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The article comments on the paper related to social development in the Philippines. The author of the paper had neglected the vast body of European and American study of and in both Western and non-Western societies. Even though it is justifiable that conceptualization and methodology must be developed in relation to the particular "time-space characteristics" of the research situation, it not justifiable to adopt some as yet undeveloped and essentially unknown "new" theory. The author of the paper had discarded too lightly the enormous experience of "Western" social scientists in observation and interpretive analysis of socio-cultural patterns ranging from the most "scared" to the most nearly "secular." The use of scientific experience remains the most powerful intellectual guide which man has yet devised. The de-emphasis of "quantitativism" in favor of field and problem-oriented study is vitally necessary. The author of the paper easy slip into the concretistic error of assuming that the historical peculiarities of Philippine societal development require unique interpretive tools.

This article focuses on the political sociology in Eastern Europe. The term sociology is a newcomer in the official nomenclature of social sciences in most East European countries. Sociology had been left out from the program of social studies, it was not because of any real scientific reasons, but because its name was objected, the present renaissance of sociology in these countries is related to the political changes which have taken place during the last decade; in fact, it is evidence of new political tendencies. Hence the importance of following the changing approach to political phenomena in the theoretical sociological publications in socialist countries. The period between 1957 and 1963, covered by the appended bibliography and referred to in the present paper, provides ample material on the subject. In this sense, the place of political sociology among sociological disciplines is essentially different from that of other branches of detailed sociology. The latter are concerned with some isolated fields of social life, while political sociology investigates social phenomena from the angle of their political aspect, the aspect of power. Hence, if there is any justification for regarding political sociology as a separate discipline, it is on the grounds of the difference in theoretical approach rather than the difference in the subject of study.

The article focuses on the book "Societies: Evolutionary and Comparative Perspectives," by Talcott Parsons. Readers who may hope that this will provide them with a simplified approach to the work of Parsons will be disappointed; his style is as turgid as ever, making this a doubtful member of a series of books for beginners. Nevertheless it is a shorter route to Parsonian ideas than most, and is much more rooted in empirical data than his other books. The societies under examination do not include those of modern Europe, which will be dealt with in a later volume.

The purpose of this paper is to explore some of the features of the history of sociology and to indicate the lines upon which enquiries may be pursued, to see to what extent the development of sociology is itself a historical phenomenon of a unique kind and to locate its origins. The history of sociology may well be perceived to fall into two parts,an early period of mainly speculative activity and a later period of empirical, albeit limited studies. Throughout its history we can detect periods particularly favourable to the development of the subject, but whilst the conflicts of a process of industrialisation in Europe, especially in recent times, may account for much of this development and, whilst these vicissitudes in Europe and elsewhere may have increased the swell of a new intellectual wave, sociology sailed on a tide which began to flow much earlier, and which is to be seen in the currents of eighteenth century philosophical thought, rather than in the plash of nineteenth and twentieth century economic and social turbulence.

American sociology is distinguished from British and continental European sociology by, among other things, a lack of interest in identifying and measuring social class, as distinct from social status. Indices of occupational prestige ratings have served as indices of social status. This article explicates the most popular American scale of occupational prestige ratings, and concludes that this index is not a plausible index either of the relative prestige of occupations or of social status, and furthermore, that such an index in principle is not obtainable. The errors of proponents of the scale lie in an idealistic theory of the social order and repetition of the classic mistake once committed, but now long avoided, by economists: aggregation of subjective evaluations. A well-known characteristic feature of American sociology, in contrast to British and continental European sociology, has been the absence of serious attempts to establish numerical indices of social class. Yet there have been a number of attempts to establish indices of what is variously known as social status or socio-economic status, mainly by means of polled verbal evaluations of occupations.

This article focuses on the migration of British citizens between Great Britain and Europe, from 1924 to 1934. In each year of the span, more British nationals arrived in Great Britain from Europe than embarked for Europe. When British nationals arrive from Europe it is impossible to distinguish between those who were initially in Europe and those who merely traveled via Europe from, say, India, Australia, or New Zealand. Similarly the passengers from Great Britain to Europe include a number who do not finish their journey in Europe, but go forward to countries outside Europe. In order to determine the true migration of nationals between Europe and Great Britain, it is therefore first necessary to find out how many nationals passed through Europe each year when traveling between Great Britain and countries outside Europe. In 1921 the number of British passengers embarking from Great Britain direct to non-European countries was 268,300. Of these, 199,500 were classed as migrants and so changed their permanent residence. The other 68,800 nationals were therefore not changing their permanent residence, but had simply been visitors. Thus, of the 77,900 nationals visiting Great Britain from non-European countries in 1921, only 68,000 sailed direct to non European countries.

