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The article presents a list of various books related to sociology received by the editorial department of the journal. Various books included in this list are "The Mind of Africa," by W.E. Abraham, "Piritim A. Sorokin in Review," edited by Philip J. Allen, "Economic Development: Objectives and Methods," by Paul Alpert, "Proceedings of the Social Statistics Section, 1962," "Eichmann in Jerusalem," by Hannah Arendt, "On Revolution," by Hannah Arendt, "I Giovani Nella Societa Industriale," Guido Baglioni, "Expanding Population in a Shrinking World," by Marston Bates, "Leadership and Dynamic Group Action," by George M. Beal, Joe M. Bohlen and J. Neil Raudabaugh, "The Structure and Dynamics of Organizations and Groups," by Eric Berne, "Learning Your Way Through College," by Elton S. Carter and Iline Fife, "Homes, School and Work: A Study of the Education and Employment of Young People in Britain," by M.P. Carter, "Conflict and Conformity: A Probability Model and Its Application," by Bernard P. Cohen, "The Cutteslowe Walls: A Study in Social Class," by Peter Collison, etc.

This article serves as a reply to comments made by E.G. Dunning and E.I. Hopper on the author's paper on social stratification in industrial society. Dunning and Hopper state that his paper 'explicitly sets out to explore' the problem of convergence. This, the author is afraid, is to claim too much for it. The author also wants to correct the statement made on the notion of one-way convergence. He wants also to explain that he does not think that American work on the subject of convergence as monolithic. He also explains that claim made that he regards national culture, political ideology and political organization as 'fixed and unalterable constraints on the effects of economic organization and technology'. Dunning and Hopper apparently fail to realise that the argument of Leach's to which they refer can equally be directed against the making of comparisons of a superficial kind. Certainly the existence of `generalised structural patterns' may be masked by differences in their specific manifestations in particular cases; but at the same time it is also implied by Leach's analogy that apparent similarities in social structures may be deceptive and may conceal underlying differences which it is the task of sociological analysis to expose.

The article presents information about various conferences and academic activities in the field of sociology that appeared in the 1965 issue of the "International Journal of Comparative Sociology." The International Association of French-Speaking Sociologists had its Fifth Symposium from September 29 to October 4, 1964. The symposium was held near Quebec, Canada, under the chairmanship of professor Georges Gurvitch. The theme of the symposium was "Social Classes in Present-day Sociology." A series of papers were on social classes in tropical Africa. The Sixtieth Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association was held at Chicago, Illinois, from August 30 to September 2, 1965. One came from this conference of American sociologists, with many Canadians present, a little confused, certainly so if he went with the purpose of taking it all in. For this anonymous reporter the impression was one of bigness, of complexity, and of a great bureaucracy emerging. The Sixth World Congress of Sociology will be held in Evian, France, during September 4 to 11, 1966. Communications by prospective participants are of two types official and individual. Specialists interested in an official presentation are required to contact the president of the working group in which they are interested.

The article introduces the topics covered by the Spring 1970, volume 26, number 2 issue of "The Journal of Social Issues". The purpose of the issue is to gain fresh insight into the current state of some aspects of social science, rather than simply to further an understanding of the poor. Social science and psychology have, in some respects, been relevant to an understanding of the poor. Work with poor populations in both laboratory and field has brought new perspectives to the social sciences. It has exposed some of the weaknesses, inconsistencies, and lacunae in both theory and practice. The recurrent themes of the papers in this issue offer some generic lessons about the study of any multi-faceted and value-laden social problem. Each paper in the issue presents the modifications in research strategies and the new theoretical formulations which have evolved from work with poor populations. The papers cover both theoretical content, e.g., in social learning and in sociolinguistics, and questions which are basic to the logic of all scientific inquiry, e.g., generalizations beyond a specific context and the conditions under which causal inferences are feasible.

