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The content of 'O' and 'A' level papers on modern British and European History set by two GCE Examination Boards was analysed to find out what particular aspects of the past were emphasised and thus to throw light on the experience of history as a subject which was gained by the candidates. These papers, which are taken by the great majority of the candidates, were found to be dominated by political history, up to 77% of the questions being devoted to the affairs of governments and political leaders. Foreign politics was especially important in papers on European history reaching as high as 44% of the questions set and domestic politics was central to papers on British history attaining means in different groups of papers between 40 and 50%. At the end of the article the wisdom of the approach to school history evident in these papers is questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the recent European Commission White Paper on European Governance, arguing that the document offers interesting possibilities for the future development of the European Union (EU), how it is governed and more particularly for 'European Urban Policy'. However, the paper argues there are problems with its use of the term governance as a strategy for reform and with a number of its proposals to widen access to the European Commission (EC) and the policy process. With regard to urban policy it is suggested that the White Paper's emphasis on a greater role for sub-national government and citizens' is to be welcomed. Although once again it is unclear whether the Commission has fully thought through the implications of its proposals both for itself and the groups it wishes to engage with. More specifically it is argued that the Open Method of Coordination is broadly similar to the methods whereby both current urban (and spatial) policy have been developed and should be embraced. Overall the White Paper is something of a mixed bag; however, this is to be expected of a document which is primarily intended to stimulate discussion about the future of EU governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on options for reforming European governance. White Paper of the European Commission.

For some decades, students and scholars of Political Science have debated methodological differences, paradigmatic differences, and policy differences as they relate to curricula. Today, the real challenges facing the teaching of Political Science have less to do with content and much more to do with form and process. The next transformation in teaching and learning must address what kind of political scientist we wish to be, which kind of Political Science we need to create. Our argument advances in three moments. First, we sketch contemporary contexts for analyzing teaching and learning, musing about old and new paradigmatic/methodological debates and the new social-technological contexts of undergraduate learning. Second, we discuss conceptions of competencies in the U.S., Europe, and in relation to a specific Political Science program in Brazil. Third, we dare to sketch a "metaprofile" of the "good political scientist", modeled on the work of the ALFA Tuning Project of the European Commission and reflections on related Brazilian and Latin American experiences. [This paper was presented at the IPSA World Congress 2014 in the Research Committee 33 (The Study of Political Science as a Discipline) panel "Paradigms and Historiography in Political Studies" (23rd, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, July 23, 2014.]

Reports on acquisitions of selected Western European political science materials deemed important for inclusion in at least one North American research library. The percentages of French, Italian, Swedish, Catalan, Icelandic, and Belgian materials not found in RLIN (Research Libraries Information Network) and OCLC are provided. Factors supporting adequate collecting levels are identified. (KRN)

Discusses the fall of communism in eastern Europe. Applies Latin America models to eastern Europe. Suggests that revolutions are shaped by the systems against which they are directed. Concludes that the problems of eastern Europe are not caused by the system so much as by geography. Argues that poor capitalism may lie in the future for eastern Europe. (DK)

Discusses the recent wave of mass sociopolitical mobilization in Eastern Europe. Argues that the models and methods developed after the 1960s have made it difficult for Western students to understand recent movements in the East. Compares waves of mobilization such as the Civil Rights Movement in the United States with incomplete waves of mobilization in eastern Europe. (DK)

For subnational authorities in Europe the emergence of governance structures at the European level represents an opportunity to further their involvement in the policy process. However, the structures and process by which this governance is to be delivered require a deeper understanding of different national systems of governance. The modernisation agenda in the UK is producing an overall model that clearly emulates the structures of a more formalized federal system and a comparative analysis with Germany and Spain shows that this system does not necessarily match the depth of citizen participation or governmental cooperation and partnership formation upon which the non-regional system in the UK was built. It is suggested that care needs to be taken that a regional form in UK governance is not followed simply for form's sake. For the European Union, the issue is one of ensuring participation and openness -- which entails being aware of the consequences of pursuing a purely regional governance programme at the expense of effective subregional actor mobilisation and participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines “currency chains”—messages and petitions written on paper money—as folkloric expressions and rhetorical acts that critique or commend dominant American public discourse. After a general description of currency chains, it considers two categories in detail. First is the “St. Lazarus” variety that flourished in the United States in the late 1990s, having migrated from Europe. Second are political money chains that engage with a social or political order, often in protest. This article observes the