becoming a post-colonial state in a still overwhelmingly imperial world. Two challenges stood out: the definition of citizenship in light of internal diversity and a widely dispersed diaspora and the challenge of development against the backdrop of highly unequal global economic relations. In this article, I trace the movement of key protagonists between the Constituent Assembly and the United Nations to show how they were engaged in a project of postcolonial worldmaking, which required the simultaneous transformation of domestic and international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political and security relationship between India and Southeast Asia (SEA) has developed beyond the traditional domain after the Cold War era. As the Cold War ended, and new geopolitics were redefined, both parties sought a strategic approach through greater engagement with extra-regional partners. Since 2003, both parties have engaged in various political partnerships with SEA states and a few security challenges collectively. The paper answers the following questions: what is the pattern of this relationship? What kind of mechanism has been adopted by both parties in strengthening their relationship? Is the factor of China imperative enough to 'boost' India's efforts in reinforcing political and security relations with SEA states? Using content analysis, emerging themes from relevant literature by selected scholars in the area of India and SEA states' relations are explored. This paper also reviews several governmental documents and official websites. In general, some scholars agree that the development of the relationship between India and SEA states is important in creating a regional balance with other international actors especially China. This paper aims to examine the growing relations between India and SEA states in the political and security terms since 2003. The paper suggests that the strong political and security relationship between India and SEA states creates an "external balancing strategy" to counter-balance the presence of China in the region. Meanwhile, it also shows that SEA states are turning to India as a counterweight to China and the US in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite having differing foreign policy objectives against the core Indo‐Pacific fundamentals, Prime Minister Modi is constructing a robust, proactive, and influential role of India in the Indo‐Pacific region without formally aligning with the United States or gesturing for any confrontational behavior against China. To unfold India's Indo‐Pacific positioning, this paper asks how India behaves between the United States and China in the Indo‐Pacific. The authors argue that to address this, Modi's Indo‐Pacific strategy revolves around Pragmatic Balancing between the United States and China in the Indo‐Pacific. The paper highlights Modi's Indo‐Pacific ambitions to explore this pragmatic balancing, keeping in view the US Indo‐Pacific strategy. To deal with the United States on the geostrategic front, ensuring maximum strategic autonomy and building India's maritime security order in the Indian Ocean region are Modi's crucial policy outlooks. On the other hand, to deal with China on the geo‐economics front, maintaining the maritime economy's flow, thereby preventing any confrontational behavior with China on multilateralism, is the critical component of Modi's Indo‐Pacific strategy. The evaluation demonstrates Modi's pragmatism by redefining India's balancing behavior with the United States and China to achieve the desired foreign policy outcomes, before presenting the article's final conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last few decades, the connotation of diaspora has been constantly impacted due to the reshaping of countries' foreign policies. In international politics, diaspora is a term that refers to a geopolitical entity to achieve social, cultural, economic and strategic power. The significance of the diaspora has been to promote geopolitical, geoeconomic and sociocultural interests in both the country of origin and the host country. India has the biggest diaspora stretching across continents linking various nation-states at the global level. Similarly, Indian diaspora's presence in the Pacific Ocean region is bound to be felt, given the close economic and geopolitical relations between India and Pacific Ocean region, particularly Fiji. Historically, Indians entered Fiji as indentured laborers during the time of the British colonial rule. At one point of time, the Indian diaspora had become one of the dominant populations in Fiji, influencing its political, social and economic aspects. The paper attempts to analyze as to how India and Fiji's relationship has progressed through diaspora. The study also dwells on the influence of the Indian diaspora on geopolitical engagement in the Pacific Ocean region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kashmir issue, a source of tension between Pakistan and India has numerous aspects and is termed by many an international dispute. The conflict not only hampered Indo-Pak relations but also precipitated regional instability. This is the reason that foreign policy of Pakistan since her inception remained India centric. Although both states share borders but never remain on same page when it comes to the viable solution of Kashmir dispute. Interests of Kashmiri population will have to