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The author shares the circumstances that led to his encounter with the personal archives of Victor Haim Perera (1934-2003), an award-winning Sephardic-American writer, journalist, environmental and political activist, and academic born in Guatemala City. Perera published six books on topics as varied as Sephardic history, the Maya Indians, and the Loch Ness monster, and contributed dozens of articles, short stories, and essays to newspapers, trade journals, magazines, and literary anthologies. This paper also provides an overview of Perera's life and work and shares information about the Victor Perera Papers collection at the University of Michigan Library. It presents a case study illustrating that library catalogers can improve discoverability of and access to library special collections by expanding beyond their core duties and investigating the contexts behind the materials that cross their desks. The article ends with a preliminary bibliography of Perera's works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is an editorial that pays tribute to the late Samir Amin, a prominent African scholar and activist. Amin was known for his Marxist perspective and his critique of capitalism and Eurocentrism. He advocated for delinking from capitalism and imperialism as a means of achieving inclusive development. The editorial highlights Amin's contributions to various fields, including development economics, political economy, and decolonization in Africa. It also introduces a special issue dedicated to Amin's legacy, which includes papers on topics such as Africa's socio-economic development, alternative development theories, and decolonization. The editorial emphasizes the continued relevance of Amin's ideas for Africa's development and the importance of implementing his recommendations. [Extracted from the article]

The Arab Spring was a period of intense activism demanding democracy and freedom that swept across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. While previous research has focused on the role of diaspora communities in the uprisings and the strategies employed by regimes to suppress them, it has primarily centered on countries that experienced large-scale revolutions and endured severe consequences. Consequently, the current literature has failed to explore the situation of Arab Gulf dissidents living in exile, instead focusing on a few isolated incidents. This paper examines the transnational repression (TR) campaign of the Arab Gulf states (AGSs). Drawing on the literature about the long arm of authoritarianism and TR, this paper explores the various TR methods employed by the AGSs to silence activists living abroad. The paper finds that the nature of TR in the Arab Gulf region is unique when compared with other MENA countries. The TR campaign of AGSs is alarmingly expanding, using various mechanisms and resources, making the region one of the world's leading perpetrators. The methods employed by the AGSs include travel bans as part of their coercion by proxy, digital transnational repression, and the use of multilateral organizations as tools of repression. Additionally, this paper highlights the AGSs' support of other countries' TR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the understanding of collectivism and sisterhood among Oraon tribal women in the Netarhat Field Firing Range movement. Further, this study discusses tribal women's consciousness of repressive operations of the state and of their experiences of triple oppression as a tribal group, as women, and as activists. Tribal women's goals, however, are much more than women's liberation; they demand tribal autonomy and the right to forest resources so that tribal people can live peacefully in their regions. This study also looks at how a group of women shared their gender-based grievances as well as their everyday struggle under militarized control of their villages. Often, women's groups are at the forefront of rallies and marches, mobilizing the villagers and attending village meetings, but the male-dominated society rarely views women's revolutionary accomplishments as an effort of sisterhood. The state government agreed to the tribal demand not to re-notify the Netarhat Field Firing Range Project, not only because of the efforts of the men of the society but also due to women's willpower, solidarity, and bravery within the movement. Using the narrative approach, this research aims to explore tribal women's lived experiences and everyday struggle during the Netarhat field firing range project with reference to fieldwork conducted in the villages of Mahuadanr, Banari, Navatoli, and Sakhuapani where tribal women activists played a key role. Until now, tribal women's lived experiences, narratives, and consciousness during the different contemporary movements of Jharkhand have been ignored by most scholars. Studying this site is very relevant to understanding tribal women's questions, issues, and feminist standpoints. The fieldwork for this paper was conducted as part of the author's PhD research in Chotanagpur and the Kolhan regions of Jharkhand state, India. The study found that the Netarhat Field Firing Range movement was based on truth claims and followed the Gandhian ideology of non-violence to achieve rights. Further, this paper explores the sisterhood and solidarity amongst tribal women activists, and how non-tribal activists helped strengthen the tribal movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terms such as "woke," "social justice," "cancel culture," "identity politics," "politically correct," "critical race theory," and "DEI" have been increasingly misused by political parties in recent