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This paper describes forms of online youth civic engagement that center the experiences of youth with historically marginalized identities and documents ways that youth are civically engaged. Twenty U.S.-based, digitally active youth ages 16 to 21 years old were interviewed. Seven participants (35%) identified as female, nine (45%) as male, and four (20%) as gender nonbinary. Twelve (60%) identified as a first or second generation immigrant. Youth were recruited through youth-led movement accounts on Twitter and contacted via Direct Messaging. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with youth between March and September 2020, a period spanning the outbreak of COVID-19 and rise in participation in the Black Lives Matter movement. Inductive Constant Comparative Analysis was used to document forms of youth civic engagement on social media and understand how youth ascribed meaning to their civic engagement. Framed by literature on critical consciousness and psychopolitical resistance to oppression, findings highlight three forms of online youth civic engagement: Restorying, Building Community, and Taking Collective Action. These findings indicate that, for youth with identities that have historically been marginalized, social media is an important context to be civically engaged in ways that resist oppression and injustice.

This paper provides a detailed introduction to the structures and practice of ideological and political education in Chinese universities. It draws on a thematic analysis of documents from the Chinese Communist Party and State sources, and data from 24 in-depth interviews with managers of ideological and political education, teaching staff, student counsellors and students from three universities. This paper shows how ideological and political education in Chinese universities has developed into an institutionalized system. It reveals how the practices of ideological and political education institutionalize patriotism as appropriate ideological perspectives for students. It offers empirical evidence of the party-led structures, formal teaching and varied activities that together make up ideological and political education in Chinese universities.

This paper presents data from a qualitative research project with university students in China regarding how they interpreted and represented the government's newly stated direction into a "New Era". It also investigates how different forms of media, as well as ideological and political curricula and activities, informed student participants' unsystematical and sentimental national imaginaries. This research employs qualitative coding methods and textual analysis to interpret the meanings of 73 students' interview transcripts. The findings reveal that most participants in the study did not take up the governmental voice, but used their own imaginaries in reworking the meaning of related policies. Their national imaginaries had plural and inconsistent value orientations, articulating a fervent nationalist aspiration with the apathy of socio-political issues and an uncritical admiration of the west. University students' imaginaries were less informed by ideological and political education, but more by images offered and circulated via popular and social media. Adopting a critical stance, the research views popular and social media as largely shaped by commercial logic. These forms of media provide barren soil for critical reflections upon individuals' relations to the nation.

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate how the socio-political rituals such as national festivals and student pledges have changed in the Turkish Republic primary schools over the last twenty years. Method: The data used to achieve this purpose was collected from four different sources; the applicable legislation, statements of policymakers, teacher organizations and an interview with primary school class teachers. Findings: Developments in politics have affected both the daily life and the celebration of special occasions in primary schools considerably. Abolishing the Student Pledge which took place in 2013 can be regarded as the most important alteration in the everyday life of the school since the foundation of the Turkish Republic. The most significant change in the celebration of special occasions in primary schools was made in 2012, and was ostensibly to free the marking of these festivals from their militaristic framework. However, a knock-on effect of this change appeared to be a waning of enthusiasm for such festivals in general. After the failed coup attempt on 15th July 2016, Turkey announced the 15th July Democracy and National Unity Day. During the first week of the school year, activities are carried out for this day.

Political parties are widely recognised as indispensable actors in democratic systems. One way to illustrate the actions and role of political parties is to explicate various party functions that may be carried out in a political system. The aim of this paper is to explore the relationships between the organisation of party education and five specific party functions in Sweden. The empirical material consists of interviews with party officials from all eight parties that were represented in the national parliament during 2018-2022 as well as a mapping of educational content, structure, and activities from various parties. This material has been analysed in relation to five concrete party functions and a theoretical approach that highlights interactions and relationships occurring on different levels in apolitical system. The results demonstrate that there are different relationships between party education and party functions which may generate implications that are important both for the agency of a party but also to the broader political landscape. It is also possible to discern one specific function related to the provision of party education, namely an affirmation function.

As the educational community continues to consider the impact of the proliferation of accountability-aimed reform on students, schools, and communities, the consequences of said reforms on teachers must be included. Results of this study indicate that even distant, broad educational policies manifest in specific and profound ways in teachers' daily, lived experiences, shaping novice teachers' identity, beliefs, and efficacy. The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the perspectives of 38 Teach for America Corps Members (CMs) to situate how the educational reform climate socializes and oppresses teachers from all layers of influence, resulting in permeated macrotransgressions, which negatively impacts teachers. While this oppressive culture poses serious threats to the teaching profession, particularly in urban contexts, we also highlight the ways in which CMs resisted the confluence of socializing forces resulting from neoliberal shifts in educational policy and reform. Implications for teachers, educational leaders, policy makers, reformers, teacher educators, and communities are considered in order to envision a reprofessionalization of teachers working in tandem with the communities they serve to (re)construct a more just society.