condemnation of currency chains as an irrational phenomenon, and regards them as viable means for often marginalised groups to foster participation in a public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the conflicts associated with the so-called 'Dieselgate' affair. It explains the interaction of civil society, law firms and political actors which reshapes the legal systems in Europe. Once the federal government in Germany had decided that European car owners should not get any kind of financial compensation, a transnational coalition of consumer organizations and law firms successfully initiated a legal mobilization campaign to counteract the political decision. As a consequence, collective litigation rights were strengthened in Germany and at the European level. Theoretically, the paper refers to the literature on adversarial legalism. Whether this judicialized style of conflict resolution is spreading to Europe ('Eurolegalism') has been a hotly debated topic in political science. Our main argument is that the Dieselgate case is a catalyst event to foster the transformation process towards 'Eurolegalism'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Judicial and political power are inextricably linked, but at this point in time that link seems more important, more pervasive, and more fragile than ever before. Courts are now under stress in many, even consolidated, democratic countries, becoming one of the most stimulating topics for understanding European politics. Indeed, bringing Courts back to the centre of political analysis is a privileged perspective for understanding how and why democracies change. By highlighting the characteristics of the complex political context of conflicting actors, institutions and political processes, this special issue of European Politics and Society reveals the different dynamics and patterns of the role of Courts in contemporary European politics. This paper presents the phenomenon of 'Courts under stress' and the related research questions. In addition, it introduces the articles that make up this special issue, which are indicative of the maturation of Courts as a crucial topic in European political science. Indeed, each article emphasizes different aspects of their role, bringing out new perspectives and complementary theoretical approaches and methodologies, thereby advancing comparative studies of judicial behaviour and constitutional jurisprudence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

No detailed account is necessary for tracing the historical background of several football clubs and national football teams in Europe. While certainly not rejecting the obvious merits in detailing football's history at local and national level, it is of equal importance to identify that specific, but often undefined, element that so elaborately encapsulates the essence of any given football team in a profoundly symbolic manner. While also addressing concepts denoting to political culture, political symbolism, and political identity, this paper examines the often-ignored finer details of a team's crest, also decorating the sport shirt of football players, since the association between football fans and the iconic crest of the club and nation they support unreservedly are an integral part of their distinct football identity. The identity of a football team is effortlessly illustrated on its crest, thus succinctly expressing an abundance of historical and cultural evidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the US's strategic interests and policy approaches towards the South Caucasus vis-a-vis competing geopolitical paradigms. It concerns the security challenges for the region, which arise from contradictions between integration, disintegration, and sovereignty in the shared neighbourhood of the European Union (EU) and Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The geopolitical, geo-economic and security interests of the United States, Russia, the European Union, Turkey, and Iran are all engaged in the South Caucasus, here is where their security interests intersect. The paper utilizes the Regional Security Complex Theory. From this perspective, the strategic fulcrum of regional security lies in the regions and powers. Therefore, the South Caucasus has an ever-increasing importance for the US interests both as a gateway to Eurasia and as the eastern edge of Europe. Thus, within the context of the largest competing alternatives of the geopolitics and geo-economics of the EU, the Russia-led EAEU, China's Belt and Road and India's North-South Corridor - the South Caucasus, an integral of European super-complex, appears as an insulator and corridor between the West and the East, the North and the South. Hence, the US policies have been aimed at making the South Caucasus an eastern extension of the enlarged European regional security complex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article re-examines the problem of EU subsidiarity in the light of the political economy of federalism and centre–right thinking. It argues that if Christian Democratic, conservative and liberal parties are serious about strengthening subsidiarity, they should urge the EU to take steps in the direction of scenario four of the European Commission's White Paper on the Future of Europe. Misleadingly titled 'Doing less more efficiently', this scenario is in fact about 'delivering more and faster in selected policy areas, while doing less elsewhere', as the subtitle correctly states. A new compact combining the targeted strengthening of key federal policies at the EU level with the EU's gradual disengagement from other policy areas seems the most promising way to take the Union out of the doldrums and strike a compromise between Eurosceptics and Europhiles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we position the societal expectation of the 'grateful refugee' in the larger European script of placing migrant help and integration. We ask how might we re-imagine geographies of migrant 'help' so as to break with the dominant ontologies of places as sites embedded within the nation-state and the accompanying relations of power which displace the migrant in a perpetual penumbra of gratefulness? By montaging a series of contrapuntal vignettes of borderlands producing Europe, we examine the moral geographies of help and debt and how geographical