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This article examines the success of paper-based alternative currencies in facilitating convivial, sustainable localised economies. Based on fieldwork in the United States, the United Kingdom and Germany, it discusses the capacity of activists to create alternative forms of currency that communicate the organisers' visions of a localised economy, before examining material practices: for whom do the currencies work, and who struggles to use them? Using insights from a diverse economies perspective, the article argues that we cannot read off the likelihood of an economic actor using the currency from the extent of their local economic embeddedness: economic actors in similar positions respond to the same stimuli in different ways, and local business owners and activists can form productive alliances to develop their shared project. The article concludes by arguing that local currencies should be used more proactively to stimulate new forms of concrete local production to meet locally identified needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Earth is currently undergoing a sixth global‐scale ecological crisis. The most recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report of 2021 highlighted a need to curb global heating at 1.5 degrees above the pre‐industrial baseline, and outlined a range of likely impacts of climate change on global societies should no action be taken, particularly in relation to reducing greenhouse gas emissions to net zero by 2050. Despite this need, policy‐based action at a nation state level is lacking, with talks at COP25 failing to reach necessary agreements. In response to this, and as we approach COP26, a significant global youth movement has been activated, with children and young people taking it upon themselves to highlight a need for climate and environmental action, calling for others to follow. This paper follows the emotional journey of one of its co‐authors, 11‐year‐old environmental activist, Lucie. Through the innovative approach of co‐production with Lucie, in this paper we detail the role of emotion in one youth activist's journey. From her initial reactions watching BBC's Blue Planet II, to the multifaceted highs and lows that have followed as she strives for change, we illuminate the emotional implications such experiences may have on children and young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I call for geographers to engage further with a so far under‐explored concept of the socio‐ecological imagination, which I define as a variant of political‐geographical imagination(s) concerned with envisioning (and progressing) the transformation of relationships between human society and the rest of the planetary environment. In response to escalating ecological breakdown, and a recent surge in environmental movement mobilisation(s) led in many places by young people, this paper seeks to contribute to expanding understandings of the socio‐ecological imagination, drawing on interviews and participant observation with young environmental activists in the North East of England. The paper performs two major tasks. First, through analysing the ways in which the environmentalists narrate their imaginaries of socio‐ecological transformation(s), it is argued that dominant oppositional tendencies within participant narratives result from a tension between antagonistic and imaginative forms of transformative politics. Second, the paper explores in more depth the main forces constraining the imagination of alternative socio‐ecological futures, proposing three major interconnected barriers that emerge from the environmentalists' narratives: crisis lock‐in; colonisation of the social imaginary; and dualistic temporal imaginaries of transformation. In sum, I suggest that these barriers warn of an imaginative gap between our current social reality and just and sustainable futures, driven by structural and psychological pressures faced by activists in the current era of multi‐dimensional crisis. Bridging this gap can be aided by a greater engagement of geographers and environmental movements with a socio‐ecological imagination and a processual understanding of space–time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an autoethnographic account of the "racialized activist body" in the White academy and in tandem the bio‐politics and bio‐ethics of its right to be an affective body or to possess its senses against the trauma of anti‐racist struggles in higher education institutions. The paper argues that in the postrace university, the "activist body" birthed through trauma becomes a conduit for the pain of others enacting it as a site for the deposition and transmutation of trauma in the quest for racial and social justice. It employs Bracha Ettinger's notion of "matrixial borderspace" to examine the interplay of social relations between of the activist body and other traumatized subjects in the provision of care as an activist. Two narratives unfold in the paper fusing the articulations of the main text with the paratext to unleash the tumultuous psyche of the activist and her journey of voicing resistance in her anti‐racist struggles. In the process, the activist body emerges as a "diseased site," overloaded with the trauma of others, yet numbed in its inability to reconnect with its own corporeality and professional identity in its interface with White governmentality. The paper asserts that anti‐racist struggles reassemble the activist body, tightly welding it with exhaustion which manifests in the pervasiveness of racial battle fatigue in the ivory tower. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People have fought against racism for as long as it has existed and yet it persists in diverse and materially impactful ways. The primary challenge to eradicating racism is likely the power of white privilege. This paper argues that another important obstacle to progress has been the lack of a clear definition of antiracism that movement activists and scholars can collaboratively use to ensure that antiracist scholarship and efforts meet the full measure of the term's intention. While academia has struggled to converge on a definition, "lay race theorists" and movement activists—Black women in particular, have been participating in discourse online and through other venues where consensus appears to be developing around a definition. This article attempts to summarize activist discourse in defining antiracism as "the commitment to eradicate racism in all its forms" and individual antiracism as "the commitment to eradicate racism in all its forms, by (1) building an understanding of racism and (2) taking action to eliminate racism "within oneself, in other people, in institutions, and through actions outside of institutions," noting that "antiracism is an ongoing practice and commitment that must be accountable to antiracist Black people, Indigenous people, and other People of Color