years. This paper will identify and explain how the Hebrew Bible addresses social justice, compassion, inclusion, the indigent, and many other terms, currently fueling divisiveness. The authors assert that the ancient prophets - the true social justice warriors - would be alarmed by such discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the face of current turbulent times including climate emergencies, species extinction, the erosion of democracy and the rise of authoritarianism—in short, a suffering world—the authors of this paper propose that education needs to be centrally an activist effort dedicated to healing and repairing the increasingly wounded and damaged world. To this end, this paper explores Buddhism as an educational program that centralizes a healing curriculum based on the understanding that healing comes from waking up from the delusion of possessive individualism (ego-selves) that gives rise to neoliberal capitalist societies. This delusion is the existential home of suffering. Waking up requires the disciplined effort of seeing through and past individualism to the workings of mutual causality within a universe of interconnection (Interbeing), such as ours. The mindfulness (sati) practice that the historical Buddha taught is such a form of mental discipline. Through the agentic cultivation of sati and subsequent remembrance of our inherent Interbeing, we can rediscover and rekindle the inherently enlightened mind of bodhicitta. This paper explores various psychological, sociocultural, ideological, and relational conditionings that act as barriers to seriously practicing mindfulness, including the currently popular conceptions of mindfulness in North America. While acknowledging that successful practice takes setting up the right conditions, our paper also delves into helpful and supportive conditions for mindfulness practice for activists, namely, ethical motivation and contemplative/healing emotions such as the Four Immeasurables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tests theoretical tools developed to frame social construction, historicization, and speech-action as performance on IV Castellanos's social sculpture Homage to an Activist Tripod. How can one say that a temporary, collective, non-representation yet intentional collective performance matters to and as 'world history'? What constructive agencies do different theoretical frameworks provide performance-as-art and other Othered and otherwise 'non-productive' world-building practices? Written from the perspective of a participant in the performance, which paid homage to water and land protectors, the structure of this paper builds analogies between theorization and task-based performance, between theoretical spaces and political action, demanding structural integrity and ethical coherence within and between constructivities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the adoption of ILO Convention No. 169 in 1989, the right to Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) has become a staple legal tool in the strategies of indigenous rights advocates. During these decades, scholars have provided reasons for both skepticism and optimism about the capacity of FPIC to advance indigenous interests. This Article makes a brief review of this literature, revealing that the academic discussion on FPIC has overemphasized its "protective function." Up to this day, both critical and optimistic scholars have conceived of FPIC as a shield that indigenous communities use to block, delay, or mitigate the impacts of projects driven by external non-indigenous actors. This Paper argues that this perspective has overlooked the possibility of using FPIC as a legal strategy to promote indigenousdriven projects. Grounded in the experience of San Francisco Pich' ataro, a Purh'epecha community in Mexico, the paper introduces a case study that highlights the "proactive function" of FPIC. After enduring years of marginalization, this community deployed their right to FPIC as a de facto right to "consult themselves" about how they wanted the State to realize the budgetary aspects of their right to indigenous self-determination. In doing so, they managed to extract financial resources from the State and buttress their own project for self-governance. The Paper concludes with an invitation for scholars and activists to look beyond the protective function of FPIC and to explore how its proactive potential could further the more ambitious aspirations of indigenous peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The populist radical right-wing Swiss People's Party (SVP / UDC) has been largely known for its xenophobic discourses and its political agenda restricting immigration through popular initiatives such as the vote against minarets (2009), the deportation of "criminal foreigners" (2010) and the initiative against "mass immigration" (2014). This paper shows how SVP/UDC activists, who themselves or whose parents had migrated to Switzerland, understand their political engagement and contribution. This sheds light on their desire to become part of a "deserving minority" and on their use of boundary-making strategies to demarcate their positions from others they label as "undeserving migrants". Their political engagement needs to be understood as part of a broader quest for belonging to the Swiss national community. By showing that migration-related experiences inform the political involvement of activists at the Swiss People's Party, this paper questions widely spread assumptions on contradictory or counterintuitive political commitments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws upon data from two research projects following two distinct groups of young