This paper explores relations between literacy education, ideology and politics, based on an analysis of educational reforms during Soviet and US military occupation in North and South Korea. Following the end of the Second World War, anti-illiteracy campaigns in the two Koreas became important means of political socialisation for Koreans amid the ideological competition in international and local arenas. In both North and South, Koreans enthusiastically responded to the anti-illiteracy campaigns, with overcrowded classes and eager students of all ages and backgrounds. The anti-illiteracy campaigns reaped considerable success in not only eradicating illiteracy but also inculcating the Korean public with the beliefs, ideas and values of the respective ideologies of the two occupying powers. In this sense, the literacy education programmes and seminars became critical institutional agents to transplant socialist-communist ideas and ideals of Soviet education to North Korea and liberal-democratic ones of US education to South Korea.

Conservative trends across western schooling contexts are signalling an explicit devaluing of social and moral learning within their official curriculum mandates. These mandates are increasingly privileging the "academic rigour" of traditional subject disciplines. This paper draws on interview and observation data from a case study of a large and highly diverse English secondary school to explore this school's prioritizing of social and moral learning. Such prioritizing is supported at this school by its "Academy" status--which in the English context allows schools a measure of freedom over curriculum as part of broader government moves to increase school autonomy. The paper's focus is on how these conservative trends are understood and disrupted to support a critical view of existing curriculum and a desire to modify and re-shape it to support more relevant and connected learning for students. The paper describes particular examples of practice at the school in the areas of Citizenship and Religious Education to illustrate this approach. Engaging with social and moral learning along these lines is argued as productive in working within and against the constraints of current conservative curriculum priorities.

The purpose of this paper was to determine if high school democratic climates influence Black youth participation in sociopolitical groups using critical race theory as a lens. It was hypothesized that Black youth would be less likely to participate in sociopolitical groups due to perceived lack of support. It was also hypothesized that Black and White youth participation in sociopolitical groups is more comparable when the climate at their school is perceived to be more democratic. The hypotheses were only partially supported in that Black youth were more likely than White youth to participate in sociopolitical groups when the high school democratic climate was low. However, Black and White youth participation was found to be comparable when the high school democratic climate was high. This study adds to the literature by showing that high school democratic climates interact with race in a way that motivates sociopolitical group involvement among youth.

Studies show adults' attitudes towards citizenship to be related to their educational level. It has been claimed that higher educated people more often possess 'good' citizenship values. However, only limited insight exists into how differences in citizenship attitudes between adolescents from various educational tracks develop over time. In this qualitative longitudinal study, we investigate the perspectives of adolescents from different educational tracks on aspects of citizenship. The results show that adolescents in higher tracks develop stronger political orientations with age and learn to focus more strictly on competition between perspectives and on formal procedures of decision-making. Those in the lower track remained rather uninterested in politics but stick to their emphasis on consensus and inclusiveness. Overall, our study shows that 'good' vs. 'bad' citizenship values do not simply coincide with educational level and provides a more nuanced insight into adolescent developmental trajectories towards citizenship.