The article focuses on the sociological aspects of the frontiers. In the beginning the article gives a brief description of natural history of the frontiers. Western civilization can show some unexpected evidence of the way cultural frontiers, once set, tend to resist change. The great distinctions of religion are eloquent in this respect. Take the case of Islam and Christianity, between which the frontiers have only undergone modification in such parts of Europe as were socially and politically backward, viz, the East. Again, the relative immobility of the line of cleavage set at the end of the Wars of Religion. The most obvious mark of cultural frontiers is the change from one language to another, which tends with the average man to count for more than it really should. At bottom the whole of western Europe rests on, and has never got away from, the single culture pattern of Latin Christianity as it stood throughout the Middle Ages. Throughout the article an area in question is treated as if it were a "colony," the question whether the strings of its economic, cultural, and political existence being held outside the area does not preclude the possibility of normal processes of social and cultural development altogether.

This article presents an update on socio-religious activities in the Roman Catholic Church in Europe as of 1970. Socio-religious research activities in Europe linked with the Roman Catholic Church are almost entirely carried out on the national level. International cooperation between socio-religious institutes has hardly developed. Socio-religious institutes, if compared with agencies in the field of market research, are relatively small and have only moderate resources. The annual output of approximately 60 reports by these institutes forms only a very small segment of all sociological activities in Europe. It is a fair assumption that this observation remains valid even if all other socio-religious research activities not investigated are taken into consideration. Of all activities in the field of socio-religious research in Europe, the main part is carried out by institutes or individuals linked in one way or the other with ecclesiastical institutions. One may conclude, therefore, that public and academic interest in activities of this kind is comparatively small. During the last ten years, higher scientific standards have been introduced in most institutes working in the field of socio-religious research in Europe. There is a tendency, however, among well qualified sociologists working in such institutes to look for better jobs in other sociological fields.

This article discusses the history of Ireland from the sociological standpoint. It is in the light of this simplification that the history of Ireland must be viewed; and so viewed, it will like all extreme cases, like all crucial instances, be found peculiarly rich in sociological material. It is, in its earlier history, a nation from its geographical position less affected by the movements of its neighbors or the general course of development than any other. It thus retained to an unusual extent the characteristics of the ancient Aryan civilization, once common to all Europe, and was peculiarly homogeneous in itself, and markedly separate from its neighbors. This distinction was maintained, in spite of one serious breach, the introduction of Christianity-till the first invasion from the island larger, richer, and closer to the centres of Western civilization, which lay between it and the continent of Europe. And if the earlier history of Ireland is of interest as the case of a Western people growing up in comparative isolation, the later history has an even stronger interest. It is that of a people peculiarly homogeneous and distinctive in their civilization exposed to a continuous pressure from a country possessing far greater resources and in some respects much further developed, an era of isolation followed by an era of domination, a civilization of peculiar strength subjected to an external pressure of peculiar intensity and continuance.

The article illustrate contrasts and similarities in the general development of European and American sociology in recent times. A conspicuous difference in this respect is that in American Sociology has grown as a child nursed by the Universities and Colleges; while in Europe its modern start, since August Comte, and development have in a considerable degree taken place outside of the Universities and Colleges. Indeed a number of the founders of the principal modern sociological systems in Europe never occupied the position of a teacher in University at all. This difference also continues to exist at the present moment: although the number of Universities and Colleges in Europe where sociology has been introduced as a regular course has considerably increased since the time of the War and Revolutions; nevertheless this number is still much below that of the United States. Another difference lies in the character of the European and American sociologists. The bulk of the sociological works in America are marked by their quantitative and empirical character while the bulk of the sociological literature of Europe is still marked by an analytical elaboration of concepts and definitions; by a philosophical and epistemological polishing of words.

More than any other American sociologist, Albion W. Small has mediated the results of European scholarship. The intellectual world is now one society. No nation would have had anything approaching its present scientific development without the collaboration of the scientists of different nations. Indeed, science as a national phenomenon is unthinkable. It is a part of the life of "the great society." In order to understand the development of the intellectual attitudes that have characterized the life work of Small and how he came to be so important a mediator between the scholarship of Europe and the U.S., it is necessary to sketch briefly some of the events of his career. Born May 11, 1854, at Buckfield, Maine, he graduated from Colby College in 1876. Already as a student he showed the fondness for telling phrases and the gift for constructing them which has always characterized his speech and writing. For the three years ending in 1879 he was a student at Newton Theological Seminary.