people: youth activists and homeless or street-involved youth. Although these two groups differ in many ways—the former largely white and middle-class, the latter more ethnically diverse and entirely working-class—each describes encounters with the police that are strikingly similar. The paper explores two such similarities: (1) the role played by cultural discourses of the ‘good and legitimate citizen’ and (2) the role of spatiality, or, more specifically, the importance of being an appropriate body in the appropriate space. The paper explores how the above two dimensions nuance and complicate the relationship between youth and police, in the context of governmentality studies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The International Journal of Disability and Social Justice is a timely intervention into the interdisciplinary field of Disability Studies. Any new initiative, especially in a pre-existing and maturing field of inquiry, should encourage us all to think critically and reflexively about the key questions and issues that we should be grappling with today. This paper offers an inevitably partial take on some of the key concerns that we think scholars, activists and artists of Disability Studies should be engaging with. Everything we do these days takes place in the shadows cast by the global pandemic. While it is important to acknowledge the centrality of COVID-19 - and the threat this poses to the mind-bodies, politics and everyday realities of disabled people - we want to foreground some preoccupations, ideas and debates emerging from within the field of Disability Studies that will have resonance beyond the pandemic. We will begin the paper by offering a perspective on the contemporary nature and state of Disability Studies; suggesting that many of us are Critical Disability Studies thinkers now. Next, in order to narrow the focus of the discussion in this brief paper, we choose one emergent and popular theoretical orientation - posthuman Disability Studies. Then, we introduce and elaborate on four broad concerns that we think we should engage with; desire, alliances, non/humans and their implications for conceptualising social justice. Throughout the paper we will work through some of the power dynamics, questions of accountability and requirements for a generosity of engagement that these concerns provoke. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the summer of 1973, a group of prominent activists met in New York City to discuss a proposal for a new, left-wing political party, written by radical attorney Arthur Kinoy. A failure on its own terms and a non-event to historians of the period, the Kinoy initiative nonetheless helps mark an important turn, taken by activists and scholars in the early 1970s, from an internationalist to a nationalist outlook. By placing that shift at the center of our attention, we gain fresh insight into the demise of 1960s radicalism and new incentives to abandon the "old left/ new left" distinction that most historians have used to make sense of the decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public relations offers strategies that enable re-branding of an organisation's poor image. As branding refers to the image an organisation (corporations, non-profits and activists) presents to its broader public, then public relations is the work of image management. This conceptual paper uses these ideas to explore and understand the work carried out by one animal activist organisation, Animals Australia, to come to inspire and mobilise a mainstream audience in animal activism. Usually examined using social movement theory, animal activists have a long history of receiving only marginal attention from mainstream audiences, and, further, from being often branded and vilified as troublemakers, extremists, fanatics who are conceived as acting against the national interest, and ignorant of the realities of life and industry. At the same time they are extolled by some in strongly positive terms due to their demands for compassion, care and assistance for those who are voiceless and unable to protest their treatment or change the circumstances of their own suffering. This paper thus examines the public relations and counter-branding work carried out by one animal advocacy organisation, Animals Australia, to re-brand itself so as to effectively address and engage mainstream Australians in its public relations campaigns for improving the welfare of livestock animals. Through a conceptual and semiotic analysis of the organisation's investigative and campaigning work, and the way this has been constructed and framed more broadly, we demonstrate this counter-branding effort, and consider what it is making possible for the organisation and for its animal activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Uruguay is widely known as a pioneer country regarding cannabis regulation policies, as it was the first state to regulate the cannabis market for both recreational and medicinal purposes in 2013. However, not all aspects of the regulation have moved forward at the same speed. Medicinal uses keep facing several challenges that undermine patients' effective access to treatments and products. What are those persistent challenges for the medicinal cannabis policy in Uruguay? This paper aims to describe and understand the current state of medicinal cannabis in the country and identify the most critical challenges and conflicting forces for its proper implementation. Methods: To do so, we conduct twelve in-depth interviews with key informants, including governments officials, activists, entrepreneurs, researchers, and doctors. These interviews are complemented with information from the congressional