This paper focuses on political socialization in a conflict-affected context and looks at how young Greek-Cypriot learners of Turkish debated political positionings and engaged with political and conflict ideologies usually seen as part of the adult world. It draws on data from two linguistic ethnographic projects (2006–2009; 2012–2015) that analysed classroom observations and recordings of controversial Turkish-as-Foreign-Language (MFL) lessons in a Greek-Cypriot Secondary School. The paper employs the concept of liminality, which has been traditionally linked with transition, describing an in-between space, where normal rules, conventions and relations are suspended or transgressed, carrying the potential for the creation of new structures and creative performance. Moving away from romantised approaches to liminality as liberating from structures, the analysis looks "inside liminality" for alternative or enduring patterns and conventions and reveals the affordances and limitations of liminal-like experiences in education settings, and their potential role in young people's political socialization. Approaching children/teenagers as youthful political agents, the paper analyses first the multiple liminal social and political spaces that young learners of Turkish occupied; then, it focuses particularly on an interactional event, when the usual lesson structures and procedures of the language lesson were suspended, looking at how students, in this liminal-like moment, mobilized knowledge and recourses to form and debate political subjectivities and dominant political ideologies. The analysis points to the resilience of conflict discourses and discourses of othering but it also reveals youngsters' attempts to articulate a political discourse that introduces new discursive frames for the discussion of social and political relations in a post-conflict manner. This has important implications for young people's political socialization in conflict-affected contexts, revealing the role that language plays in this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on studying the liberal-democratic values in the general education of Georgia. Based on the social interaction approach of political socialization, the article assesses pupils' and teachers' positions towards the liberal and democratic principles and values that have been declared policy goals of Georgia since 2004. Using DAP (Democracy-Autocracy Preference), DPE (Democratic Performance Evolution), and initially tested Lib-Dem (Liberal-Democratic) scales, 297 students and 121 teachers were surveyed. Results show that teachers demonstrate more liberal-democratic positions than pupils. Also, girls tend to be less supportive of authoritarian governments and share more liberal approaches than boys. A similar trend is observed comparing students from private and public schools. The type of school correlates to teachers' results in supporting liberal and democratic positions. However, the more liberal-democratic positions the respondents share, the more likely they believe that "Georgian" and "Liberal" are incompatible. Also, respondents who see Georgia as a democratic country and are more proud to be members of Georgian society share less liberal and democratic principles and vice versa. The study shows how liberal and democratic declared and policy ideas are supported among respondents and what it means to Georgia and its education system. Based on the results and discussion, new research questions are articulated dealing with gender, the generation gap, and the importance of the type of school that needs to be examined more carefully using the social interaction approach and qualitative methods and techniques, as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social Compass is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main objective of the paper is to identify the logic of the sociological field in the GDR, looking at how it was spatialized in the city of East Berlin. In this regard, I am less interested in providing an overview of the different research streams of the main sociologists operating in the scientific and academic institutes located in Berlin than in reconstructing some crucial dynamics at work there and highlighting their effects at the social and symbolic levels. The underlying idea is that, especially in East Berlin, the sociological knowledge produced was less homogeneous than it has been represented in the existing literature. Without negating the existence of shared aspects characterizing Marxist-Leninist sociology, also superimposed on the political elite, a field analysis enables us to see how the different positions and trajectories of GDR-sociologists had an impact on their approaches to theoretical, epistemological, and methodological questions, and on their understanding and uses of concepts deriving from both Marxist-Leninist and "bourgeois" sociology. In the analysis, I will first compare the social trajectories of two of my interview-partners as paradigmatic of two different sociological habitus depending on their different academic/political socialization, networks, and positions in the field. As a second step, I will present a sketch of the sociological field drawn from 63 curricula of sociologists active in East Berlin in an attempt to pinpoint, on a larger scale, the homologies between the social and symbolic spaces of the field. Thus, the underlying idea is to examine the intersection of the "quasi-structural properties" of the field with its "phenomenological aspects" concerning the "feel for the game." While the two understandings of field are interdependent, it is in the second one that the physical space as a localized social space played a crucial role in defining the material, social, and cultural constraints and opportunities actors faced which, in turn, influenced their practices and choices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Equal participation of all citizens in the public space is a fundamental principle of democracy. However, empirical evidence gathered over several decades has consistently demonstrated that unequal resources leads to unequal participation, even in youth, indicating that the principle is far from being fulfilled. Nevertheless, how different socioeconomic resources relate to different participation types and the socialization mechanism still need attention. This paper aims to evaluate both aspects, using a representative sample of 93,000 students from the 24 countries that participated in the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study 2016. Multilevel estimations demonstrate that socioeconomic gaps are replicated in formal citizen participation. However, differentiated patterns are observed when other forms of participation, such as community participation and activism, are considered. Additionally, results showed important differences in the mechanisms of socialization. The paper discusses