This article examines the economic, social and political forces determining the concrete amount of education needed by all people. In his paper Torsten Husén states that in estimating the degree to which people can be educated, people are primarily dealing with a socio-politico-economic problem rather than a pedagogic one. Perhaps the main problem raised by Husén's paper is not whether the existing empirical information support a reactionary or progressive educational pattern, but the significance of empirical findings as such. The large research work done by Husén shows, by large, that the arguments put forward against the educability of people and in favor of selective or restrictive pattern of education are not, pedagogically, valid. On the other hand, it is certain that once a progressive educational policy is formed at the political level, the implementation of it need research directed to these specific ends. There are some principal tendencies in a class society to repeat the existing division of work and modes of manpower utilization by limiting of education of some demographic groups and differentiating mechanically the knowledge transmitted to people.

Information about the Fifth Symposium of the International Association of French-speaking Sociologists held in Quebec, Canada from September 29 to October 4, 1964 is presented. The symposium, chaired by Georges Gurvitch, initially tackled the social classes in Africa and the inequalities that the people in the region experienced. Another paper discussed about the social categories in Arab countries before the popularization of Marxist ideas.

A critical review of some recent research on sex roles; suggestions are made for an alternative approach. Much research is found to be misleading and seriously biased to minimize indications of strains and changes in American sex roles. Most research is limited to women's roles, not men's, and to the internal processes of the middle class family without consideration of functional, historical, or political aspects. American sex roles are explained in this paper as serving historical and psychological needs which are no longer appropriate. Differential, sex roles are maladapted to contemporary conditions of rapid social change and temporary associations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A review of 12 studies completed in the English-speaking Caribbean islands of Bahamas, Barbados, British Honduras, Carriacou, Grenada, Trinidad, and the Virgin Islands, as well as Guyana, is the central locus of this paper. The samples were predominantly rural, lower-class families, and the studies were completed during the 1951-1960 period. The findings of the studies are reviewed, and some comparison is made between the family patterns found in the various islands which are strung out on a 2,500-mile area in the West Indies. A discussion of ‘marriage’ and ‘household’ is included in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data obtained on all the 1427 official cases of delinquency in San Francisco in 1960 point, as have many recent studies, to more than one delinquency generative milieu. The central concern of the paper is the adequacy of current theoretical formulations in explaining the observed differences. It is argued that these formulations may have provided sufficient understanding of lower-class delinquency, whether white or negro, but that approaches to middle-class white delinquency have not been satisfactory. It is suggested that the concept of subterranean values may be a fruitful beginning of theoretical consolidation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tins Is the second of two papers dealing with the relationship between voluntary social participation and happiness. The earlier paper/ which like the present one was influenced by the work of Norman M. Bradburn and his associates on the 'happiness" project at National Opinion Research Center and by the theoretical writings of George C. Homans,2 examined the influence of voluntary social participation upon people's self-reports of happiness and explored the mechanisms through which this relationship was established. Analysis of data from a sample of 600 adults revealed that, as hypothesized, happiness was highly related to social participation? The greater the extent of participation, the greater the degree of happiness reported. This relationship was shown to emerge from the following: (a) positive feelings were directly correlated with social participation, (b) negative feelings were generally unrelated to social participation, and (e) the difference between the scores on the positive and negative feelings indices which Braclburn termed the Affect Balance Score 4--was a major determinant of happiness. That is, the greater the preponderance of positive over negative feelings, the greater the probability that an individual would report being "very happy." Conversely, the greater the preponderance of negative over positive feelings, the greater the likelihood of an individual's being Knot too happy." To explore the stability of these relationships, they were examined under several different control variables. For the most part, the original relationships were maintained within these various subgroups. Before proceeding to the main concerns of this report, it is useful to restate the hypotheses tested in the earlier paper and to explain the reasoning behind them. The first hypothesis—the higher the extent of voluntary social participation, the greater the number of positive feelings —was derived from consideration of Homans' general proposition that individuals tend to repeat those activities that were found to be rewarding in the past and to avoid those activities that were found unrewarding. Hence, if an activity is not rewarding or is punishing, individuals sooner or later will look for some alternative source of reward—if they are free to do so. Since with voluntary social participation men are, by definition, free to look for alternatives, it was hypothesized that a greater extent of social participation leads to a higher level of positive feelings. The second hypothesis—that negative feelings are unrelated to extent of social participation—also follows from the above argument. For as long as they are free to do so, we should expect individuals to withdraw from any social activities that are unrewarding or result in negative experiences. The third hypothesis—the greater the extent of voluntary social participation, the greater the degree of happiness—was derived from the first and second hypotheses and from the work of Bradburn which showed that the difference between the scores on the positive and negative feeling indexes is a good indicator of an individual's current level of happiness. Thus, the earlier paper concentrated mainly on testing these three hypotheses. It also was concerned with the stability of the relationships within each of several control groups and not, for the most part, with differences among groups. In this paper, however, the main focus is on examining the effects of socioeconomic status upon the relationships between social participation and positive and negative feelings, and participation and happiness. A further interest is in "interaction-opportunities" and "investments," two concepts which are utilized to account for patterns of relationship between social participation and the various dependent variables listed above: positive feelings, negative feelings, and happiness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intentions in this paper are two-fold—to analyse the ideals of English children between the ages of eight and 18 years, taking into account such factors as age, sex, social class, educational background and political party identification; and to test for the relationship between political efficacy and the types of ideals chosen. The ideals which concern in this paper are those which relate closely to the child's picture of himself. In particular, the interest is in the children's exemplars—those adult figures who serve as models for children's values and conduct. The literature on the formation of idealized self-images has tended to concentrate on the significance of selecting figures from the child's immediate environment as models. Much less attention has been paid to the significance of selecting exemplars from the wider environment and yet the sell-image of the mature individual is dependent upon both early primitive identification and later significant persons. The adoption of such figures may have consequences both at the level of the political system and also at the level of individual political behaviour.