committees' public records and other documentary sources. Results: This research shows that the legal framework was thought to assure quality products over access. The main challenges of medicinal cannabis in Uruguay are related to three issues: (i) the timid development of the industry, (ii) a limited and expensive supply, and (iii) the emergence of an informal productive sector. Conclusions: The political decisions regarding medicinal cannabis made in the last seven years have derived from a halfway policy that fails to guarantee patient access or promote the growth of a vibrant national industry. Positively, the several actors involved are aware of the extent of these challenges and new decisions have been made to overcome them, meaning that monitoring the future of the policy is very much needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Part 2 of this article continues its investigation into the relationships between Scots and Italy, as seen through books of friendship, by considering additional socioprofessional categories beyond the academic and military worlds. Among the political activists considered is David Graham of Fintry, a Marian and member of the Catholic party, whose album is studied in great depth. It is a key document for our further knowledge of his activities as a courier and intelligencer for Scottish Catholic interests in Europe and adds to the scholarly understanding of his political involvement in the Counter-Reformation. More broadly speaking, friendship albums shed light on Scottish activists' politico-religious networking processes and their connections with middle-ranking and regional intermediaries, at times in key locations or seats of power. As with the military officers studied in Part 1, it transpires from these contacts that there were lighter moments for artistic and cultural activities or edification. In correlation, the few ecclesiastical contributions studied in this paper cast light on a fluid matrix of information and networks and highlight their potential influences, both negative and positive. Indeed, there were risks involved in being in contact with dubious characters, whereas tapping into a rich circle of contacts with courtiers could present opportunities and patronage. For Scottish scientists, the genre of alba amicorum is particularly important, not so much to highlight their side activities as to lay the foundations for their subsequent careers and establish the potential links and backgrounds that underscore their subsequent scientific tasks, achievements, and modus operandi in their professional roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has over the decades been a recrudescence of francophobia in many francophone African countries. This has attracted the attention of scholars across the world and has fuelled a discourse which has myopically constructed francophone Africans' francophobic sentiments either as a purely xenophobic movement or a nationalist feeling. Meanwhile, for many members of the African diasporas and intelligentsia, francophobia is essentially an expression of their pan-African convictions. In effect, for many francophone pan-African political activists, the act of fighting and mitigating neocolonialism in their countries is inextricably tantamount to exhibiting francophobic sentiments. Such an act is also tantamount to deploying various forms of animosity against France. This is so perhaps because France is arguably perceived as the most dominant neocolonial force in their countries. In this paper, this popular trend is illustrated with close respect to the Cameroonian experience. Using secondary sources and critical observations, the paper specifically looks at how various manifestations of French neocolonialism have given birth to waves of anti-French sentiments among the intelligentsia and in the media; and how this anti-French feeling is mostly expressed in the name of Pan-Africanism. The paper thus examines how Pan-Africanism has, to both the Cameroonian intelligentsia and the media, meant adopting a virulent anti-French discourse or rhetoric. In line with this central objective, the paper answers three principal research questions: what body of evidence proves that there is French neocolonialism in Cameroon? How has French neocolonialism engendered a virulent pan-African discourse that is basically anti-French? And how has this pan-African francophobic discourse been observed or manifested among the Cameroonian intelligentsia and in the country's private media? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Music, songs and chants are an integral part of the Yorùbá society. As a sequel to this, many scholars have carried out notable research works on the use of songs and chants in traditional festivals. However, not much has been done on their use for political satire, particularly as projected by Yoruba playwrights in their works. This paper therefore focuses on the use of songs and chants for the purpose of political protests, criticism and solidarity in Akínwùmí Ìṣhòḷ á’s Ṣaworoidẹ, (2007), a sociopolitical satire against dubious politicians in Nigeria. Fishman's definitional theory of sociolinguistics as modified by Olúwadorò (2018, 2019) was used as the theoretical framework. Our data comprise 9 songs and 5 chants used by the actors in the play. The songs and chants discussed in this paper could be grouped into three major parts, on the bases of the singers/chanters position in Jogbo kingdom and the purposes for which they were rendered. The first groups were used by concerned elders in the land to criticize and condemn the duplicity, greed and corruption of the politicians and warn them on the certainty of Nemesis. The second groups were used by political