and consider intersectional systems of oppression." While research on the public conversation benefits from its easy access and limited additional burdens on movement activists, future research should test these definitions with movement activists to ensure that definitions and metrics are as relevant to the antiracist movement as possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protests of December 2001 in Argentina were the most visible manifestation of a larger cycle of contention, which continues to have a substantial influence on the forms, tactics and goals of social movements throughout the country. This paper provides a critical overview of these lasting effects. In particular, we focus on three areas where the consequences of the crisis for collective action have been particularly strong: performative politics, coalition‐building, and institutional support for grassroots networks. We conclude by reflecting on the implications for participatory democracy and the consolidation of a highly engaged civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical assessments of the 1907 Hague Peace Conference, such as its 1899 predecessor, are usually framed in verdicts of success or failure. Although some specialist accounts rightly portray the Hague meetings as both successful and important, most analyses of the period emphasize their shortcomings, not least the failure to prevent war in 1914. This article interrogates why the existing historiography is framed in this simplistic—and ultimately misleading—success/failure dichotomy. Focusing on hopes and aspirations regarding disarmament ahead of the 1907 Hague Conference, it contends that networks of European and American citizen activists, by doing so much to bring the conference about and legitimizing disarmament as a topic for diplomatic discussion, ensured that immediate verdicts of the conference's work focused on the (practically nonexistent) outcomes in this domain. This lack of progress overshadowed all other accomplishments of the second Hague conference and established, well before 1914, a prevailing narrative of failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the patterns of state-sponsored and state-tolerated violence directed at a social movement organization in New Mexico known as La Alianza Federal de Mercedes during the 1960s and 1970s. Beginning in the 1960s, Alianza mobilized a broad-based movement of Chicano activists and Hispano land grant communities to advocate the return of lands they claimed had been stolen following the Mexican American War of 1846–1848. As a result, its leaders and many of its members became targets of law enforcement surveillance programs and counterintelligence operations. In this paper I examine the patterns of surveillance and physical violence directed at Alianza members. Confronted by Alianza's challenge to racial inequality and economic injustice, the state construed Alianza as a generalized, and racialized, threat to social order that required in response the use of coercive control and physical violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the relationship between activism, the individual and the lifecourse, this paper argues for the importance of conceptualising activism as a dynamic temporal, as well as spatial, process. Transferring Nancy Worth's understanding of youth transitions "as becoming" onto activism, and using empirical research with adults who were involved in organisationally mediated activism as young people, three states of activism are offered and considered: circumstantial, dormant and embedded. Firstly activism that is circumstantial, important in the moment, is shown to play a significant role for young people in making possible multiple potential futures. Exploring these connections between the past and future unsettles the recent (over)emphasis in the studies of children and young people and P/politics, of the "here and now". Secondly, it is argued that when involvement in organisationally mediated activism has finished, these experiences of activism have not ended but are dormant. They may be rejuvenated and curated at a different position in the lifecourse or following a new moment of conscientisation. Thirdly, contributing to a growing body of literature within activist geographies, instances where activism has become embedded in everyday spaces are examined. Complex transitions to adulthood are suggested to contribute to the nature of activism in these spaces. Going beyond the documentation of small-scale activisms, these activisms are also presented as entwined with other scales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sets out an emerging discourse on defining and repairing the generational spiritual consequences of racism, victimization, marginalization, and isolation experienced by women of African descent, identified in this paper as "soul trauma." Drawing on the work of W.E.B. Dubois, Joy DeGruy, Iva Carruthers, and others, it establishes the deep and deadly effect of internalized white supremacy and cultural hegemony on the identity and socialization of Black women, an effect that requires substantial work and repair beyond what established human service delivery practices can provide to the essential core of one's being, the soul. This article posits the concept and practice of Sankofa as a form of holistic medicine in the repair of Black souls, specific to the use of Kindezi, a Kikongo education system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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As in other African countries, activists in Uganda play an important role during political campaigns. Monetary handouts, called 'transport refund', often facilitate their participation. Although these handouts often cover more than just the costs of transportation, the label indicates that mobility is seen as an important financial item for campaign activists. Despite this, little has been published about the role that mobility plays in the processes of political mobilisation in Africa. This article therefore examines mobility as an important yet neglected aspect of political mobilisation by evaluating the role of motorcycle taxi riders during elections in Uganda. Usually referred to as Boda‐Bodas, they are essential short‐distance transport providers in the country. Beyond that, being Boda‐Boda has become a way of survival, a form of social organisation, and a promise that every youth can make a living if he dares to face the dangers of the country's accident‐prone roads. Politicians have since discovered the potential of these bold young men and recruit them en masse ahead of elections. Based on fieldwork conducted between 2018 and 2022, this paper examines the unique mobilities inherent in Boda‐Bodas. It finds that characteristic mobilities enable their movements as transport providers and argues that these mobilities also enhance political rallies. Boda‐Boda motorcycle riders have therefore become a crucial