The disruptive influence of threat on the perceptual process has been demonstrated repeatedly in recent psychological literature. In an earlier paper the present authors reported that when subjects have been alerted to threat there is a significantly smaller discrepancy in perceptual reactivity to threat and nonthreat words than when they have not been alerted to threat. It was also found that under conditions of "threat-expectancy" threat words did not require a significantly greater number of trials and amount of time for report than nonthreat words The results of that phase of the study, while inconclusive statistically, were, nevertheless, in the expected direction. It should be noted that in contradiction to our previous study, it has been found here that even when subjects have previously been alerted to threat, they require significantly more trials and a significantly greater amount of time to report threat words accurately than to report nonthreat words. The scholars are now left with the datum that subjects, though alerted to the possible threat, nevertheless respond less accurately and less promptly to threat words than to neutral ones. This over-all result obtains, notwithstanding the fact that certain threat words are, in the process of the initial exposure, brought into figure and hence would be expected to be more readily available for subsequent recall.

Nations borrowing technology from more developed countries often fail to realize that much of the developed country's class structure, behavior and attitude are often implicitly built into its technology. Thus, a developing nation may be obtaining more than it bargained for in such technological borrowing. The developing country may either have to change its own class structure or partially fail in its efforts to borrow. This paper examines some of the reasons why class structures are built into technology and what some of the implications of such technological borrowing are. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents several abstracts related to the social issues. The first one is "Current Patterns of a Generational Conflict," by Edgar Z. Friedenberg. There is a difference between this generation's conflict with its elders and other such conflicts. No longer do the young want to replace the older generation and do it one better. Many young people want to leave the middle class system altogether. They are convinced that they never will want to be like their elders. This paper describes the communication system of the young. The next one is "Juvenile Delinquency as a Symptom of Alienation," by Martin Gold. Conceptual and historical analysis of the term alienation yields three essential meanings: not influenced by; not able to influence; and estranged from one's self. Such analyses allows useful reference to relevant theoretical and empirical work not usually considered pertinent to the study of alienation. The paper concludes that heavily delinquent adolescents are not truly alienated in the first sense; that they may be in the second sense, but that the data are especially inadequate on this issue; and that delinquency seems to be counter-alienating in the third sense.