the implications of considering different aspects of socioeconomic background, types of participation and their socialization mechanisms that can lead to the development of political inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Party membership seems to lose relevance for political careers in many established democracies. Increasing numbers of parties are recruiting non-members as candidates. Yet, what are the implications of a lack of long-term party membership for party cohesion? In this paper, I argue that pre-parliamentary party membership is in fact crucial for cohesion. Using data from the Comparative Candidate Survey and voting behavior of ca. 2,000 MPs of the German Bundestag on free votes from 1953 to 2013, I examine the effect of length of previous party membership and the age of joining the party on indicators of party cohesion. Examining free votes allows for credibly controlling alternative explanations of unified voting behavior. Results are in line with expectations generated from social identity theory and underscore the importance of party membership for party cohesion. The paper concludes with a discussion on the findings' implications in light of recent developments in parties' candidate recruitment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The number of women parliamentarians in Myanmar increased during the last decade of democratization before the February 2021 coup d'état yet remained extremely low at about 15% of parliament in the 2020 election. This paper uses the concept of political pathway to explore barriers and opportunities that women parliamentarians experienced along their life course. It does so through in-depth interviews conducted in early 2020 with 20 women and 10 men parliamentarians elected in the 2015 general election. Results suggest that women tend to take distinct pathways from men and face specific opportunities and barriers through supply-driven factors such as parental socialization, experience of national crises, available peer networks, acquired professional experiences, and available family support, and through a main demand-driven factor in party recruitment and politics. This informs recommendations in the conclusion in terms of increasing resources and support available to women and addressing discrimination by political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the extent to which the perceived quality of institutional performance as an endogenous source of trust and political socialization as an exogenous source of trust determine the emergence of political trust among youth in ten Southeast European countries. It also sheds light on a relatively understudied factor in the formation of political trust: the relation towards the future of society, which is considered an exogenous source of trust. Endogenous origins, particularly satisfaction with democracy, dominate the formation of political trust, while exogenous aspects, presented as aspects of socialization, are less well represented, although still significant. This is especially true for interest in politics and, to some extent, societal optimism, which are important factors in the formation of political trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on a study of the life course of 40 young people (aged 18–35) in Bologna (Italy), who are active in eight different political organizations. It explores whether the political organization, given that the city's political context is the same for all participants, affects the variation of their pathways. It does so by answering the following question: which phases in the lives of young participants are interconnected with the political organizations they are engaged in? To evaluate the impact of the organizational context on young participants, we will take into consideration three dimensions: the degree of bureaucratization, forms of action, and political orientation. Situated at the intersection of youth and social movement studies, this paper aims to advance our understanding of the connections between primary and political socialization processes in shaping young participants' mobilization and sustained participation within different political organizations. Our empirical findings show that, if the degree of bureaucratization was constantly salient in the two phases, on the other hand political orientation was more salient during participants' mobilization and the forms of action during participants' sustained participation. In the conclusion, the paper critically discusses the empirical findings of our analysis of the respondents' narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political system gains currency in a country through the process of political socialization. In plain terms, it is a process by which the general populace of a nation is informed about their immediate political environment and the generation of consciousness about the same. Among many others, media is one of the indispensable tools of political socialization and often acts as a window through which the citizenry looks at several political processes. Further, it is also a conspicuous fact that attitudes, beliefs, and dispositions are inculcated by the media, which determines both the effectiveness and outlook of the society. Thus, it becomes quite pertinent to understand the role of media in understanding the societal matrix. This paper attempts to analyze the inseparable relationship between mass media, with an emphasis on social media, and the process of political socialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the 100th anniversary of the Republic, Turkey experienced another multi-party election. This paper aims to analyse the role partisanship played in determining the outcomes of the 2023 General Elections. The literature provides valuable insights about the effects of partisanship on the vote choice in Turkey, and underscores the influence of political socialization, newly emerging political parties, clientelist ties and voters' threat perceptions on party identification. To contribute to this literature, this study provides individual level analysis of the data gathered via Turkish Election Studies (TES) and compares the results of 2018 and 2023 elections. This comparison includes comparative examination of partisanship vis-à-vis the effects of such individual variables as social class, political ideology, voters' perceptions of the recent performance of the macro economy, and cultural identities. The findings show that partisanship and cultural divisions seem to be crucial determinants of vote choices in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following recent critiques of the metrocentric nature of global youth studies, this paper explores the role of place in current research on youth political action in Sweden. Drawing on Agnew's [2011. "Chapter 23: Space and Place." In Handbook of Geographical Knowledge, edited by J. Agnew, and