imaginations of place and place-identities of practices of refugeehelp today are entangled with mid-20th century wartime aid. Drawing inspiration from the negritude movement, we argue that such 'untimely articulations' produce 'sites of décalage' where Europe (as manifesting in such entangled moral geohistories of help) is no longer Europe, suggesting an initial vocabulary for a radical politics of place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the political evolution and behavior of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) from 1991 to 1995. In particular, it addresses two questions. What has the KPRF done to adjust to new political circumstances? Was the 'strategy' successful and did it explain KPRF electoral gains in the parliamentary elections of 1995? The paper concentrates on one aspect of this adjustment process - comparing the KPRF's candidate recruitment behavior for the State Duma elections of 1993 and 1995. However, rather than describe what the party has done in terms of candidate recruitment, I derive a set of theoretical expectations from both the general literature on party behavior in the West and in Eastern Europe, and analyze the candidate recruitment behavior of the KPRF as an empirical test of these expectations. Second, this paper assesses the extent to which the types of candidates the party recruited for the single-mandate districts in 1995 affected the probability of their winning election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rail links between China and Europe are typically analysed in the context of China's Belt and Road Initiative, focusing on China's economic rise and the implications for international relations. This paper argues that establishment of the China–Europe Landbridge predated the BRI and has been market‐driven, as service providers identified and responded to demand for efficient freight services along pre‐existing railway lines. Governments' role was trade facilitating, that is reducing delays and costs at border‐crossing points, rather than investing in hard infrastructure. Service providers responded by linking European and Asian value chains (e.g., in automobiles and electronic goods) and reducing costs for traders shipping between China and Europe. The Eurasian Landbridge provides a case study of servicification as a component of increased trade in the twenty‐first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The American election and its results in 2016 made it timely to provide a psychoanalytic analysis of the similar political events in the United States and in Hungary. Applying psychoanalytical theories to society has always been part of the tradition of the Budapest school. This paper argues that Hungarian and other transgenerational trauma theories can help us understand these developments. The author begins in using these theories to analyze the impact of political regimes on societies and individuals in Central Europe after World War II. She then continues to look at the political transformation that took place in 1989 in the socialist countries existing since 1945. This transformation promised liberation. But, this paper argues, the unexplored past resulted in the emergence of hierarchic, irrational political forces. The paper uses social and individual examples to help demonstrate these processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to contribute to the European education policy literature through an analysis of what I refer to as 'discretional policies', which are now instrumentally used by the EU but that have so far been largely overlooked by this literature, and to the literature on transparency of qualifications. The paper argues, first, that the education policy literature-as other policy literatures-has overlooked individual 'discretional policies', to which greater attention should now be paid as they are employed by EU institutions to bypass Member States in particularly difficult policy areas and to try to address their often alleged detachment from citizens. Second, the paper looks at the crucial aspect of the effectiveness of discretionary policies and their consequences for individuals and Member States, with reference to a case study of the Europass framework in education and training. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the changes within the profession of political science in Europe. The first part of the paper outlines the emerging integrated academic labour market in Europe and the accompanying process of convergence around shared professional benchmarks. The main observation here is the increasing influence competitive meritocracy has on our profession. The second part of the paper deals with some of the structural barriers European political science faces in such a competitive market. The final part of the paper outlines ways by which to surpass these structural barriers and attain a competitive academic profile while doing a Ph.D. at a typical European university.European Political Science (2009) 8, 151–161. doi:10.1057/eps.2009.3 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the occurrence of human trafficking in Europe. During the 1980s, a debate opened up about the meaning of the concept of free movement of persons enshrined in the Treaty of Rome 1957. Some Member States felt that this should apply to European Union (EU) citizens only, which would involve keeping internal border checks in order to distinguish between citizens of the EU and non-EU nationals. Others argued in favor of free movement for everyone, which would mean an end to internal border checks altogether. The Schengen Agreement was signed in 1985 in the village of Schengen, on the borders of Luxembourg, France and Germany. Having decided to implement the intention expressed in that agreement of bringing about the abolition of checks at their common borders on the free movement of persons and facilitating the transport and movement of goods, it could be argued that the Schengen acquis has made it easier for human traffickers to break down internal EU borders in the true spirit of the agreement, after all Schengen's main purpose was to remove all controls at internal land, sea and airport frontiers. As of 2003, there are about 3-4.5 million people living in the EU without any legal papers, with an estimated 400,000 people a year being trafficked into Member States.