activists to denigrate the political leaders' incompetence and celebrate their downfall. The third groups were used by political sycophant's to secure patronage from the politicians and enjoy protection under their leadership. Songs and chants as used in Saworoide are veritable weapons in the hands of socio-political activists to criticize, warn or express solidarity for politicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Filozofija i Drustvo is the property of University of Belgrade, Institute for Philosophy & Social Theory and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The papers in this Symposium reflect a growing body of work within and around the Academy of Management among scholars and activists who share a double conviction that (a) the socioeconomic structures that dominate the world today can and should be replaced by ones that better support human flourishing, and (b) the contours of more appropriate structures are already emerging. Members of this loose community of scholars and activists have different views of the root causes of the current structures' inadequacy, and different views on what kinds of alternatives are the most promising, butwe share a sense of urgency in questioning the prevailing political-economic (dis-)order. This introduction offers some thoughts on an agenda of research that might guide the work of this emerging community of progressive management scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comments on an article about the incorporation of partisan activists into the spatial theory of electoral competition. Flaw on the assumption that an individual's utility for a political party depends only on the average of the ideal points of the party's activists.

This paper explores the conceptualization of freedom in the memoir of the Iranian-American journalist and media activist, Masih Alinejad. It examines The Wind in My Hair: My fight for Freedum in Modem Iran (2018) with respect to Alinejad's activism in the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement in Iran. The paper utilizes a critical framework drawn from feminist critiques of neoliberal feminism and Derridean hospitality to focus on Alinejad's repetition of the narratives of model minority and American exceptionalism. These neoliheral narratives have the potential to turn both Iran and the United States into inhospitable places for women. The paper concludes that an intersectional examination of Alinajad' s neoliberal approach to the experiences of women in both the United States and Iran will demonstrate that it does not coincide with the demands of "Woman, Life, freedom". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Institute of Croatian History / Radovi Zavoda za Hrvatsku Povijest is the property of Zavod za Hrvatsku Povijest, Filozofski Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the history of how activists and intellectuals crafted the legacy of W.E.B. Du Bois as a Black radical intellectual. Topics covered include the specific roles played by Shirley Graham Du Bois and David Graham Du Bois in curating Du Bois' memory, a 1971 essay collection by scholar G. B. Starushenko commenting on Du Bois's legacy, and the rise of the W.E.B. DuBois Clubs and ceremonial gestures designed to commemorate his life and ideas around the same period.

Copyright of Studia Islamika is the property of Center for the Study of Islam & Society of UIN Jakarta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article deals with the reaction of one particular American Jewish sector - the Jewish women - and their response to Nazi persecution of European Jews in the 1930s and the 1940s. As against the widespread accusations that American Jews did not do enough to help their co-religionists during those tragic years, this paper claims that Jewish women, of all social standing - from homemakers to professionals - were actively involved in organizing rescue operations and assisting refugees. Of particular note is one extraordinary woman - Cecilia Razovsky-Davidson. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2003, the South African government shifted AIDS policy making HIV treatment available in the public healthcare sector. The antiretroviral roll out, while hailed as a success, has required continued activism to ensure genuine implementation. Women particularly the poor, traditionally bear the brunt of the impact of HIV/AIDS socially and economically. Very often they do this in most marginalised spaces. This paper draws on theories of participation and empowerment to understand female activism during the period of antiretroviral roll out in South Africa. The paper seeks to understand how processes of empowerment linked with the first stage - access to ARVs impacted on the second stage - ARV roll out. It also considers how female activists understand their empowerment in the context of their role. The focus is grassroots activism females in Lusikisiki and Khayelitsha. This paper draws from a qualitative study on bottom-up policy advocacy utilising participatory observation and in-depth interviews with activists and civil society organisations. The main findings are that during the roll out phase of the HIV/AIDS campaign women activists worked from transformed "ways of thinking and being" in terms of HIV/AIDS and in terms of their role in the struggle for health rights. Their contesting embedded notions of power contributed to the democratisation of HIV/AIDS services. The transformation also caused shifts in the ways women mobilised, framed their understanding of the struggle and accessed participation spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What happens when 'the margin of manouverability' (Massumi 2015, p.3) in