In 1958, in his review of available literature on socialization and social class, Bronfenbrenner concluded that working class parents more often use physical punishment, while the middle class resorts to psychological techniques of punishment. The present paper updates this analysis drawing on more recent published studies and on secondary analysis of a national survey; it also examines the magnitude of class differences rather than only their statistical significance. This analysis suggests that, although various studies have found a statistically significant relationship, the relationship is weak. Analysis by type of indicator of punishment, quality of sample, age of children, or year of study does not alter this conclusion. However, none of the studies is definitive, and suggestions are offered about topics to be pursued in future research. Besides their direct relevance to the study of socialization and social class, the data reviewed here suggest that several more general inferences drawn front earlier studies are at present empirically unsubstantiated. These include the hypotheses that physical punishment leads to "working class authoritarianism;' that childhood punishment experiences explain (lie greater probability that working class adults, as opposed to middle class adults, will commit homicide; that general use of corporal punishment is a precursor to child abuse; and that use of corporal punishment is part of a subcultural positive evaluation of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper on occupational prestige is two-fold. The first part of the paper is devoted to a more general discussion of some theoretical and methodological shortcomings of the sociological literature on occupational prestige. The aim of the second part of the paper is to provide an illustration of one possible approach to the theoretical and empirical analysis of dissensus in occupational prestige which may be able to transcend at least partly some of the suggested shortcomings of the conventional approach. The sample utilized for the empirical analysis is a sample of the West German élite. The findings indicate that the position of an individual in the structure of voluntary interaction and his normative standards have an impact on the prestige assigned to different groups of occupations. Comparing science and nonescience occupations all requiring a university education, it was found that members of the elite who had close, personal interaction with scientists as well as a more favourable attitude towards the consequences of science and read proportionally more science literature assigned disproportionally higher prestige to science occupations in contrast to occupations outside of science.

A recent paper published in this journal (Poole & Kuhn, 1973) has reported that ‘a relatively large family appeared to be no impediment to the educational achievements of middle-class children’. This finding, however, is based upon an analysis which fell into a relatively unknown statistical trap. Poole & Kuhn are only the latest in a long line of victims of this trap and some of their predecessors are reviewed below. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It is popularly believed that upwardly mobile American men are more conservative than those born into the middle class. This paper reviews the evidence for the belief and concludes that, if anything, upwardly mobile American men are less conservative than their stable ,middle class compatriots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the empirical utility of consensual and conflictual theories in explaining the social cohesion of the liberal democracies of Britain and the United States. After clarifying conceptual problems of value consensus theory and Marxist theory, it examines the forms and extent of value-commitment in these countries. The conclusion is that both theories grossly overstate the amount of both value consensus between individuals and value consistency within individuals that actually exists. Cohesion in liberal democracy depends rather on the lack of consistent commitment to general values of any sort and on the "pragmatic acceptance" by subordinate classes of their limited roles in society. Suggestive evidence is also found for the existence of some "false consciousness" among subordinate classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper re-examines the social mechanisms that lead lower-class youth to make use of college as a mobility channel. It focuses on a select group of lower-class youth who, by their enrollment in a high-status university, already give unmistakable evidence of being engaged in the process of upward mobility. The findings reveal that upward mobility is linked to a distinctive pattern of maternal authority within the nuclear family and to dependence upon the outside social structure for support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is no simple relationship between ascribed social status and delinquency. Both the status structure of the residential community and the extent to which delinquency is a function of a cultural tradition in a residential community affect the delinquency life-chances of a boy at each ascribed social class level. The largest proportion of delinquents for any status group comes from the more homogeneous status areas for that group, while the delinquency life-chances of boys in any status group tend to be greatest in the lower status areas and in high delinquency rate areas. Evidence presented in the paper for types of conforming and deviating boys lend support to the conclusions that (1) there is more frequent and serious delinquent deviation in the lower than in the middle stratum when self-reports of delinquent deviation are examined, (2) that the career oriented delinquent is found only among lower class boys, (3) that the major type of lower status boy is a conforming non- achiever while the conforming achiever is the major type in the middle class, (4) that conformers are more likely to be isolates than are non-conformers, and (5) that peer-oriented delinquency is the most common form of delinquent organization at both lower and middle status levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to examine sources for high social status, using the physician as an example. Functional theories and the "argument from usefulness" are examined. They are rejected primarily for the unwarranted assumption of a well integrated social system. Findings of greater or lesser Junctional importance of the various occupations seem to lack objective justification. The hypothesis is advanced that high social status is attached to those functions that appear to combine the contradictory standards of social stratification and the charismatic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theory of complementary needs in mate-selection and the over-all design of a study to test this theory have been explained elsewhere in considerable detail. Accordingly, the present paper will present only a summary statement of the theory and will then present the design and findings of a study which test one aspect of the theory. The theory begins by noting the cultural expectation, especially in the American middle class, that marriage will be based upon love, and then defines the phenomenon of attraction which we call love in terms of the emotional needs of the lover. With love defined in terms of the lover's emotional needs, it is feasible to conceive of the mutual attraction of the dyadic love relationship in terms of the need-patterns of the two lovers. It is hypothesized that the need-patterns of the two lovers will be complementary. Despite the abundance of evidence that there is homogamous selection with respect to characteristics of social background, therefore, these results seem to indicate that within the group sampled and within the field of eligibles selection takes place on the basis of complementary needs.