be respected to make any decision long lasting. This paper by adopting narrative approach explains number of conflict management techniques to find any feasible solution but all efforts ended with the beginning of new conflict. With the indigenous freedom movement and India's massive military response, Kashmir dispute has entered a new phase. The paper finds that possible viable solution of Kashmir disputes is impeded by Indian stubborn and uncompromising attitude; therefore, mediation by third party is essential. The paper argues that any approach to settle this multifaceted conflict necessitates different but interconnected trajectories or unending interactions and negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While decoding the journey of the last Seventy-five years as a sovereign, independent nation, the foreign policy of India offers interesting paradigm shifts in focus and tectonic change in strategy, for academic inquiry, intellectual debate and strategic thought. Situating India in the larger discourse of contemporary foreign policy choices and challenges reveals a trajectory of gradual evolution from a nascent post-colonial state, embracing liberal pluralism to an emerging global power pursuing proactive policies based on pragmatic realism in the twenty -first century. At the stroke of the midnight hour on the eve of independence, India as a newly independent state had articulated the Nehruvian idealist vision based on transformative ideas to shape the post-war world order. But gradually it veered towards a more pragmatic approach to confront a world increasingly shaped by realism. The present paper strives to analyze the dynamic character of the international and domestic milieu that shaped India's foreign policy after independence. It further delves into critically examining the objectives and principles of India's foreign policy, which determined the transformative assertion of an emerging power in the global arena in the present century. The paper aims at presenting a nuanced interpretation of various political, ideological, and strategic rationales ofIndia's foreign policy by contextualizing it in the backdrop of its post-colonial predicaments and the contemporary geopolitical and geo-economic challenges in an increasingly globalizing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and Africa have been sharing a multidimensional relationship of cooperation and friendship since the ancient civilizations. The COVID-19 pandemic has brought new possibilities and opportunities for India to leverage its soft power diplomacy towards Africa. The paper's main focus is to analyze how India has made soft power part of its foreign policy and examine India's relationship with the African continent through health diplomacy. A literature search was done in major databases, such as Web of Science, Medicine/PubMed, Scopus, OVID, and Google Scholar search engine to gather relevant information. Through humanitarian assistance and geopolitical influence, India had won the support and heart of Africans. Besides, India has become a global healthcare provider in the African continent through its global health diplomacy and vaccine diplomacy. India has achieved impressive gains through its soft power diplomacy and has become a compassionate and benevolent actor in the African continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the role of the BASIC countries — Brazil, South Africa, India, and China — in UN climate change negotiations. The paper explores the formation and evolution of the group, and focuses on how the four major developing countries of China, India, Brazil, and South Africa have coordinated their positions and acted jointly to achieve an agreed outcome with other players in the recent UN Climate Change Conferences in Copenhagen and Cancun, based on an analysis of their country profiles and negotiation positions on a wide range of climate issues. The paper argues that the emergence of the BASIC Group is a reflection of the ongoing power shift from EU–US agreement to BASIC–US compromise in UN climate negotiations since the early 1990s. The rise of BASIC also has its roots in recent global market dynamics and further reflects the power transformation in the economic dimension of the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will review the mini-symposium on globalization conducted in New Delhi, India by the Alumni Association of Lancaster University Management School on January 17, 2004. The symposium was led by John Dunning, Emeritus Professor of International Business at the University of Reading, and the State ofNewJersey Professor of International Business at Rutgers University. This symposium arose from the publication of a collection of essays edited by Professor Dunning, entitled, “Making Globalization Good.”1 The primary aim of this symposium was to bring together a grouping of academics, politicians, business leaders, and religious leaders to discuss the moral issues posed by globalization. The symposium participants attempted to answer the question if a global ethic could be established, and if so, under what principles would it function. Prior to discussing the results of the symposium, differing views concerning globalization, and the management of the international economy, will be discussed. There will also be a brief discussion of the prior contributions by Professor Dunning to the field of international business. Then the results of the symposium will be discussed. The paper will conclude with recommendations for further research in this important area. I am grateful for the symposium notes compiled by Professor V.N. Balasubramanyam of Lancaster University Management School, which were utilized in part for this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