activist group during political campaigns in Uganda. This acticle reviews the role of Boda‐Boda motorcyclists during political rallies in Uganda. It uses a mobility lens to highlight how political mobilisation modernised through the inclusion of more mobile activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the globe, women are increasingly more visible as leaders and activists in radical‐right parties and movements. Does women's visibility in radical‐right politics, both institutionalized and non‐institutionalized, affect public acceptance of radical‐right agendas? The present paper proposes a 'radical‐right gender mainstreaming model', arguing that women in radical‐right politics are perceived by the general public through a prism of feminine gender stereotypes, which counteract radical‐right parties' and movements' masculine stereotypes, thus 'softening' their image and making them more acceptable to the general public. Across four experimental studies conducted in the Israeli context, we find strong evidence that women's visibility as radical‐right parliamentary representatives (Studies 1a and 1b) and as radical‐right political activists (Studies 2a and 2b) increases acceptance of and support for these parties' and movements' agenda, particularly among women. We further demonstrate that these effects are mediated by the attribution of feminine stereotypes (warmth) to women versus men political actors. Implications of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the impact on individual decisions to unionize of several factors: the reach of communist parties, the degree of political activism, personal attributes of workers, and industrial characteristics. The workers examined are Indian nonagricultural regular workers, using micro-data from the 2004-5 Employment and Unemployment Survey conducted by the National Sample Survey Organisation, linked to state-level factors. A notable result is that the reach of communist parties has considerable effect on unionization probability. Moreover, it seems that the mere existence of communist parties in a state also facilitates unionization to some extent. State-level political activism and unemployment rate also influence the individual decision to join a union. The paper concludes also that a worker's gender, marital status, ethnic background, employment status, experience, occupation, sector of employment, establishment size, and type of industry remain important in the determination of union membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores key lessons learned during the design and facilitation phases of a conflict resolution workshop with environmental activists in rural Appalachia. As these practice notes and analysis highlight, conflict resolution (CR) practitioners can support activists by engaging in robust preparation work in order to better understand how activists work together, how that work evolves over time, their frames for making sense of conflicts and new possibilities for collaboration. This work raises timely questions about the role of outside facilitator partiality in CR processes, especially when differences of power and marginalization within activist networks reveal fault lines that disrupt collaboration and trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a longitudinal study that uses insights from postcolonial feminism to explore women's entrepreneurship as a political form of feminist organizing for social change in Saudi Arabia. Postcolonial feminist approaches challenge Western feminism, which can obscure the diversity of women's lived experiences, agency, and activism. Through Bayat's (2013) theory of "quiet encroachment," I identify the ways in which contemporary Western conceptualizations of feminist solidarity and social movements have dismissed "Other" women's "silent," protracted and (dis)organized activism in parts of the Middle East. By exploring how Saudi women have utilized their entrepreneurial space as a legitimate platform for change, I aim to enrich understanding of women's activism through everyday solidarity practices, which allow them to quietly encroach onto the previously forbidden political space. The findings exemplify how their activism "quietly" developed over time through a three‐step process—from the entrepreneur aiming to empower women within their organization, to developing feminist consciousness within their entrepreneurial network, to becoming a "political activist" lobbying for policy changes for women. These solidarity practices exemplify the West's relationship with "the Other," and reveal that feminist organizing for social change must be explored within its own context in order to fully appreciate its global political potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effect that Islamic political activism has on the personal lives of women who are members of the Islamic Action Front. The paper studies how female members are able to better their daily lives through their Islamic party activism. To give the reader a better understanding of who the women are who are examined in this paper, the paper begins with a brief overview of the IAF and its women's section. Then the paper moves to examining how political Islam alters the lives of female partisans. I discuss one of the factors responsible for the perceived change in the lives of female activists, namely: Islamic knowledge. The paper will examine how Islamic knowledge has affected the lives of the female Islamists in question. I argue that the Islamic knowledge gained impacts the lives of female activists on three levels: the personal, the familial, and the social. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the relationship between early anarchism and republican/nationalist ideas. We will focus on the case of British‐based activists grouped around the journal Freedom and their engagement with Irish nationalism during the Age of the Empire. Freedom, founded in 1886, was the most important anarchist journal of the English‐speaking anarchist–communist networks at the time and was the main editorial reference for the worldwide community of anarchist activists, mostly exiled, who resided in London at that time. Extending current interdisciplinary literature on transnational anarchism, we argue that anarchist views of nations, while rejecting the novel notion of the nation‐state, were associated with anti‐colonial struggles and with republican anti‐monarchical and egalitarian notions. Based on primary sources, we discuss the intersections between these Britain‐based anarchists and anti‐colonial Irish radicals, by engaging both with their writings and their international networks of solidarity, thus exploring the complex intermingling of anarchism, anti‐colonialism, and republicanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing body of research on shareholder activism for corporate social and environmental responsibility. This paper maps and synthesizes research on this topic during 1983–2007. Five key themes emerge. (1) Several studies address shareholder proposals in the US, including proposal topics, voting results, and typical targets for such activism. (2) Other studies focus on the effects of shareholder activism on corporate policy and practice. Further, studies have been conducted on shareholder activism by (3) NGOs, (4) unions and (5) pension funds respectively. Based on this review, missing perspectives are identified and suggestions are made for future research directions. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the growth of private sector involvement in water supply management globally, anti-privatization campaigns for a human right to water have emerged in recent years. Simultaneously, alter-globalization activists have promoted alternative water governance models through North-South red-green alliances between organized labour, environmental groups, women's groups, and indigenous groups. In this paper, I explore these distinct (albeit overlapping) responses to water privatization. I first present a generic conceptual model of market environmentalist reforms, and explore the contribution of this framework to debates over ‘neoliberalizing nature’. This conceptual framework is applied to the case of anti-privatization activism to elucidate the limitations of the human right to water as a conceptual counterpoint to privatization, and as an activist strategy. In contrast, I argue that alter-globalization strategies—centred on concepts of the commons—are more conceptually coherent, and also more successful as activist strategies. The paper concludes with a reiteration of the need for greater conceptual precision in our analyses of neoliberalization, for both academics and activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses issues related to the structure of social movements, the presence of diversity within movements and the management of the conflicts that diversity generates. It outlines and analyses the main dimensions of an unusually intense and bitter conflict that erupted between environmental activists in Sydney in the lead-up to the 1990 federal election. The paper's central argument is that the conflict analysed was a product of the incompatibility between one particular activist network's attempt to impose its political assessment on a cross-section of movement elites and the underlying segmentation, polycephaly and loose integration that characterises the movement's structure. While the paper uses the Sydney case study as an illustrative vehicle, the themes and issues discussed have a broader applicability in the analysis of environment movement dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper suggests that the nature of activism is changing to take account of the trends in political and economic conditions. It further goes on to consider that as a result of these emerging trends we have witnessed a generational shift in how governments, businesses, interest groups and citizens will interact. It is possible to place the issues and questions that this new environment raises under a number of broad headings--Democracy and Dissent, Government and Parliament, Media, and Lobbying--each of which the paper deals with in turn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the increasingly popular approach of militant research and argues for the need to conceptualise it as a contradictory approach that exists against-and-beyond any form it takes. It understands militant research as a committed and intense process of internal reflection from within particular struggle(s) that seeks to map out and discuss underlying antagonisms while pushing the movement forward. Based on the author's experiences of doing militant research with Occupy London from both inside the university and through the Occupy Research Collective created outside, it argues that there are no ideal sites for doing militant research. It explores the opportunities of doing militant research within the university, pointing towards the potential for subverting the resources available, and highlights the barriers, in particular with relation to ethics. The Occupy Research Collective ( ORC) is then examined as an alternative space for doing militant research. In turn, a number of limitations of ORC are noted, including both its lack of resources and tendency to (re)create a form of doing militant research detached from broader struggles. While recent work has highlighted the need for militant research to operate antagonistically to the neoliberal university, and there have been calls to create new institutions outside it, this paper extends previous arguments by emphasising the need to criticise all forms of militant research in order to push struggles forward. It draws on John Holloway's widely referenced 'in-against-and-beyond' dialectical approach to emphasise the inevitable challenges of institutionalising militant research, no matter where this takes place. It concludes by suggesting that militant research should not shy away from embracing critiques of particular struggles and that further theoretical work needs to be done in terms of developing a more open and relational understanding of militancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the potential impact of the Left on the goals, issues, strategies, and constituencies of the contemporary environmental movement. Contrasting the earlier disparagement of the movement by the Left with increased Leftist attraction to the mature movement, it is argued that the Left could contribute a theoretical context for environmental issues and influence segments of the environmental movement through an emphasis on protest strategies and the differential economic impacts of environmental problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a contribution to the institutionalist approach to money through ethnographic research carried out in two local currency systems in Argentina (known as trueque). It argues that Argentinian local currencies must be considered as monies in their own right even if they differ from state and bank issued currencies, because they can be understood as systems of evaluation and settlement of debts denominated in a specific unit of account (the crédito). Money is said to be an ambivalent social relation because in the two cases studied it mediates very different dynamics, exacerbating inequality in one context and promoting collective emancipation in another. This difference is due to the kind of political communities that the crédito tends to forge. In both Rosario and Poriajhu, the political community is defined by a set of values that legitimizes ongoing monetary practices and institutions rather than the State's coercion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 26 December 2003 an Israeli activist was shot by the Israeli Army while he was participating in a demonstration organized by Anarchists Against the Wall (AAtW) in the West Bank. This was the first time