a specific socio-political context is buzzing with promise and possibility? What might some crafty and serious play with the feminist posthuman ethics of research/er reponse-ability (Barad, 2007) cook up in such a conducive soup? This paper shares the pARTicipatory praxis that informed the making of 'AGENDA: A Young People's Guide to Making Positive Relationships Matter' (Renold, 2016). AGENDA is a 75 page youthactivist bi-lingual (Welsh-English) interactive resource co-created with and for young people in Wales to address gendered and sexual violence. Crafted with an affirmative cut and nurturing a run-a-way praxis that secretes its own co-ordinates, AGENDA invites a care-ful re-mattering of 'what matters' when it comes to conventional healthy relationships education. The paper offers a careful cartography of how AGENDA unfolded as a lively resource that continues to matter as it connects to policy and practice assemblages that push-pull the agential becomings of AGENDA on its way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand how contentious practices spread from initial targets of activism to become accepted by organizations in the mainstream. Using a dataset on the diffusion of domestic partner benefits in the Fortune 500 from 1990 to 2005, we show that widespread adoption among mainstream firms was triggered by the prior adoptions of companies known to resist activism. We also find that employee activist groups within firms played a different role depending on the company's orientation toward activism. Employee groups increased the likelihood of adoption in activism-prone firms, but in mainstream firms, they increased the susceptibility of the firm to prior adoptions by others. These findings support a view of institutionalization as a contested process and suggest an alternative mechanism through which social networks influence that process. Like the effect of Cold-War President Richard Nixon's surprising visit to the People's Republic of China in 1972, which led other countries to open relations with China, adoption of a practice by activism-resistant firms signaled to mainstream firms that an advocated practice had lost its contentiousness. Rather than providing pressure toward conformity, adoption events in a firm's environment can be seen as a cultural resource that supports or undermines the arguments made by proponents of change inside organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on their success at predicting the outcome of elections, opinion polls are used by the media, government and the political parties to measure public attitudes to a very wide range of other issues, helping to shape policy proposals and inform debate. Despite their importance within the political process, the media, political parties and pressure groups nevertheless want feedback from opinion polls quickly and cheaply. Large-scale random probability surveys may provide the best-quality data but fail miserably on speed and cost. Among practical survey methods the telephone has become the most commonly used mode of interview for general population opinion polls despite some doubts over response rates. Online polls have an increasing share of the market, despite the obvious drawbacks of relatively low internet penetration and the fact that they rely on panels of willing participants. This paper shows that while telephone polls produce answers that are similar to those obtained from large-scale random surveys there are some sharp differences in results obtained online. The paper shows that these differences cannot be removed by weighting by demographics, newspaper readership or by using attitudinal variables. The research does, however, uncover evidence of significant and disturbing mode effects. In particular, a growing band of professional online panel members seem to race through online surveys, giving responses that explain a good measure of the differences between online and telephone research. These findings suggest that the online research industry needs to devise methods to ensure online respondents carefully consider the answers they give, and design questions and answer codes that do not inadvertently lead online respondents to certain answers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do youth activists position themselves to speak on behalf of a public, scientific dilemma while in a position of inferiority or civic exclusion? This paper presents analysis of the latest generation of youth climate activists. I specifically attend to the organization Fridays For Future founded by Greta Thunberg in 2018. By undertaking an analysis of rhetorical artifacts from the international network of youth climate activists, this article reveals the rhetorical strategies of young people who intend to influence legislation and policy. Exporting rhetorical theory to youth environmental advocacy helps to understand this emerging and influential discourse community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conservative religious, activist and political groups fuel gender backlash in many spaces. This paper explores this phenomenon and its effects on educational programs designed to prevent gender-based violence in Brasilian schools. It argues that this gender backlash in educative spaces violates fundamental rights, like the right to equality and protection against discrimination and violence, and ultimately contributes to the continuity and escalation of gender-based violence in Brasil. This context shapes advocacy work and the facilitators and participants of its programs. Primary prevention research is mainly conducted in the Global North. This article, guided by a southern feminist framework and informed by 14 interviews with Brasilian