With the emergence of new challenges the traditional approaches have now been taken over by the non-traditional ones. Either it is the hard power or soft power every state mobilizes it to achieve the strategic ends. This paper focuses on India's soft power capabilities and its extensive use, particularly that of mass media for projecting country's image as the world's largest successful democracy and vocals of world peace. However, the employment of this strategic tool by India is not restricted to its image building but it is geared more on tarnishing the image of other countries particularly Pakistan. The paper further examines Indian media manipulation through 'Liberal' lens, which is based on liberals view of 'free media' and 'freedom of speech' identify Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's anti-Pakistan and Hindu nationalism agenda along with their negative framing of news contents targeting Pakistan. The key findings substantiate that India uses propaganda strategy against Pakistan, utilizing Sun Tzu and Kautilya's deception and isolation concept in their foreign policy towards Pakistan. It verifies that comparing all previous governments, Modi 'sarkar' has extensively mobilized media as soft power for achieving its strategic objectives. Indian new strategy of using soft power is not effective and conducive for regional peace at the moment rather it has proved to be supplementing its already existing hard power rhetoric for its gluttony of regional supremacy. The Bharatya Janata Party's (BJP) government seems to be adapting 'Liberal' approach, however, in practical terms the essence of 'Realist' sentiments are deeply engraved that would not be easy to root out. The paper concludes that BJP's xenophobic rhetoric is pro-Hindu nationalism and anti-Pakistan. It uses media and other concepts of strategic philosophies as the soft power and employs it as a strategic weapon for attaining regional hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In modern times, the conventional means of warfare are increasingly becoming less usable. However, the states are involved in waging hybrid warfare to the maximum to fulfill their foreign policy goals. In nuclearized South Asia, direct war between India and Pakistan seems unlikely given that both the states know that escalation could lead to nuclear catastrophe in the region. This compels both the states to find other means of warfare to undermine each other's interests. India wants to weaken Pakistan so that it may abandon claim on Indian occupied Jammu and Kashmir. For that, India is using all tools of hybrid warfare against Pakistan. In this context, this paper aims at to unearth India's hybrid warfare in the region and its implications for Pakistan. The main focus of the paper is to explain tools and methods of India hybrid warfare. At the same time the research also tries to unravel few other case studies. It also notes how Pakistan can counter hybrid threats posed by its arch rival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dominant political debates and scholarship on the escalating state regulation of the voluntary sector invariably focus on the causes and agendas behind State action. This paper draws on the recent insights into how increasing state regulation influences the operational space of rights-based Non-governmental Organisations (NGOs) increasingly mediated and negotiated by technomoral politics. The increasing use of legal activism by such organisations to contest the revocation of its registration under the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA) 2010 shows that implementation of state regulation is a socially contentious process. Since its birth in 1976, the FCRA has continually caused both the Indian state and NGOs to negotiate and redefine their institutional boundaries and political relationships. In this paper, I position the recent tightening and amending of the FCRA regulations as a site where NGOs use constitutional rights and moral claims to both critique, and collaborate with, the state. With the growing rights-based discourses in the global politics, an increasing use of technomoral and judicialised political strategies by NGOs in India presents an opportunity to expand the space of citizen's rights and entitlements in times of shrinking dissent the world over. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to describe how China's rapid growth and increasing resource dependence have changed its relationship with India and their respective defense strategies. In particular, we consider China's Belt and Road Initiative, India's "Act East" policy and the strategic and economic value of the Indian Ocean and South China Sea regions. Design/methodology/approach: The authors find no econometric evidence of interactions between China and India's military spending using a Richardson-Baumol arms race model. Likewise, in a cross-county panel data study of military spending, they find that China's military spending has no independent effect on military spending in other countries. The authors also show that once wage costs and other sources of military inflation are accounted for, the pattern of real defense spending growth is much less intense than is suggested by nominal data. Nevertheless, they show that China has been undertaking intense military modernization with rapidly rising capital-labor ratios in its defense spending. Findings: The authors find little evidence of a traditional arms race, but also show that China, and to a lesser extent India, have been realigning their military capabilities to these new security risks while maintaining overall military burden on the economy. Research limitations/implications: Econometric analysis is limited by data availability and is necessarily historical, whereas the security situation is very fluid and may change in the short term. Practical implications: The paper identifies factors that are likely to influence China and India's attitudes to defense spending in the coming years. Social implications: The paper finds that there is not an arms race in the traditional sense but may be an arms race in terms of new technologies and military modernization. Originality/value: This is a very much underexplored topic in economics. The authors take an interdisciplinary approach showing how economics tools can be used to help understand this important issue in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We report on the process of planning, adapting, and implementing a brief, instrumental, school-based mentoring curriculum originally developed in the United States, in three cities in India. India has the world's largest population of young adults aged 10-24 years, a developmental period associated with heightened psychosocial stressors and the onset of mental health issues, as well as a dire shortage of mental health professionals. Moving services that are typically provided by highly skilled professionals to individuals with fewer credentials or less formal training (e.g., from psychologists to mentors) can increase access to adolescent mental health services. Yet, transferring programs internationally is accompanied by unique barriers including cultural differences, and should be guided by an established framework. In this paper, we discuss the formation of a research-practice partnership designed to generate applied knowledge through emic cultural perspectives. We describe each stage of the program adaptation process within the Cultural Adaptation Framework (Fendt-Newlin et al., 2020), including our decisions to strategically adjust, remove, or retain content from the original mentoring intervention. Although program delivery was prematurely discontinued due to the COVID-19 pandemic, we provide a brief synopsis of lessons learned through the international partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ways in which environmental threats are socially constructed and the implications of such environmental securitisation. Specifically, the paper focuses on the issue of river development and water allocation between states of international transboundary river basins. Building on recent studies that attempt to refine securitisation theory of the Copenhagen School and applying hydropolitical power analysis, the paper takes a sociological understanding of the securitisation of shared waters. Using the case study of the Tanakpur Barrage project on the Mahakali River between Nepal and India in the Ganges River basin, it shows how securitisation discourse framed the shared river as a threat that posed detrimental flooding to both territories. It is argued that the Indian government effectively used its technical and institutional expertise to frame the discourse. Hydropolitical power analysis helps explain how compliance to the project agreement - a necessary measure to avert hydrological crisis, as argued by the Indian government - was gained from the Nepali government. The implications of securitising shared rivers on water resources management and basin-wide governance are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until recently, Australia's cricketing past has been coloured by an anglocentric bias. Australian cricket writers, players and administrators mainly have deemed Australian series with subcontinental countries of much lesser importance than Ashes contests. In surveying Australia's cricketing relations with the subcontinent from the 1880s until Australia's first fully fledged official tour of the region in 1959–1960, this paper seeks to redress this imbalance. The paper explores how initial cricketing relations were viewed within the prism of Australia's traditional cricketing ties with England. This did not alter with India's attaining official Test match status in the 1930s. Australian tours of India were confined to unofficial teams, and it was not until 1947–1948 that the first official exchange occurred. As this paper documents, the importance of subcontinental cricket tours increased after the war, as both Labor and Liberal Coalition governments encouraged the use of cricket to foster diplomatic ties at a time of increasing decolonisation and when Indian and Australian external relations were ideologically opposed. The governments' efforts were not fully supported by many Australian cricketers and administrators. While some, such as the Australian captain Ian Johnson, embraced cricketing diplomacy, many of his colleagues coloured these new cricketing worlds with old