This paper is a preliminary report of a study of adjustment in marriage which has two somewhat unique features: It is a comparison of marriages ending in divorce with marriages outsiders judged to be the most happily married known to them and secondly, the subjects are fairly representative of the general population whereas those of previous marital prediction studies have been predominantly white-cellar, middle class and highly educated. The paper will deal with four topics: the nature of the sample; the criteria of adjustment; whether or not divorced persons are good risks in subsequent marriages; and marital prediction items. It was expected that the divorced would have shorter marriages than the happily married. A larger per cent of divorced than happily married were married for each five year period up to and including 15-19, and a larger per cent of happily married than divorced for each five-year period beginning with 20-24. The per cent of divorced and happily married whose marriages were of less than ten years' duration was respectively 56.0 and 38.6.

This paper deals with a formerly quiet French-Canadian country town, now transformed into one of the leading Canadian centres of textile manufacture. Specifically, it describes the present competitive position of various classes in the town and relate the relevant facts to traditional life-objectives and expectations. Since but one case is presented, the treatment cannot be considered comparative in the full sense. A similar analysis could be made profitably in any community undergoing this type of change. The paper makes explicit use of the concept of position and implicit reference to the concept of status. Position is an individual's place in a competitive system. Status is an attribute of a person in society. Subjectively, it consists of his own definition of his place within a system of recognized duties and privileges; objectively, it is the recognition that the person occupies in fact, such a place. In a well integrated system of life, status and position tend to correspond. Each type of position in the existing competitive system would, in the logically ideal case, be defined as a status.

Theoretical explanations of deviant gangs do not appear adequate to explain middle class delinquency. It is the contention of this paper that for some members of the upper middle class, socially sanctioned means of maintaining their social position are difficult to realize and that these young people organize subcultures which fit the definition of a delinquent gang. The theory is illustrated through and ex post facto application to a middle class gang. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to understand how a person's previous experience (of which his social class is simply a rough and composite index) interacts with factors in the momentary situation to affect his behavior. At any one moment, a child decides to speak or be silent, to adopt communicative intent a or communicative intent b, to express idea x or idea y, in form 1 or form 2. The options the child selects will be a function of characteristics of the situation as he perceives it on the basis of his past experience. The authors observed that a particular child in a particular situation either makes or fails to make a particular utterance. Traditionally, that utterance is related only to characteristics of the child, such as his social class, while ignoring characteristics of the situation. The next section is a survey of research on child language which includes aspects of the speech situation as independent variables, regardless of the social class of the subjects. The purpose is to illustrate the idea of situational relativity and to suggest significant variables which should be explored more systematically. While the research is all about monolingual children, the notion of a diversified speech repertoire applies even more obviously to bilinguals. The final section of the paper raises questions about other necessary ingredients of a theory of oral language education.