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The objective of this paper is to emphasize the importance of the creation of a pluralistic security community, the security order and institutional structures of a multipolar Europe, the pattern of diplomatic and strategic interactions in the European security system, the performative role of security representations, the creation of a regional security community, and the prospects for intense security competition. In the first part of the article, I shall focus on the creation of security communities, the complexities of international politics in the contemporary European security system, the crucial factors affecting the prospects for peace and security in Europe, the link between internal security concerns and external relations, and the importance of the state as a provider of security. In the final portion of the article, I explore and describe the subjective nature of human security, the nature and dynamics of contemporary European security, and the impact of security competition between states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on lobbying as a political activity and the emergence of lobbying regulation in 10 new member states of the European Union (EU). The analysis begins with general observations about lobbying in post-communist states and on the development of lobbying in three of the larger new member states: Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic. Key to how lobbying will continue to develop in the future in these 10 countries is how it will be regulated and controlled. Therefore, the paper examines this in some detail. The analysis concludes with some recommendations on the role that could be played by professional bodies, which represent lobbyists in gaining more acceptance for interest groups in these new member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses how public administrations handle cross-sectoral government strategies such as those on sustainable development (SD), and how this could (or should) change in the future. It puts SD strategies and their key objective of improving the cross-sectoral integration of policies into the wider context of public administration in two respects. In a first step, the paper shows that SD strategies are a progressive step in the protracted debate on planning and strategic management in the public sector. In a second step, however, the paper explores the functioning of specialized public administrations as one explanation for the shortcomings of SD strategies in Europe. Consequently, the paper concludes that SD strategies should be developed further into a tool of strategic public management that helps to adapt administrative approaches to the integrative challenges of SD. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present paper we question how engineering education (and engineering) can support greater participation and inclusiveness in decision making and science and technology. We consider the work relating to engineering and society that is conducted by the scholars of science and technology studies, but which is rarely read or considered by the engineering educators who could draw on it. We consider the results of an initial analysis of data collected from interviews with the science, technology and society (STS) faculty across North America and Europe. STS looks at how technology affects society and how society affects technology, while engineers ‘create’ technology. Consequently the current authors suggest that it would be of great relevance to both engineering and STS to join up the thinking across these two arenas by focusing on a question that is not privy to the disciplines: is how can we create a socially just and sustainable future for all? We shall consider questions asked in STS of technology (engineering), e.g. what is its impact on society, who owns the technology, what are the political artefacts of the technology and we consider their influence on engineering (education). Using a phenomenographic approach to the research, 12 categories of description have emerged. Three of these categories are highlighted in this paper: participation; politics and policy; and citizenship, as they reflected themes that are rarely ‘discussed’ in engineering curricula but which appear to be uppermost in the STS arena. Participation was described in a range of ways, from approaches to participation to the case for and against it. In politics and policy much was made of the interplay between scientists and politicians and the power and knowledge games between these two arenas. Citizenship is a hotly discussed topic and is evident in a number of government agendas. Approaches to enhancing citizenship are discussed in a myriad of ventures, e.g. through public participation, being critical of information and through education. ‘It is only the oppressed who by freeing themselves can free their oppressors. The latter, as an oppressive class, can free neither others nor themselves. It is therefore essential that the oppressed wage the struggle to resolve the contradiction in which they are caught; and the contradiction will be resolved by the appearance of the new man: neither oppressor not oppressed, but man in the process of liberation. If the goal of the oppressed is to become fully human, they will not achieve their goal by merely reversing the terms of the contradiction, by simply changing poles...’