Australian prejudices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indo-Myanmar relations are based on history and civilizational ties. Indo-Myanmar's close socio-economic, commercial, political, cultural relations had existed all through the ages dating back to ancient and medieval times. Beyond these ties, ethnic links between the people of Myanmar and India exist in four states bordering Myanmar, namely, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Nagaland, and Mizoram, and have continued since antiquity. In contemporary epoch, both countries have been enjoying warm and friendly relations. For example, Myanmar is the only gateway to Southeast Asia connecting India by land and acts as a buffer zone between the northeastern region and China. Myanmar is considered as one of India's immediate neighbors and part of its successful Look East Policy (LEP), currently Act East Policy (AEP). For India, Myanmar is the connecting bridge as it is crucial for India's LEP, besides the development of stronger ties with Southeast Asia and East Asian countries. Consequently, it is important to examine the role of the Indian Diaspora in achieving internal (stabilizing border areas) as well as external (stabilizing Southeast Asia) security objectives of India. The diaspora has emerged as a powerful lobby since they are documented as "soft power" in International Relations and foreign policy strategy. It is also a driving force or agent of economic development between India and Myanmar. Therefore, this paper attempts to study the role of the Indian Diaspora in transforming the bilateral relations between India and Myanmar in the contemporary context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Every year heads of different states make their speeches in the general debate of United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). They address national and international issues and suggest measures to resolve them with the help of international community and the United Nations. Muhammad Nawaz Sharif also made speeches in the UNGA. In 2013, he was newly elected prime minister and was enthusiastic to resolve issues with India. There was no internal political pressure on him at that time and the government in India was hostile towards Pakistan. But one year in power and embattled with domestic issues and international pressure, the prime minster approached the issues differently in his 2014 speech. The aim of this paper is to compare his two speeches and see what changes occurred in his stance towards India. The main focus of the analysis is: Who is the addressee of these speeches? How confident did Nawaz feel about the solution of the issues that he raised?. The Corpus tool Wmatrix has been used to analyze the data. The results show significant differences in his two speeches with regard to his stance towards India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Outlines the contents of papers on nuclear deterrence, from the University of Pennsylvania, Institute for the Advanced Study of India, presented during a conference in New Delhi, India held in August 2005. Argument of E. Sridharan regarding nuclear deterrence; Association between international relations theory and nuclear deterrence, according to Rajesh M. Basrur; Issues raised by Rasul Bakhsh Rais relating to Pakistan's nuclear stability; View presented by Bharat Karnad regarding nuclear deterrence theory.

This article explores India's policy and strategy engagements in Central Asian Republics with the aim of fostering close proximity in the field of economic development, security and political cooperation. It focuses in particular on actions, ways, directions, vision, achievements, methods, which play an important on the bilateral and multilateral cooperation between them. Because the geopolitical competition already has begun for the natural resources and energybetween the major powers (Russia, USA and China) and regional powers (Turkey, Iran, India and Pakistan)in the postcold war period which is known as „New Great Game? in Central Asia. In this dynamic geopolitical environment, India's policy with the regionshould reflect on the economic development, geopolitical engagement including strategic interaction, advantage, political support, mutual cooperation. Whereas India's engagement with Central Asia can provide an opportunity to be a part of a multilateral cooperative system particular, in security and trade ties. In this context, India should strive close to Russia, South Korea and Japan which emphasis close proximity, continue to engage in a resurgence policy to maintain geopolitical space with the proper diplomatic channel. Thus, this article has been divided into two parts, the first part of the paper has examined a comprehensive analysis and used level of analysis for explaining the foreign policy between India and Central Asian Republics. And another part has discussed the policy and strategy engagements of India with the Central Asian region in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rising convergence between India and the United States, as well as their strategic interests, have been evident since the end of the Cold War. Over the last decade, the Indo-US strategic partnership has strengthened not only in the areas of defence, arms cooperation, counter-terrorism collaboration, ballistic missile defence, drones, nuclear technologies, space, and cyber technology, but