This paper has examined effects on mobility of education level, social class background, and strength of achievement motive. The attainment of some college education is shown to enhance greatly the likelihood of upward mobility and reduce the likelihood of downward mobility. However, much mobility is not attributable to the factor of education. Strength of achievement motive is shown to exert noticeable influence, on upward mobility especially, among persons who lack any college training. An analysis of the interaction of factors associated with social class background, strength of achievement motive, and level of education in the determination of mobility is offered; the analysis rationalizes both the absence of expected relationships between strength of achievement motive and mobility among persons from upper middle-class backgrounds, and the presence of such relationships among persons from the other social class groups. The correctness of this latter analysis will, of course, turn upon the results of future research in which more refined measures of social class variables are used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the authors comment on an article by researchers Steven Box and Julienne Ford. Relying heavily on data derived from self-report delinquency studies, they conclude that the available evidence, while contradictory and confused, cannot be said to support the hypothesis that social class is negatively related to criminal behaviour. On the basis of this conclusion they then proceed to launch an attack on social labelling theory. The authors first lists a number of serious errors in their review of self-report delinquency studies. Following this they present their own review, the conclusion of which differs significantly from that of Box and Ford. Finally they argue that their paper appears to contain a concept of crime that is simply not viable. In developing their argument Box and Ford clearly find themselves on the horns of a dilemma. Their less than consistent efforts at specifying the form of behaviour under consideration is perhaps indicative of their confusion. On the one hand they are anxious to advance general statements that will embrace the activities of adults as well as juveniles. Yet the evidence on which they must rely is confined as they themselves readily admit--almost exclusively to the activities of juveniles or adolescents.

The research findings presented in this paper are drawn from some of the early results of a project undertaken in the Centre for Business Research at Manchester University, England. The project seeks to explain earnings movements of workers in industrial and commercial organizations with reference to the social, economic and technical systems within which they are operating. After a thorough examination of previous research on the subject, a theoretical model was developed. This model contained variables of different types. Although the scope of the model seemed vast it was considered that only by taking all these variables into account could a reasonable explanation of movements in earnings and social behavior related to the wage payment system be achieved. This paper is concerned with one of the darker corners of the model; that is, with the mutual dependency between roles and statuses at work and those in the family and local community. More particularly it deals with the transitional period between leaving school and getting married of broadly working class young women.

The article sheds light on 'embourgeoisement' and self rated class. In a paper published in the periodical "The Sociological Review," sociologists John H. Goldthorpe and David Lockwood, have convincingly argued against the view that post-war affluence has made manual workers and their wives 'middle-class' in attitudes and styles of life, and have put forward a model which gives the notion of 'embourgoisement' a precise and testable meaning. This paper sets out to show that figures for self-rated class in Great Britain can, on the contrary, be used to elucidate both these questions provided that respondents have been asked about the meaning of their self-rating. The data on which this conclusion is based are taken from a national sample survey carried out in the spring of 1962. The embourgeoisement thesis is of course not new. Before the Second World War many different observers spoke of a visible assimilation between the manual and non-manual classes. Proper examination of the embourgeoisement thesis requires, however, that the relationship with income should be more fully considered. The embourgeoisement thesis would presumably lead people to expect that the frequency of Conservative support should be highest among those manual workers (or their wives) who have reached the top third of the overall income distribution, and perhaps it would also lead people to expect that the correlation with self-rating should hold within all three levels of income.

The aim of the paper is, to consider the social position of the Anglo-colored in relation to his ethnic group and to the host society. The immigrants take as wives or consorts mostly local working class white women and miscegenation has now produced two generations of British-born colored. For the purpose of this paper they will be called Anglo-coloreds and only Negro and Muslim immigrants will be discussed. Muslim immigrants and their sons are seamen by occupation. Their wives or consorts are mostly white working class women but as the communities increase in numbers and time-depth Anglo-colored Muslim girls become available for marriage. Muslims have their own institutions for religious, social and recreational purposes using as centres for these activities, the Mosque or Zoaia, cafes and boarding houses respectively, with the sheikh and boarding house master performing the roles of primary and secondary leaders of the community. The attitude of the Negro father towards the upbringing of his child differs from that of his Muslim counterpart. Except for his insistence on strict obedience to parental control no attempt is made to train the child to become a carrier of the culture of the Negro community. The British wife or consort occupies a unique position in the community.