Israeli Soldiers have deliberately shot live bullets at a Jewish-Israeli activist. This paper is an attempt to understand the set of conditions, the enveloping frameworks, and the new discourses that have made this event, and similar shootings that soon followed, possible. Situating the actions of AAtW within a much wider context of securitization-of identities, movements, and bodies-we examine strategies of resistance which are deployed in highly securitized public spaces. We claim that an unexpected matrix of identity in which abnormality is configured as security threat render the bodies of activists especially precarious. The paper thus provides an account of the new rationales of security technologies and tactics which increasingly govern public spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a recent resurgence of what is often termed "prefigurative politics": activity in which people channel political effort into demonstrating in the present the types of social relations and practices sought at a future point in time. This paper engages with literature on prefigurative politics through reference to everyday forms of political and social action in the north Indian village of Bemni, Uttarakhand. We show that young people who migrated between urban centres and Bemni village played important roles as mentors, political activists and social helpers. They served as exemplars, seeking to alter the behaviour and attitudes of those around them at the everyday level. We make three key points on the geographies of this action. First, we diverge from most accounts of prefigurative politics in pointing to how such politics can be embedded in everyday life as well as unfolding within distinctive urban spaces, such as camps. Second, we highlight how migrants use their spatial knowledge and social skill to develop alliances, which, in turn, sustain prefigurative politics in the village, even as they move in and out of Bemni. Third, we demonstrate the significance among young people of a geographical narrative of "atmosphere" (mahaul) – and an associated notion that youth can change the mahaul through their practice. In making these points, we show that prefigurative politics can be a compelling conceptual touchstone, broad enough to address multiple geographical themes but focused enough on one idea – enacting goals in the process of struggle – to draw thinkers together and generate meaningful debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study of resistance to multinational mining in New Caledonia expands actor-network theory's concept of translation by exploring ways that power dynamics affect alliances and the translations that both support and challenge them. Examining relationships among an indigenous protest group, environmentalist grassroots organizations, a human rights lawyer, the mining company, and the provincial government, I argue that power often requires alliances, mediated by compatible translations. However, if alliances are to succeed, at least temporarily, these translations must be made compatible through a process of translation alignment. Ironically, this alignment inevitably alters at least one of the translations, diminishing the power of the actor-network that articulated it to achieve its original goals. This paper's findings also enhance radical geographical understandings of capitalism's infrastructure, as uneven development increasingly relies upon-yet finds it increasingly difficult to achieve-the alignment of local communities' translations with those of the agents of industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the spatial consequences for activism of viewing the state through either a statist or post-structural lens. It is argued that understanding the state in different ways produces very different spatial strategies among activists. Drawing upon detailed case studies of two asylum-seeking activist organisations in the UK, the connections between imaginations of the state, spatial strategies towards institutionalised authority, and the pros and cons of these strategies for activism itself are examined. Through these cases, the paper emphasises the importance of everyday theories about the state not only for understanding what the state is, but also for understanding how relationships with the state are formed and points towards the constructive power of imaginations of the state in their own right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on the ethnographic case of pious Shi‘i Muslim gender activists in Lebanon in order to argue for the necessity of considering transnational discourses on gender and Islam in our analyses of piety. Based upon field research conducted in al-Dahiya – the southern suburb of Beirut – since 1998, the paper examines pious Shi‘i women's engagements with transnational discourses about gender roles and stereotypes about Muslim women. The paper excavates a Hizbullah Women's Committee seminar during which reformulated Islamic models of womanhood as well as models associated with ‘the West’ were discussed in relation to women's participation in the public sphere. The paper suggests that political and social contexts are critical aspects of modern formations of piety, and that scholarship should aim towards multifaceted and non-reductive analyses that incorporate transnational discursive and political-economic contexts into discussions of piety politics in ways that are not necessarily constitutive and that are always contextually contingent. Résumé Le présent article est consacré au cas ethnographique de féministes chiites pieuses au Liban et se veut un plaidoyer pour la prise en compte des discours transnationaux sur le sexe et l’islam dans les analyses de la piété. Sur la base de recherches sur le terrain menées à al-Dahiya, dans la banlieue sud de Beyrouth, depuis 1998, l’auteur examine l’engagement de femmes chiites pieuses dans le discours transnational sur les rôles et stéréotypes de genre concernant les femmes musulmanes. L’analyse prend appui sur un séminaire du Comité des femmes du Hezbollah, au cours duquel des modèles islamiques reformulés de la condition féminine et des modèles associés à« l’Occident »étaient débattus en relation avec la participation des femmes aux affaires publiques. L’auteur suggère que les contextes politique et social sont cruciaux dans la formation moderne de la piété et que les études doivent tendre vers des analyses non réductrices, portant sur de multiples aspects, qui intègrent les contextes discursifs et politico-économiques transnationaux dans la discussion de politiques de la piété, selon une approche qui ne soit pas nécessairement constitutive et toujours contextualisée. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1976, the Church Committee, a Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations, came to the conclusion that Martin Luther King Jr “was the target of an intensive campaign by the Federal Bureau of Investigation to ‘neutralize’ him as an effective civil rights leader”. This paper explores how the FBI surveilled Martin Luther King Jr between September 1957 and Dr King's death in 1968 and how such surveillance relates to both spatial compression and scale. First, using FBI internal memos, government documents, social movement archives, mass-media accounts, and other sources, I reconstruct this history of state surveillance, partitioning it into three sequential phases. Then, I shift from description to analysis, exploring how surveillance—operating through the social mechanism of intimidation—compressed both the physical and tactical space that Dr King and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference could comfortably inhabit. This paper also theorizes the relationship between state surveillance and scale within the larger process of state suppression of dissent since scale both demarcates the boundaries where socio-political contestation occurs and also plays an important role in how these contests play out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the life story accounts of 12 left wing terrorists in India. Narrative interviews revealed that the accounts were broadly coherent and contained similar rhetorical structures with regard to: i) images of the self (imagoes); ii) significant others (interpersonal figures); and iii) visions of the future (generativity script). Specifically, it appeared that individuals developed imagoes of poverty and oppression, identified the state structure as corrupt, and terrorist leaders as heroes of the oppressed. Further, the accounts revealed a commitment to an exploitation-free society (generativity script) and an ideological devotion to a rhetoric that justifies extreme violence. The paper considers the possibility that such coherence is formulated around propaganda and indoctrination that is more sympathetic and harmonious with these individuals' worldview and hence has a powerful shaping process on their development. Finally, we discuss the practical implications of the findings and suggest major policy shifts in dealing with the left wing terrorist groups in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More importantly, Arrington does not show what leads to the emergence of her "accidental activists": who are they before they are activists, and how do their stories and experiences of victimhood reinforce, impact, or otherwise shape their activism? Llamojha's life history helps us to understand what it meant to be a political activist in the decades of the Cold War, and how the war between two world powers affected the lives of ordinary people and activists, as they were accused of communism, jailed and persecuted. I Accidental Activists: Victim Movements and Government Accountability in Japan and South Korea i Celeste L. Arrington (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2016) I Now Peru Is Mine: The Life and Times of a Campesino Activist i Jaymie Patricia Heilman and Manuel Llamojha Mitma (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016) I Activist Archives: Youth Culture and the Political Past in Indonesia i Doreen Lee (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016) Both the recent rise of populist leaders and the success of protest movements in the last decade have brought the study of political and social movements center stage. The youth activist is treated as a generic identity in I Activist Archives i : apart from a few vignettes in which certain activists' voices are heard, it remains unclear who the activists are: their class, gender, social and cultural identities do not come forward. [Extracted from the article]

This paper explores the spatialities constructed through resistances to globalization. It focuses on the Inter-Continental Caravan, an ambitious project which united activists from the Indian New Farmers Movements with West European green activists in contesting neo-liberal institutions and biotechnology. The paper argues that these political activities constructed distinctive ‘maps of grievance’. This term is used to suggest that the construction of grievances has both a distinctive spatiality and is constitutive of political identities. The paper argues that the different maps of grievances generated through the project were both a condition of possibility for these transnational alliances and exerted pressure on the formation of solidarities. It concludes by arguing that the location of counter-globalization politics at the intersection of different routes of resistance can be integral to the formation of alternative political imaginaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a theory of private politics in which an activist seeks to change the production practices of a firm for the purpose of redistribution to those whose interests it supports. The source of the activist's influence is the possibility of support for its cause by the public. The paper also addresses the issue of corporate social responsibility by distinguishing among corporate redistribution as motivated by profit maximization, altruism, and threats by the activist. Private politics and corporate social responsibility not only have a direct effect on the costs of the firm, but also have a strategic effect by altering the competitive positions of firms in an industry. From an integrated-strategy perspective the paper investigates the strategic implications of private politics and corporate social responsibility for the strategies of rival firms when one or both are targets of an activist campaign. Implications for empirical analysis are derived from the theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process through which societal actors can exert direct influence on the behaviour of organizations has gained increasing attention over the past two decades and is increasingly referred to as 'social licence' or 'social licence to operate'. This paper documents the rise of social licence and analyses the relationship between information and communication technology (ICT), governance and the social licence. We argue that contemporary social licence and the increasingly prominent role societal actors have in private governance has been facilitated by technological innovation in the fields of media and communications, allowing interest groups to have a far greater reach, and direct interaction and engagement with the public, other interest groups and the industries concerned. Now, a larger population can rapidly contest traditional practices regardless of national borders, the issue concerned or the actors involved. The unpredictable, dynamic and subjective nature of social licence has prompted concerns regarding legitimacy of stakeholders, the information they disseminate and outcomes they promote. Subsequently, in an attempt to maintain political and corporate legitimacy, business interests are demanding more adaptable regulatory regimes. These political dynamics are resulting in the proliferation of network style governance that can adapt and cope with changing information, attitudes, values and beliefs. As a result a new era of experimentation and trialling alternative governance regimes has been born. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