D. Livingstone. London: Sage] concept of place and using qualitative interpretive review as our method, we examined three sets of research publications on three different aspects of youth political action in Sweden. Our analysis found that place was addressed differently in each set of publications: youth political socialization and civic engagement were approached as placeless, street protests were examined as place assumed and urban justice movements were studied as place-based. The first two sets of publications contribute to reproducing a metrocentric understanding of youth political action, where urban areas are constructed as the key settings for political action among young people, while rural or peripheral areas are assumed to work in the same way or are depicted as non-political. By contrast, the publications on urban justice movements offered an alternative by exploring political action as place-based. The need to study the place-specific ways that young people do politics is discussed, with its potential to further the understanding of how young people do politics from where they are. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A central challenge for citizens is to understand how their political system works. The classic "Levels of Conceptualization" measure proposed in The American Voter provided an answer for White Americans in the 1950s, but has limited relevance today for citizens of non-European ancestry. Expanding on the work of Campbell et al., this paper develops a measure of Political Conceptualization that combines views about parties and candidates with views on personal identity and ethnic fairness. The measure is based on open-ended responses in a survey of Asian Americans and Latinos. Results show how, across these quite different domains of politics, citizens vary in their Political Conceptualizations from narrow and concrete to broad and abstract. Results highlight the challenge for political organizers in building coalitions among citizens who vary in their understanding of how politics works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to address particular dimensions of regional and communal identity, concerning the peculiarities of spatial strategies and cultural locations as well as various inter- and intra-community political interactions. Identities of regions and communities are dynamic and evolving in relation to time and space. This paper is an attempt to address the complexities of the Hindu cultural nationalist Islamist politics. In this paper, the emphasis is on how the contemporary social life and politics of North Malabar appropriate and adopt cultural and political aspects of the past, in the creation of an identity in the present. The focus of this paper is more on latent political engagement and structural components of identity than the directly visible forms of articulations and assertions. Latent aspects of political engagements often associated with structural and cultural elements of regional and local societies directly relate to the ideological and political elements. In North Malabar, ethics of folk art and martial tradition are inseparable from various aspects of the latent political engagement. Elements of courage, heroism, martyrdom, altruism, sacrifice and resistance are integral elements in everyday cultural elements of the region. The daily aspect of political engagement and socialisation reinforce these values in terms of regional and community identity. In North Malabar, the ethics of folk culture, and martial art are not only appropriated in political engagement but also functional as crucial elements in various stages of political socialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When and how does state indoctrination work? Building upon research on motivated reasoning and family socialization, I argue that only those individuals whose parents have connections to political patronage are subject to state indoctrination because their pro-regime biases transmitted from parents induce higher receptivity prior to government messages. Focusing on political education in China, I conduct a quasi-experimental analysis exploiting the sharp variation in textbook content generated by China's most recent curriculum reform. Results based on a national survey show that the new politics textbooks successfully affected only those individuals whose parents had worked for the government. The finding survives extensive robustness checks and falsification tests. I also consider several alternative explanations of the effects: preference falsification, selective attention, parental indoctrination, and educational quality. This paper not only highlights the role of intergenerational transmission in moderating the effectiveness of state indoctrination but also casts doubt on the actual degree to which regimes can change minds by changing educational content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent concerns around the declining support for democracy worldwide add urgency to the question of why ordinary citizens desire a democratic system. An emerging theory is democratic knowledge, which argues that knowing more about the rights and liberties provided by a democratic system leads citizens to want democracy as a result. This paper tests this theory in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, where conventional wisdom suggests that citizens will be less familiar with the features of a democratic system. Using the World Values Survey, it finds that democratic knowledge is a stronger predictor of democratic support than modernization, political learning or political socialization. Moreover, this effect is strongest amongst Ukrainians who grew up in the post-Soviet period, indicating that democratic knowledge is a powerful antidote to the disillusionment that flawed or limited democratization may bring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lowrates of youth voting are a feature of contemporary democracies the world over, with the United States having some of the lowest youth turnout rates in the world. However, far too little is known about how to address the dismal rates of youth voter participation found in many advanced democracies. In this paper, we examine the causal effect of a potentially scalable solution that has attracted renewed interest today: voluntary national service programs targeted at the youth civilian population. Leveraging the large pool of young people who apply each year to participate in the Teach For America (TFA) program--a prominent voluntary national service organization in theUnited States that integrates college graduates into teaching roles in low-income communities for 2 y--we examine the effect of service participation on voter turnout. To do so, we match TFA administrative records to large-scale nationwide voter files and employ a fuzzy regression discontinuity design around the recommended admittance cutoff for