advocates engaged in youth gender-based violence prevention programs, addresses a significant knowledge deficit and offers new insights in working in challenging contexts. It suggests that the backlash is mostly directed at LGBTIQA+ cohorts due to the ongoing political attacks on these groups, but it has also undermined the capacity of educational prevention strategies for gender-based violence more widely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Edith Sampson was one of the leading black women lawyers in Chicago for over fifty years. She was admitted to the bar in 1927 and achieved a number of firsts in her career: the first black woman judge in Illinois, the first African American delegate to the United Nations, and the first African American appointed to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Sampson was also a pro-democracy, international spokesperson for the U.S. government during the Cold War, a position that earned her scorn from more radical African Americans, contributed to a mis- interpretation of her activism, and resulted in her relative obscurity in the historical record. This paper reexamines the work of Edith Sampson by employing a critical race feminist analysis to her career. This new lens reveals that, rather than a marginal figure, Sampson's work was an important part of a gendered black activism that sought racial justice for women of color in the United States and around the world. Understanding Sampson's career in this context connects the activism of African American women to the issues of race, racial justice, and international relations during the decades before and after the start of the Cold War. Sampson was part of a vibrant and dynamic African American women's civil rights network that employed a rich diversity of strategies, both domestic and transnational, to secure a gendered racial justice-one that included the concerns and position of black and brown women. Through an examination of Sampson's work as an attorney and a leader in Chicago and her international work, this article hopes to contribute to recent studies that are beginning to alter our understanding of the role African American women played in the domestic and international civil rights movement from the 1920s through the 1950s. This piece argues specifically that Edith Sampson, and her sister black women lawyers and activists, engaged in domestic and international activism to pressure the United States government and its citizens to end race discrimination as they worked to ensure that the growing civil rights movement in the U.S. included the advancement of the position, rights, and protections of African American women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to provide a response to "Analysing accounting discourse: avoiding the 'fallacy of internalism'", an article by Ferguson in which a work by Gallhofer et al is critiqued. Design/methodology/approach - The paper responds to critique by Ferguson that one of their papers does not consider the "social-historical contexts of text production, transmission and reception". It also looks at Ferguson's challenge of critical discourse analysis (CDA) and its political motivation. Findings - The paper defends Gallhofer et al. in that they chose to "promote critical discourse analysis respecting the focus of accounting and finance" and that the aim of their work was pedagogical. They chose to focus on the production of the texts rather than their reception because the work wanted to gain insights into how accounting texts are read and mobilised by radical activists in pursuance of their emancipatory goals, especially through CDA. Originality/value - The paper provides a defence of a previous paper of the authors, which was concerned with emancipatory change, evident in Fairclough's version of CDA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using archival documentation, digital platforms, and reports, this paper explores the diffusion of #NiUnaMenos ["Not One (woman) Less"] in Latin America, a social movement conceived first in Argentina to protest misogynist violence. To explain diffusion, this paper will explore the role of social media, such as Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter, in helping spread messages, strategies, and the goals of the movement with unprecedented speed (Tarrow 2005, Hanson and Piatti-Crocker 2020). Five years after the first protest, the COVID-19 pandemic had two contrasting effects on the #NiUnaMenos movement. On the one hand, when the virus began spreading around the world, it became clear that measures intended to contain it were exacerbating gender-based violence (also known as the "second pandemic"), which added new urgency to this pervasive problem. On the other hand, COVID-19 created new challenges for #NiUnaMenos activists and their massive street demonstrations, which were no longer safe and in many cases, banned or limited by governmental policy. Hence, some women's groups became more creative by organizing virtual protests in an attempt to hold leaders accountable for their inaction, but with mixed effects (San Diego Tribune 2020, Telam 2020). Overall, and despite the recent pandemic, #NiUnaMenos has given women across Latin America a platform to demand greater gender equity and an end to misogynist violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does a citizen's decision to participate in political activism depend on the participation of others? We conduct a nationwide natural field experiment in collaboration with a major European party during a recent national election. In a party survey, we randomly provide canvassers with true information about the canvassing intentions of their peers. When learning that more peers