‘Development is too important simply to be left entirely at the discretion of the state's functionaries’. Mark Turner and David Hulme (1997) Governance, Administration and Development, London: MacMillan Press, p. 241. Conventional poverty reduction strategies have produced disappointing results in many instances, especially in situations of high initial inequality which tend to reflect political obstacles to broad-based development. Participatory governance draws on insights from political and institutional economics and from experiments promoted by social activists. It represents a paradigm shift based on the trilogy of empowerment, accountability and capacity building which constitute the interdependent building blocks of participatory governance. Their role is threefold: i) to ensure that policy makers and their administration are more committed than they tend to be in non-participatory governance settings; ii) to base policies on better information; and iii) to make the implementation of policies more effective and efficient. 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to assess the relationships between selected value types and peace activist behavior in several countries. The participants in this study were college students from Idaho and California in the U.S. , from London, England, and from Osaka, Japan; adults from the general population in the Pacific Northwest of the U.S.; and physician-activists from New Zealand. Each respondent completed a written questionnaire, which included the Rokeach Value Survey-Form G and the Werner-Roy Peace Activism Scale. A significant relationship was found between the universalism value type and pro-freeze activist behaviors across several of the participant groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research on social movements considers collective action frames and collective identities to be resources or achievements of social movement activity because they symbolicly link individuals to a collective cause. This paper maintains that a collective action frame operates at a sociocultural level and can be redefined by groups external to a movement. Nuclear power proponents worked to suppress the first cycle of protest against nuclear plants by redefining the movements' collective identity, such that individuals were unable to recognize movement organizations as representative of their interests. Citizens within the Ten Mile Radius, a group opposed to the licensing of the Seabrook nuclear power plant, initiated a second cycle of protest by overcoming the collective action frame imposed on the movement This case suggests that the articulation and the representation of dissent is constrained due to the inability of social movement groups to retain control over their own collective identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the causes of the recent rise in extreme right and racist violence in Western Europe. In the first part, the available data on extreme right and racist violence in eight Western European countries Germany, France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Sweden, Denmark and Norway are discussed. Contrary to the image presented in the media, Germany is no 'Sonderfall' as regards the level of violence. Germany belongs to the countries with the highest levels of violence, but Switzerland and Great Britain are roughly comparable in this regard. The second part of the paper attempts to explain cross-national differences by applying two theoretical perspectives from the social movement literature. The grievance model, which sees the causes of violence in grievances related to the main target groups of the extreme right (foreigners and asylum seekers) and more general feelings of anomie among the socially marginal, finds little support in the data. The opportunity model, which emphasizes the role of political elites in shaping mobilization opportunities for social movements, finds support in an analysis of the relation between the development of extreme right and racist violence and the political debate around asylum legislation in Germany. Moreover, cross-national comparison shows that the amount of violence also depends on the prior strength of extreme right and racist parties. Contrary to common wisdom, but in line with the expectations derived from the opportunity model, the level of violence tends to be low where extreme right and racist parties are strong and vice versa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until recent years, two major trends in European politics — the growth of state services and increased political participation — have complemented the central role of parties. This paper argues that this complementarity may have started to come unstuck, and questions the future viability of the mass party as a result of a shift in the balance of perceived advantages of the mass party by both leaders and members. The paper discusses several potential costs and benefits of party membership for leaders and members. Using membership statistics and survey data the reasonableness of these arguments is explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The electoral law in mans' European countries permits voters to indicate preferred candidates within a party list rather than to make a choice only between parties. This paper examines briefly the various voting arrangements which allow this and considers in some detail the patterns of their utilization and their possible consequences. Whilst such behaviour can be understood as a form of political participation it is evident that patterns vary and consequences are uncertain due to the complex interrelationship between the different elements in the electoral situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transformations within religious institutions and traditions often occur via conflict and internal social movements. Yet previous research on such phenomena has missed some important sociological insights because it has not incorporated methodological and theoretical resources from other sociological literatures dealing with social movements and organizational change and conflict. This paper presents a comprehensive critical review of extant research on intradenominational conflict and identifies and describes five shortcomings in this literature. As a corrective, we suggest that analysts focus on organizations and conflict events as units of analysis, pay more attention to ideal factors in conflict, examine relationships between internal and external variables, and compare conflicts across organizations and across time. These alternative methodological recommendations are related to three new theoretical directions in other sociological subfields: resource mobilization