. Paulo Freire, 1970 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Talk of public dialogue and engagement has become fashionable internationally, and particularly within Europe. Building especially upon recent British experience, this paper argues that ‘public talk’ (that is, talk both by and about the public) represents an important site for science and technology studies analysis. The relationship between ‘new’ and ‘old’ approaches to scientific governance is considered. Drawing upon a series of official reports, and also the GM Nation? public debate over genetically modified food, the paper suggests that, rather than witnessing the emergence of a new governance paradigm, the current approach can more accurately be portrayed as an uneasy blend of ‘old’ and ‘new’ assumptions. Eschewing a straightforward normative account, the paper explores the social construction of public talk, the relationship between talk and trust, the search for the ‘innocent’ citizen, and the pursuit of social consensus. Current initiatives should not simply be criticized for their inadequacies, but should also be viewed as symptomatic of the state of science-society relations. In that way, stresses and strains within the politics of public talk assume wider analytical significance than the ‘mere talk’ epithet would suggest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the adoption of a number of Community regulations, each for a specific sector, to be implemented not just by a supranational administration (central or peripheral), but by a plurality of national, supranational and sometimes mixed authorities, with a special role assigned to a Community office set up by the same legislation for a given sector, and granting it legal personality. The purpose of this paper is to verify whether the various regulations by sector ought not to be regarded as variants of an emergent general model of joint exercise of certain Community functions. It is argued that such general model is still in the making, but it is in the process of becoming consolidated, notwithstanding the variety of approaches adopted by European legislators. Such a pattern is characterised by specific, differentiated organisational and procedural features. This conclusion is relevant in several different ways, the first of which is that it provides new conceptual tools for interpreting and explaining the process of administrative integration between supranational and national public authorities, in particular by specifying the taxonomy of the patterns through which a Community function can be carried out by two different authorities acting jointly. Second, the decentralised integration model should be considered as a sound and feasible option for the administrative evolution of the Community legal system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper builds up a model for analysing regional attitudes towards separation from national states, where separation implies `opting out' of the national income redistribution system and starting a regional one, while at the same time having direct access to supranational institutions. In an overlapping generations (OLG) framework, we show that interregional cooperation can perform the same task as intergenerational cooperation, and can prevent rich regions from wanting to separate from poor nations. In the second part of the paper, we estimate the impact of alternative institutional settings on regional welfare by using data on the inter-governmental financial relations of the Italian regions with the central government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The German discourse on the future role of the state is currently at the turn of the millennium is I dominated by the joint paper by Tony Blair and Gerhard Schröder, ‘Europe: The Third Way/ Die Neue Mitte’ (Blair & Schröder 1999). Using the crisis of the post-war Fordist mode of regulation as a background, various concepts of the restructuring of the State and society are discussed. This paper intends to show that the prevailing dominant social democratic restructuring discourse is rooted in a number of important elements in preceding conservative and neo-liberal discourses about the future of society and the State. The notion of desolidarisation is identified as the common denominator of conservative and neo-liberal approaches as well as the ‘Third Way’ (Neue Mitte). To cope with growing social inequality it is argued j that only a new European political project that re-animates solidarity and sustainability is viable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interesting relationship between entrepreneurial activity and regional competitiveness has been a major focus of academics, university managers, and policy makers during the past decades-in particular the role of institutions in the establishment of political, social, and economic rules-. For example, since the enactment of the US Bayh- Dole Act more than 30 years ago, many American cities and regions are increasingly viewing universities as potential engines of economic growth. In these new socioeconomic scenarios, the role of entrepreneurial universities is not only generates/transfers knowledge but also contributes/provides leadership for the creation of entrepreneurial thinking, actions, and institutions. Previous studies have shown the university's role in economic development, but no empirical study has analyzed the entrepreneurial activity generated by university students per university at the country/regional level of analysis. The purpose of this paper is to explore the impact of the university's entrepreneurial activity on regional competitiveness. Adopting the institutional economics and the endogenous growth approaches, a proposed conceptual framework was developed and tested with structural equation modeling using data from 102 universities located in 56 NUTS II of 12 European countries. Our results evidenced that informal factors (e.g., attitudes, role models) have a higher influence on university entrepreneurial activity than formal factors (e.g., support measures, education and training). Our results also evidenced a higher contribution of universities on regional competitiveness, in particular, when we used social measures ( talent human capital) instead economic measures ( GDP per capita). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The main aims of this paper are to analyse the monetary value of informal care time using different techniques and to identify significant variables associated with the number of caregiving hours. Data and methods: A multicentre study in two Spanish regions in adult caregivers was conducted. A total sample of 604 people was available. A multivariate analysis was performed to identify the variables associated with the number of hours of caregiving time. In the monetary valuation of informal care provided, three approaches were used: replacement cost method, opportunity cost and contingent valuation (willingness to pay and willingness to accept). Results: The main determinants of the amount of time of informal care provided were age, gender, the level of care receiver´s dependence and the professional care services received (at home and out of home). The value estimated for informal care time ranges from EUROS 80,247 (replacement cost method) to EUROS 14,325 (willingness to pay), with intermediate values of EUROS 27,140 and EUROS 29,343 (opportunity cost and willingness to accept, respectively). Several sensitivity analyses were performed over the base cases, confirming the previous results. Conclusions: Time of informal care represents a great social value, regardless of the applied technique. However, the results can differ strongly depending on the technique chosen. Therefore, the choice of technique of valuation is not neutral. Among the determinants of informal care time, the professional care received at home has a complementary character to informal care, while the formal care outside the home has a substitute character. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Europe is currently embroiled in three ongoing and interacting crises concerning the eurozone, refugees and Brexit. After briefly describing each crisis, I turn to the ways in which they intersect and the role of institutions in solving the crises. There are two central themes in the paper. The first is that the three crises intersect and feed on one another. The second is that, while institutions can often help, they are not panaceas. Existing scholarship on the EU often implies that the EU operates far from its institutional frontier and that substantial improvements in welfare are just around the corner if only we ‘get our institutions right’. But institutional fixes do not exist for all problems. I argue that there is a large space for institutional improvement in the eurozone crisis, less regarding refugees, and still less for Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the timeline of the "Journal of Public Affairs" in the papers of European Centre for Public Affairs (ECPA) from the 1990s up to 2012. The "Journal of Public Affrairs" started in the European Union (EU) from the 1990s. The author explains the evolution of public affairs transpired when organizations, from government to private institutions, saw its importance and power.

The article presents news briefs on political science, political parties, practical politics, elections, and the cabinet system in Finland under Prime Minister Matti Vanhanen. Leehna Luhtanen is Minister of Justice while Susanna Huovinen is Minister of Transport and Communication. Strikes and lockouts in the pulp and paper industry dominated presidential campaigns.

Slovenia has been widely portrayed as a ‘success story’ of the transition to modern liberal democracy. This paper attempts to revise that somewhat distorted image by explaining how different political visions, and their clashes and coalitions over two decades of independent statehood, influenced the Slovenian citizenship regime, which is rife with undemocratic practices. Drawing on the ‘nationalizing state’ approach, the paper illuminates two dominant political agendas: the nationalizing state agenda and the Europeanizing state agenda. However, both agendas are frequently intertwined and provide legitimacy to political actors across the ideological spectrum depending on the circumstances. These circumstances are external or internal to the political system and determine the relevance of either of the two agendas. As such, they also play an important role in shaping the outcome of the political bargaining that has left its mark on the Slovenian citizenship regime. The periods of consensus between political elites regarding the overarching goals of national independence and accession to the European Union were accompanied by external pressures to introduce liberal democratic principles. Consequently, these facilitated the civic agenda. On the other hand, the absence of international pressures, in combination with internal factors, allowed serious malpractice in the field. Nevertheless, citizenship has proved to be an extremely important aspect of both agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues against the suggestion that governments should push for gender equality more aggressively in order to raise fertility. The paper presents a threefold "no" to this proposal. It takes issue with the goal of raising fertility, arguing that the claims that fertility must be increased are based on myths. It rejects a more aggressive pursuit of gender equality for demographic purposes, maintaining that this method preserves inequality. It warns against using gender equality for fertility purposes, stating that this narrows the realm of gender equality. The paper is based on a debate held at the Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research in Rostock, at which the author was asked to argue against the gender equality-fertility proposal. The other participants in the debate were Laurent Toulemon ("yes"), Dimiter Philipov ("no"), and Livia Oláh ("yes"). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For some years now, there has been a growing orthodoxy in EU legal studies which maintains that the EU project is less about achieving uniformity of laws across the Member States, and more about managing flexibility and differentiation. However, for the most part, space for differentiation is recognised only as between states or groups of states. The present paper moves beyond this level to explore the scope for local differentiation, at a sub-state level. This inquiry has been motivated by the recent Horvath judgment, in which the European Court of Justice was asked whether differential implementation by the devolved administrations of the UK of certain EU law obligations was lawful. The paper places these developments alongside other judicial, legal and political developments, to demonstrate a growing recognition of the role of regions within the EU's multi-levelled system of governance, revealing that the EU order is, in some respects, finally catching up with the realities of the rise of devolution and decentralisation taking place across Europe. However, it is submitted that there is further the EU could and should go in recognising, if not a 'Europe of the Regions', then a 'Europe with the Regions.