participate in canvassing than previously believed, canvassers significantly reduce both their canvassing intentions and behaviour. An additional survey among party supporters underscores the importance of free-riding motives and reveals that there is strong heterogeneity in motives underlying supporters' behavioural responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: It is well acknowledged that India's community health workers known as Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHA) are the bedrock of its health system. Many ASHAs are currently working in fragile and conflict-affected settings. No efforts have yet been made to understand the challenges and vulnerabilities of these female workers. This paper seeks to address this gap by bringing attention to the situation of ASHAs working in the fragile and conflict settings and how conflict impacts them and their work.Methods: Qualitative fieldwork was undertaken in four conflict-affected villages in two conflict-affected districts -Kokrajhar and Karbi Anglong of Assam state situated in the North-East region of India. Detailed account of four ASHAs serving roughly 4000 people is presented. Data transliterated into English were analysed by authors by developing a codebook using grounded theory and thematic organisation of codes.Results: ASHAs reported facing challenges in ensuring access to health services during and immediately after outbreaks of conflict. They experienced difficulty in arranging transport and breakdown of services at remote health facilities. Their physical safety and security were at risk during episodes of conflict. ASHAs reported hostile attitudes of the communities they served due to the breakdown of social relations, trauma due to displacement, and loss of family members, particularly their husbands.Conclusions: Conflict must be recognised as an important context within which community health workers operate, with greater policy focus and research devoted to understanding and addressing the barriers they face as workers and as persons affected by conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do human rights organizations (HROs) aid the consolidation of democracy in post-authoritarian states? It is often argued that these groups contribute to accountability for past repression. Yet HROs can have unintended consequences if they threaten the interests of powerful domestic institutions. This paper develops a simple model of human rights activism in post-authoritarian states. Civilian governments in these states trade off support from the military and human rights activists which seek to punish the military. Counterintuitively, the model predicts human rights activists make amnesty for the military more likely, as activists tempt the government to punish the military and the military becomes more likely to intervene in politics. The model's implications are tested using a sample of post-authoritarian states from 1970-2010. Results show that more HRO influence increases the likelihood of amnesty laws and military involvement in government, though HROs may achieve justice through pathways such as truth commissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the ways in which Muslim women seek to employ online media, particularly social media, to reclaim narratives around space, embodiment, and power. I argue that digital space is, like any other form of media, structured essentially by racism and patriarchy, but I also note the crucial potential for resistance exhibited by Muslim activists such as political leaders Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib, Instagram influencer Ayesha Malik, and the largely anonymous women who participated in #MosqueMeToo, encouraged by the journalist and activist Mona Eltahawy. I draw upon a post/anti-colonial feminist framework and the tools of critical discourse analysis in examining specific instances where such women perform acts of resistance that, in turn, trigger a gendered and raced reaction. I note the ways in which some Muslim women, such as Saudi teenager Rahaf Mohammed, are constructed as media heroes, given that their stories can be co-opted to validate notions of the white colonial savior, while others directly challenge narratives of colonialism and oppression and are thus subjected to backlash. I point to the ways in which some of this vitriol continues to refer back to the notion that Muslim women should be silent, and to the fetishized Muslim woman's body: how it should look, where it can/should go, and what can be done to it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most of the research on the alterglobalist, also known as the global justice, movement has focused on Western Europe and North America, with occasional research on other parts of the world. There has been little research done on this movement in the postsocialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. This paper attempts to fill this gap by exploring the key events of the movement as well as the genealogy of grassroots social activism in the region. It offers insight into a movement that developed in a region that, due to its history, has been rather hostile to leftist ideologies and groups. This paper examines the development of the alterglobalist movement in the region and traces its inspirations and path dependencies. It also poses questions about the nature of the movement and ways to analyse it - whether as a politicized social movement or a subculture and lifestyle choice. The close connections of Central and Eastern European grassroots social movements to subcultures and counterculture might suggest a new and fresh perspective for studying social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]