the TFA program. We find that serving as a teacher in the Teach For America national service program has a large effect on civic participation--substantially increasing voter turnout rates among applicants admitted to the program. This effect is noticeably larger than that of previous efforts to increase youth turnout. Our results suggest that civilian national service programs targeted at young people have great promise in helping to narrow the stubborn and enduring political engagement gap between younger and older citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2018, climate mobilizations have been shaping political life in Europe. Young people are at the heart of this mobilization, both because of their massive nationwide presence in intergenerational demonstrations, but also because of their own modes of action, such as the climate strikes that have been emerging since January 2019. Within these mobilizations, forms of radicalism are expressed through an important support for civil disobedience, such as blocking actions, as well as support – for a significant part of protestors – for material damage. This paper analyzes the new forms of youth radicalism in their link to the social determinations of the awareness of the climate catastrophe. Based on a demonstration survey concerning three French cities for the strike of March 15, 2019, and in Paris for the strike of September 20th, which collected more than 1,800 questionnaires, this paper sets out to show the sociological profiles of radical individuals, which distinguish themselves by significant cultural capital and left-wing familial political socialization. The exploitation of the data collected shows that these new forms of radicalism are conditioned by an awareness of the climate emergency, deeply linked to family legacies and specific academic curricula. The radicalization of inherited dispositions leads these individuals to go beyond the legality/illegality framework, and to favor a debate on the effectiveness of the means of action, in which the link with conventional democratic participation is constantly questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examined the political upheaval in Pakistan, the role of the Press and the emerging trend of political socialization of youth are inevitablybecoming a necessity for the political parties. They use the press for their media campaigns, promote their manifestos and to get the support of public. The main motive this study is to dig out the role of press and political socialization of youth during the elections of 2018. Survey design was applied, while questionnaire was used to gather data regarding the political socialization of youth and the role of press. The findings of the study revealed that different political parties employ a variety of strategies to politically socialize the youth, including designed campaigns and promoted their agendas through the media in a way that can socialize the youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text discusses the importance of studying political socialization in young people and its impact on political attitudes and actions. It highlights the rise of right-wing populist parties and movements in industrialized countries and the various problems associated with political violence, prejudice, hate, and discrimination. The authors argue that understanding the developmental conditions that lead to these phenomena is crucial and that a developmental perspective can provide insights for prevention efforts. The text also introduces a special issue of the International Journal of Developmental Science that focuses on political socialization and prevention of political violence, featuring papers from a workshop on aggression. The authors express hope that this research can contribute to promoting democratic and human rights-oriented attitudes and peaceful development. [Extracted from the article]

Preventive interventions in early childhood have a range of behavioral and health effects. However, there is an emerging literature extending this work to include acts of civic engagement, such as voting. Given that America has one of the lowest and most disparate rates of voter turnout in the world—and most of the current efforts aimed at boosting voter turnout and making the electorate more representative of the general public are proximal to the voting experience—there is a need for a better understanding of the potential long-term impact of early-childhood programming on civic engagement in adulthood. This paper builds on theories of political socialization and prior research demonstrating significant impacts of the Fast Track preventive intervention on voter turnout to examine the extent to which there are positive impacts on voter participation for other evidence-based preventive interventions targeting children's social and emotional capacities. Specifically, we leveraged data from a randomized controlled trial of the classroom-centered (CC) and the family school partnership (FSP) preventive interventions delivered in first grade. We analyzed data from approximately 700 urban, predominately African American, public school students who were randomly assigned to classrooms that either implemented (1) the classroom-centered intervention (which included the good behavior game), (2) the FSP intervention, or (3) the business as usual (i.e., control group). Data from the trial were combined with archival voter data when the youth were in their early 30s. Analyses demonstrated positive impacts of the CC preventive intervention on voter turnout more than two decades after exposure to the prevention program. Taken together, these findings provide additional evidence that some of the attributes that promote active participation in democracy can be fostered in early childhood—long before most interventions that have previously tried, and often failed, to increase voter turnout. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we sought to analyze if the internet and social networks usage could be impacting the constitution of an assertive political culture among young people in South Brazil. We hypothesize that although these new socialized agents are widespread among the young, apathy and disinterest in politics remain. To test our hypothesis, we analyzed data from a survey conducted with secondary school students from Porto Alegre in 2015 and 2019 for values related to democracy, feelings about politics, responsiveness, and political efficacy. Results confirm that the political culture of the young remains apathetic, but those socialized by new agents seem to be closer to developing an assertive type of political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While schools have long played a role in developing citizens for the imagined community, this article argues that an overlooked consideration is the role schools play in fostering students' feelings of belonging. This theoretical article asks, What is missing from this current view of students' political socialization and how can integrating an ecological theory of development with research regarding belonging from the political science, sociology, psychology, and youth development fields help develop a more complete understanding of youth's political development? After first introducing Bronfenbrenner's ecological theory of development, the paper brings together research from the various disciplines listed above to examine the concept of belonging. Lastly, it reviews the political socialization literature integrating the ecological understanding of development and belonging to demonstrate the strength of bringing these concepts together. Thus, the paper provides a more holistic view of schools' role in the development of citizens and of students' political development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government services act as important sites of political socialization. Through interactions with the state individuals learn lessons about their value as citizens, form preferences over government services, and understand the value of political participation. What happens when the private sector replaces government provision of basic services? I explore this question in the context of a randomized private school voucher experiment in India. Based on an original household survey of 1200 households, and semi-structured interviews conducted 5 years after the voucher lottery, I find that voucher winning households hold stronger market-oriented beliefs. However, voucher winning households show little difference in political participation on most measures of political participation. I argue that these results are driven by a greater comfort with private providers as permanent economic actors. This suggests exposure to different economic actors, in the form of private schools, have the potential to change political preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association / Anali Hrvatskog Politoloskog Drustva is the property of Croatian Political Science Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1932 Thailand became a constitutional democracy with a traditional monarchy. Since then the country has experienced twelve 'successful' military coups d' etat to make it one of the most coup prone nations in the world and an unstable democracy. This paper analyses an opportunity for schools in Thailand to contribute significantly to the political socialization of young Thais as a means to address the persistent failure of the country's democratic procedures. Non-school factors, such as authoritarian family characteristics, may negate school attempts to instill democratic behavior. Although civic education in Thai schools appears to have largely failed, the Democratic Citizenship Education Curriculum Project, developed by, with and for Thais, provides schools and teachers with the opportunity to develop democratic citizens through the school socialization process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The general goal and objective of this paper is to evaluate the need for bigger involvement of a higher moral standard into societal relations and the overall significance that it has in re-positioning of societal systems to a higher level of development and progress. It has been empirically proven that this is only possible if society's standards are based upon certain defined values and virtues. The political system, analyzed from the aspect of democracy as the highest form of societal development thus far, is faced with the objective need of reformation in terms of reshuffling toward virtue oriented norms and relations. The political ideologies should open the space for accepting the influence of morality through the existing process of political socialization. The political culture will be improved when the moral values enter the public scene and start facilitating the change of the societies toward the desirable direction. Individual lives of people and the overall societal achievements have been rapidly changed as a result of the Reformation process, XVI and XVII century. The thesis of this paper is that if the societies are more open to the morally value based elements, and allow those virtues to significantly enter into all segments of the society; there might appear an open space for achieving another progressive stage of the general development of mankind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender differences in political knowledge are a well-known empirical finding in public opinion research. Scholars working in this area have proposed various explanations for this phenomenon, often focusing on issues regarding the format and content of factual knowledge batteries. Yet, there are surprisingly few works that focus on how scholars might diversify the content of political knowledge measures to develop items that are less biased toward male areas of expertise. In this paper, we propose an inductive framework to develop more gender-balanced knowledge batteries by including political issues that are of particular relevance to women and women's lives. Employing gender-balanced measures of political knowledge reveal instances where women and men demonstrate equivalent levels of political knowledge and higher levels of political interest and efficacy among women—engagement that is often masked by conventional measures of knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to examine the link between associational involvement and political participation among youth in Norway and how this link varies between boys and girls of an immigrant or non-immigrant background. We examine the relationship between activities in instrumental and expressive types of voluntary organizations. The paper draws on the survey Ung i Oslo 2015 (Young in Oslo 2015), which was carried out among students in almost all high schools (30 schools) in Oslo, Norway. The results indicate that those who are actively involved in socially oriented organizations are most likely to participate in politics. However, the relationship between organizational activity and political participation is often stronger among youth of immigrant background and is visible even among those who are active in less socially oriented organizations. Most notably, the results suggest that being active in a sports organization is positively related to political participation among immigrant youth. We found no such effect among non-immigrant youth. In accordance with Robert Putnam's theoretical framework on social capital, the paper discusses why youth of immigrant background seem to benefit more, politically speaking, from associational involvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current thesis aims to investigate the political alienation among Palestinian refugees in the Diaspora. The study approached on both the literature of theoretical and empirical