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on Western European parliaments has long pointed to an increase in non-legislative activities, including questions to the minister and interpellations; however, it has struggled to explain this development. This paper argues that the explanation ought to be sought in the increased importance of issue competition among political parties in Western Europe. Political parties are increasingly competing over which issues should dominate politics. In issue competition, non-legislative activities are attractive for opposition parties, because governments must respond to the issues the opposition wants to focus on. The paper thus argues that the key to understanding the development of activities in Western European parliaments is to bring parties and theories of party competition into the study of these activities. The argument is tested and supported by showing that the growth in non-legislative activities in Western Europe is universal as well as by demonstrating how the content of questions to the minister in Denmark reveals a clear issue competition pattern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study on the governance arrangements (GAs) for social and environmental sustainability in Europe. It states that the Brundtland Report and its strategy was based on inter-governmental treaties and its suggests an alternative strategy which focus on GAs rather than regional governmental agencies. The study presents a conceptual paper on the principles for sustainability international governance based on the experience in the European Union governance. Result shows that among the most important institutional or political changes, the expansion of the competences of the EU as the point for environmental sustainability.

The aim of this article is to contribute to understanding the changing role of government in promoting corporate social responsibility (CSR). Over the last decade, governments have joined other stakeholders in assuming a relevant role as drivers of CSR, working together with intergovernmental organizations and recognizing that public policies are key in encouraging a greater sense of CSR. This paper focuses on the analysis of the new strategies adopted by governments in order to promote, and encourage businesses to adopt, CSR values and strategies. The research is based on the analysis of an explanatory framework, related to the development of a relational analytical framework, which tries to analyze the vision, values, strategies and roles adopted by governments, and the integration of new partnerships that governments establish in the CSR area with the private sector and social organizations. The research compares CSR initiatives and public policies in three European countries: Italy, Norway and the United Kingdom, and focuses on governmental drivers and responses. The preliminary results demonstrate that governments are incorporating a common statement and discourse on CSR, working in partnership with the private and social sectors. For governments, CSR implies the need to manage a complex set of relationships in order to develop a win–win situation between business and social organizations. However, the research also focuses on the differences between the three governments when applying CSR public policies. These divergences are based on the previous cultural and political framework, such as the welfare state typology, the organizational structures and the business and social and cultural background in each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study presents a three-year effort to study public sector innovation in Europe from the viewpoint of the citizen. It examines a model of public sector innovation across a multinational sample of eight countries and 626 participants. The paper develops a theory of antecedents to and consequences of innovation in public administration as perceived by knowledgeable citizens and end-users. Participants were senior and mid-level managers of third sector organizations that work closely with citizens both as individuals and groups, and with public sector agencies in various domains. Structural Equation Modeling technique was used to examine two theoretical and five alternative models. Major findings that transcend national borders were found to be: (1) responsiveness, together with leadership and vision are important antecedents of innovation in the public sector; (2) public sector innovation affects trust in and satisfaction with public administration; and (3) the effect of public sector innovation on trust and satisfaction is both direct and mediated by the image of public organizations. The paper ends with a discussion of the theoretical and practical implications for public administration theory, especially for public sector innovation in Europe, and with directions for future studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until the mid-1980s, transport policy was considered by many as one of the least successful domains of the European integration project. However, from the early 1990s onwards, there are clear signs of a single European transport policy, along with the accompanying implementation of infrastructure projects. What is the explanation for such a change in pace? This paper aims to offer insight in these processes by looking at the mechanisms which form and transform this policy domain. To understand the state of a policy domain and its dynamics over time an institutional approach is taken. Two concepts in political science, 'policy arrangements' and 'supranational governance' are combined and used as a framework to analyse the European transport policy domain. This analysis describes the development of several elements: organisations, rules, the transnational society, power, resources, and the central transport discourse. It demonstrates that all of these elements have developed from an intergovernmental setting towards a more supranational one. This development was slow in the first decennia when European transport policy was rather passive, but it picked up speed in the 1980s and 1990s. In the pivotal year of 1985, pressure from the transnational society resulted in