theory's focus on intermediate levels of social life, the "new institutionalist" emphasis on how organizational actors respond to their environments, and the recent work on the interplay of "schema? and "resources" in social structure. Such new directions address questions that were not accessible via earlier approaches. They also begin to build important bridges between the sociology of religion and other sociological subfields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fluctuating forms of diversity have evolved as a result of cross-border interventions by civil resistance activists. Such diversity is nurtured by the inflows and outflows of individuals form very different backgrounds on a local stage of action. Discussing civil resistance as an arena in which such fluctuating diversity produces multilayered patterns of identification, this paper looks at Israeli and international activists who interject themselves temporarily into the local sphere of civil resistance in a Palestinian village. Here, solidarity activists form a highly diverse and shifting assemblage of actors who divide among themselves according to power-related ascriptions and privileges. As in a musical orchestra, individual activists and groups of activists each follow their own 'score,' but align their distinct functions with one another to wage a struggle collectively. Within this orchestra of civil resistance, diversity is not the obstacle to collective action but its very basis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reflects on the progress made in the fight against discrimination and stigma in relation to HIV/AIDS over the past decade. It highlights the positive impact of measures such as self-testing, pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP), and antiretroviral therapy (ART) in reducing new HIV cases and mortality rates. However, it also acknowledges that discrimination and stigma still persist, particularly affecting transgender individuals who experience higher rates of HIV prevalence and discrimination. The article emphasizes the importance of culturally competent and respectful care for transgender individuals and calls for governments and international agencies to establish policies that address social determinants and intersectional stigma to ensure equity, dignity, and health for all. [Extracted from the article]

This paper offers a theorization of how the state touches. Through an analysis of the extensive 2011 protests over Wisconsin Senate Bill 11, we interrogate the relatively non-violent interactions between police and protesters during the 17-day occupation of the Wisconsin State Capitol building. On display there were diverse police deployments of 'soft' force and haptic touching, technologies that enabled officers to subtly affect the movements and relations of protester crowds without resorting to familiar coercion- and consent-based politics. We offer a pair of concepts, cathexis and l'esprit de l'escalier, to diagram how statist touches were mobilized to catch individuals unawares and momentarily co-opt their bodily affects. These modes of control suggest much greater savvy regarding touch, force, and affect than is often granted in representations of the state apparatus. In light of this, we close with a reflection on the changing tactical grounds for struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kagawa Toyohiko, the preeminent Japanese Christian leader of the interwar era, exerted influence in the United States as well as in his native Japan, with his support for economic cooperatives, his calls for friendship between the two nations, his protests against racist U.S. immigration policies, and his service as a model for the Social Gospel wing of Protestantism. This paper studies four American missionaries in Japan-William Axling, Helen Topping, T.T. Brumbaugh, and Galen Fisher-whose writings and activities were essential in making Kagawa's views known in the United States. It argues that through the personal bonds they forged with Kagawa, they came to a new understanding of the missionary endeavor, moving away from simply spreading Christianity to the Japanese toward serving as interpreters of Japanese society and attitudes for Americans. In the process, they developed a critical approach toward U.S. policy and society, which the author terms 'critical internationalism.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper responds to the challenge to conceptualize political activity through temporal as well as spatial perspectives, and does so by means of a discussion of the different temporalities experienced by union and social movement activists. It is based on fieldwork with activists from two public sector workers' unions in Buenos Aires and residents and street vendors' organizations in the city of El Alto, Bolivia. I discuss two coexisting temporalities, or social experiences of time (Munn): 'historical time', a sense of emplacement within a historical narrative of political action that looks back to the past and to illustrious ancestors and forwards to an imagined set of possibilities for the future; and 'attritional time', one of constant protest or negotiation, the continuance of the day to day of political life when there is no resolution in sight to a particular conflict or problem, coupled occasionally with a dramatization of what can become quite banal over time. Finally, I discuss a kind of event-based mediation between different temporalities, specifically revolution as a clash or meeting of attritional time and historical time, coexisting but separately experienced temporalities. This mediation involves both the revolutionary actions themselves and the practices of hailing, both contemporaneous and retrospective, which include scholarly research as well as other forms of social commentary. I suggest that this hailing might be in part enacted through a promise or assertion of discontinuity and rupture in the flow of time (Harris), even when events may not have been experienced as such at the time itself. Thus, different social experiences of time meet in a politics of time, to co-construct kairos, or revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What motivates activists to leave the security of their country and the comforts of home to risk their lives on someone else's behalf? This paper summarizes the current literature on how individuals get involved in transnational social movements, including those that require them to put their lives on the line. I begin by outlining structural explanations for participation and specifically discuss how prior contacts and biographical availability draw new recruits into activism. Then, I discuss cultural explanations, which emphasize meaning-making and collective identities in the recruitment process. Finally, I outline scholarly attempts to bridge structural and cultural explanations as well as offer recommendations for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]