work. The importance of the study is that it is the first topic, which proposes political alienation among Palestinian refugees in the Diaspora, to the author's knowledge using a large sample that covered all Palestinian refugees worldwide. The study is considered one of the pioneering studies that examined this subject due to the scarcity of studies that dealt with the issue of political alienation among Palestinian refugees. The study constituted an important reference for researchers who are interested in the issue of political alienation in general, in addition to researchers interested in the issue of Palestinian question in particular. To achieve the study aims, the study adopted the descriptive method used a triangulation approach of quantitative and qualitative designs, and a questionnaire, which is appropriate to the exploratory nature of the research, which will provide more meaningful in-depth data. The target population consists of Palestinian refugees in the Diaspora during 2021 that includes 15,378,205 Palestinians. The overall sample composed of nine thousands five hundred and ninety-eight Palestinian refugees in the Diaspora (5822 males and 3776 females) 15 years of age or above stratifiedly selected, due to region. The participants were from, Palestine, neighbor countries, Arab countries, South America, Europe, North America, Asia, and Australia. Political alienation among Palestinian refugees in the Diaspora was evaluated using an index of a 40-item scale. A 5-point Likert scale (Strongly agree, agree, neither, disagree and strongly disagree) was used to assess the political alienation among the sampled population through an online survey that was launched on May 19, 2021, and the data were collected for a period of twelve months. Data were analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS-23). In total, nine thousands five hundred and ninety-eight were conducted. Respondents were above 15 and 87 years of age (M 33.38, SD 13.64); and the vast majority (82.9%) were married. Males represented 60.7% of the participants, while the remaining 39.3% were females. Half (49.4%) of the respondents had a secondary degree, and almost 48.3% had highly religious committed. The majority (57.4%) were working, and had on average of 5.56 family members, with a range of 1 to 15 (SD 2.45). Party affiliation represented 55.8% of the participants, while the remaining 44.2% do not have any party affiliation; and the majority (58.4%) were independent, (22.6%) were from Fateh, (13.6%) from Islamic trends (Hamas, Islamic Jihad), (3.7%) from left Trends (People's, Democracy, FDA, People's Party), and (1.8%) from other political fractions. The findings showed that, the political alienation as experienced by the sample of nine thousands five hundred and eighty-nine Palestinian refugees in the Diaspora was moderate (M 3.20 SD 0.54). Of the Palestinian refugees surveyed in the Diaspora, 64% preserved a moderate level of political alienation. Furthermore, the study explored the demographic breakdown over the political alienation among Palestinian refugees in the Diaspora with the aim of identifying any differences. Findings showed that all of the study independent variables were significant predictors for the political alienation among Palestinian refugees in the Diaspora that are, gender, age, marital status, number of family members, educational level, religion commitment, relation to work force, Political party affiliation, fraction affiliation, and the religion commitment. In light of the study findings and the discussion, the study recommends, given the concept of political socialization the utmost importance in the teaching curriculum and the different media outlet, it is necessary to activate the political participation of the Palestinian refugees in the Diaspora, by taking charge of the refugees themselves or choosing their representative in any future solutions to their just cause, activating all official and popular institutions to support the Palestinian refugee cause, which is the basis of the Palestinian cause, and since there is large proportion of politically independents, the study recommends the emergence of a new party linked to the Palestinian refugee issues, which will have a prominent role in the conflict solution, especially the political participation, the right of return, and the right to self-determination. Holding the Palestinian elections as soon as possible with the participation of all Palestinian factions and all Palestinians in the Diaspora. Empowerment the role of women in the Palestinian political life through awareness programs and amending the mechanisms of the Palestinian political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the extent bilateral adoption of Aid for Trade (AfT) norms in Europe is the result of a Europeanisation process. Using three case study countries (Germany, Ireland, Czech Republic) we examine the level of Europeanisation across policies, polities and politics. We highlight the roles played by socialisation and capacity within this field, which forms an important test case for the Europeanisation of development policies as it blurs the distinction between the European Union (EU)-member state shared competences of development with the EU single competence of trade. We find significant variation in both the depth and speed in adapting the EU AfT norms. Our investigation into the AfT Europeanisation process in Germany, Ireland and the Czech Republic found this variation to be a function of both capacity and socialisation with the caveat that capacity appears as a more influential explanatory factor in the depth of Europeanisation while socialisation may promote a speedier process. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Can engagement with far-right social media communities socialize users into a new political identity? This study addresses concerns about the spread of far-right groups on mainstream social media platforms by examining how newcomers are affected by their engagement with these groups. I theorize that changes in social identity expression indicative of socialization will be measurable in the language users use to express themselves on social media, and that the magnitude of this linguistic change will intensify with more frequent far-right engagement. I develop a custom dictionary of far-right-relevant terms sourced from communities like The Daily Stormer and Stormfront. Using an original dataset of Reddit user posting histories from 2015–2017, I test for increases in the frequency of this far-right vocabulary. I find that users who engage often with a far-right community like r/The_Donald begin to sound more like white nationalists within three months. Socialized users also use far-right vocabulary more frequently in other spaces on their platform, contributing to the spread and normalization of far-right rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]