This paper reexamines a great deal of research that has dealt with psychological maladjustment and glossolalia, including more recent studies of tongue-speaking in middle- and upper-class groups. Issue is taken with the conclusion of some recent research that there is no relationship between psychological or personality factors and glossolalia. Some data commonly used to substantiate this conclusion is reexamined and found to support rather different conclusions, though many of the studies looked at art faulted on methodological pounds. Special attention is given to the much-cited but unpublished work of Lincoln Vivier. It is argued that misleading conclusions may have been drawn from this important study. Suggestions are made for further research on glossolalia that would allow more definitive conclusions to be reached. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a comment on a previous paper Some Critical Observations on the Church-Sect Dimension, by Erich Goode, that appeared in the April 1967 issue of the Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. According to the author of this article, Erich Goode's paper has a double purpose in criticizing the wider legacy of the church-sect distinction. By and large, the author of this article concurs in his evaluation of the former, but perhaps understandably, the author has reservations about his appraisal of the latter. At the risk of overpersonizing the matter, the author wants to defend his own work, his book Social Class in American Protestantism, first before turning to the broader issue. The author appreciates the opportunity to speak offensively about the church-sect distinction in general and defensively about his own work in particular. Somehow the author had never expected more than cursory reviews of his book. In many respects, the analysis was an abortive attempt to turn a sow's ear into a silk purse.

The article presents comments of the author on his article "Profiting from a Comprehensive School," published in the "British Journal of Sociology," to draw attention to the sociological study of comprehensive schools. Author defends his article on two grounds presentation and analysis, and conclusions. Any inadequacies on presentation are probably determined by the limitations of the article-intended as a research note and not a fully developed paper. The criticism in conclusions seems largely directed at presentation. The conclusions are in fact valid on the basis of the findings of the research itself. The same applies to statistical techniques employed. In short it would seem that no valid critique of the conclusions themselves is presented. However, here is a point-by-point reply. The tables present the most outstanding deviations in keeping with the summary nature of the article. They are condensations of tables in the thesis. Thus class categories are included or omitted in accordance with the importance of variations.

This article discusses a study on social status and clique formation among grammar school boys in London, England. This paper reports on another aspect of the inquiry into the effects of social class at adolescence, which has been carried out at the London School of Economics and Political Science in England under the direction of Doctor H. T. Himmelweit. Within the broad framework of the research project, an important place was allotted to problems of peer group selection. Moreover, the paper is based on information from three sources: a choice of friend questionnaire, a sociometric questionnaire and an open-ended question on the attributes of a good friend. The most interesting conclusion which has emerged from these data points to an important difference between this country and the U.S. In both countries, the adolescent's value system largely determines his friendship choices. In England, it has been shown that similar class stereotypes may be found and it is quite possibly true that such friendship criteria as are embodied in the choice of a friend questionnaire reflect parental values. It could also be argued, that the working class boys in the grammar school are exceptional, in that they come from homes where middle class values are prevalent. In England, it may be said in general that by having secondary grammar and secondary modern schools, the working class pupils are divided into those who will be given an opportunity for social ascent and those who will not. England deliberately segregates the new recruits to the higher social levels and gives them more advanced training in separate schools. Under these conditions, several factors combine to give the working class boy those attitudes, interests and motives which are concomitant with his future social position.

This paper will examine some factors involved in the development of these two labor movements, as well as some of their characteristics. Its main idea is that different systems of stratification give rise to, and are reflected in, social movements that have quite distinct bases of support and orientation; or more succinctly, structural differences produce different political and ideological orientations. The variable of stratification is stressed because in both cases the structure and goals of the labor movement, its grievances, and its tactics were a consequence of major structural divisions in the power and prestige hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The data given in this paper support the hypothesis that it is possible to distinguish different subgroups along the Negro lower class continuum. Given the importance of the Negro mother in the lower class Negro family, her values and aspirations for her children are very influential for her children's future. Significant differences were found in the responses of "low status" and "high status" lower class mothers to questions concerning their aspirations for their children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]