a rapid change of the rules, the resources and the discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, much attention has been devoted to exploring the extent to which regions in Europe seek to promote their development by capitalizing upon vertical and horizontal links with other territories and governance scales. In the same period, regional policy in many states has evolved from a traditional 'redistributive' model towards more territorialized 'endogenous' approaches that aim to foster the intrinsic endowments and capacities for growth and collective action of subnational territories. EU initiatives have also encouraged subnational authorities to overcome 'insularity' and to take into account interdependencies and European links in their spatial development strategies. The capacity to strategically engage in such 'territorial positioning' will become increasingly important for territories as they adjust to evolving European spatial and policy contexts. This paper explores the notion of territorial positioning and, through reference to recent developments in the North West region of England, provides an exploratory indication of how and why territorial positioning occurs in practice and with what success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically reviews the public policy framework underpinning the MTV Europe Music Awards Edinburgh03. It argues that, because local organisers did not advocate local cultural participation as a key policy, preferring an economic rationale of marketing and tourism, such involvement was limited. The organisers' global and economic rationale led to the official view that MTV's status within global youth culture re-imaged Edinburgh as a dynamic and cosmopolitan city in the international tourist market, while providing a turning point in Scotland's ability to host world class events. To them, the £750k subsidy to MTV facilitated significant local economic benefits and enhanced the city's profile in the creative industries. However, the narrow policy framework meant local inclusion took place within MTV's overriding emphasis on promoting celebrities and producing a spectacular television show. The Awards therefore had a largely superficial engagement with local youngsters and the Scottish pop industry, with the main beneficiaries being MTV and its sponsors, Edinburgh tourism, global pop stars, and major hotels and retailers. Protests over this were encouraged by MTV's tight control of information, the event's politicisation by a local newspaper, and a local actor's 'anti-MTV Awards' campaign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines some of the key challenges critical terrorism studies will have to face. Starting from the premise that a critical turn must both challenge traditional approaches to ‘terrorism’ and provide an umbrella under which traditional and critical perspectives from ‘terrorism studies’ and cognate fields can converge, the article reflects on the tensions this will introduce, ranging from how to define the boundaries of a critical field and whether to adopt the term ‘terrorism’ as a field delineator, to the need for policy-relevance and the tensions this introduces between striving to influence policy and avoiding co-optation. The paper ends with a reflection on the challenge of being sensitive to cultural and contextual differences while remaining true to one's emancipatory agenda.European Political Science (2007) 6, 236–243. doi:10.1057/palgrave.eps.2210144 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political competition between European countries has been viewed as being a stimulus to the innovation process and part of the reason why Europe was the first region of the world to experience sustained growth. Countries that fell behind their rivals technologically and economically became more vulnerable to exploitation. In this way, the presence of rival states provided added incentive to innovate. This paper uses a simple model of conflict between countries to study the role of political competition in economic growth. The governments of each country are threatened politically by innovation and, hence, face a trade-off between the stability of their regime and keeping up with their rivals. The model shows that “institutional spillovers,” such as a decrease in the level of rent-seeking in one country, can affect growth in a competing country. Thus, political fragmentation can be growth enhancing as it can result in more political competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Defines governance for the context of European integration. Elements of governance from an institutional perspective; Official use of governance, according to the European Commission's White Paper on European Governance; Features of a governance structure.

In the context of the widespread recognition of significant changes in urban and regional governance in Europe, this paper explores the ways of understanding the dynamics of these changes and comments on the implications for recent themes in contemporary debates about urban governance—the extent of the re-scaling of governance arenas and networks, the role of a territorial focus in the new urban governance, the emergence of new forms of politics and the balance of progressive versus regressive potentials in the “new” governance. A brief introduction raises questions about the nature of the perceived experimentation and fragmentation in contemporary urban governance. The paper then outlines an emerging “sociological institutionalist” approach to governance transformation processes which links together the worlds of actors in episodes of governance with the rhythm of established governance processes—networks, discourses and practices, and the deeper cultural assumptions which give authority and legitimacy to actors and processes. The arguments are then illustrated through examples of governance initiatives from different arenas within a particular urban region, all of which to an extent challenge established discourses and practices. The paper concludes with some comments on how to interpret the broader significance and trajectory of transformative shifts in urban governance processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]