India has also emerged as a prominent strategic partner of the United States in the areas of cyber and homeland security. India is becoming a pompous regional player who wants to be the regional hegemon as the Indo-US Strategic Partnership grows. As a result of the Indo-US strategic cooperation, the discrepancy in conventional and nuclear weapons between India and Pakistan could exacerbate the South Asian arms race and destabilise Pakistan's security environment. Pakistan must implement a proactive foreign policy in order to gain from the changing global and strategic environment. For Pakistan's economic and security, an alliance policy with regional and extra regional nations would be more prudent. Under the shadow of the US-India cooperation, this paper briefly emphasises the potential security threats to Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and Myanmar being neighbours have had close ties with each other and the bilateral relations between the countries is strong. Myanmar - had been on the headlines due to two main reasons - its struggle for democracy and its mismanagement of the Rohingyas. Ever since the escalation of the conflict, international news agencies have been reporting on it extensively. Indian media had been placing the migration plight on the headlines. Media not only plays the role of communicating information to the public, but it at times aids in framing the government policies through trial balloons Occasionally, media sets certain agendas that will help the government in tweaking its existing policies or draft new ones. This paper tries to find out if the media aided in setting an agenda in formulating India's foreign policies - principally migration/refugee policy with respect to Myanmar and the Rohingyas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the devastation caused by COVID-19, the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) and vaccine research and development (R&D) have been occupying a prominent position in the field of global health diplomacy (GHD). Most countries, international organizations, and charitable organizations have been engaged in the R&D of COVID-19 vaccines to ensure timely affordability and accessibility to all countries. Concomitantly, the World Trade Organization (WTO) provides some provisions and enforcements regarding copyrights, patents, trademarks, geographical indications, and industrial designs. Given these safeguards, it is considered that intellectual property rights (IPRs) have become major barriers to the affordability and accessibility of vaccines/medicines/technology, particularly to the developing/least developed countries. Realizing the gravity of the pandemic impact, as well as its huge population and size, India has elevated this issue in its global health diplomacy by submitting a joint proposal with South Africa to the World Trade Organization (WTO) for a temporary waiver of IPRs to ensure timely affordability and accessibility of COVID-19 medical products to all countries. However, the issue of the temporary waive off had become a geopolitical issue. Countries that used to claim per se as strong advocates of human rights, egalitarianism, and healthy democracy have opposed this proposal. In this contrasting milieu, this paper is aimed at examining how the TRIPS has become a barrier for developing countries' development and distribution of vaccines/technology; secondly, how India strategizes its role in the WTO in pursuant of its global health diplomacy? We conclude that the IPRs regime should not become a barrier to the accessibility/affordability of essential drugs and vaccines. To ensure access, India needs to get more engaged in GHD with all the involved global stakeholders to get strong support for their joint proposal. The developed countries that rejected/resisted the proposal can rethink their full support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's coastal cities have been playing a pivotal role in international relations through culture, commerce, and connectivity since the hoary past. In modern times, coastal cities such as Mumbai (formerly Bombay) on the Arabian Coast and Kolkata (formerly Calcutta) on the Bay of Bengal have been active actors in international affairs. While Mumbai has been the hub of international trade and commerce, Kolkata has been the junction of cultural bonhomie with Bangladesh and Southeast Asian countries, which gained more traction due to cross-border movements of technology, information, education, trade and finance, and artistic tools bolstered by the New Economic Policy beginning in the early 1990s. Indian states and metropolitan cities are enhancing their positions in international affairs with tangible gains. Mumbai is referred to as India's financial capital and the home to the headquarters of great global business houses and financial organisations. Similarly, Kolkata is known as the cultural capital of India (Sri Aurobindo, Tagore, Shanti Niketan, Bengali folk art and culture etc.) and a destination for foreign tourists, artists and curious researchers. This paper examines the growth and impact of city diplomacy in India through the prism of federalism in advancing local interests in international politics. It attempts to assess the role of Indian cities from a comparative perspective in the conduct of city diplomacy from economic and cultural aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]