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How did Chinese leaders Deng Xiaoping and Zhao Ziyang feel about Hong Kong? The existing literature has tended to see the Sino-British negotiations over the future of Hong Kong through the economic lens favoured by the British side and described the Chinese side as primarily motivated by nationalism. However, 'nationalism' remains a vague concept in need of further definition. This paper focuses on the Chinese side of the negotiation table. It unpacks what 'nationalism' meant to Deng and Zhao within the context of the negotiations by examining three interrelated components: history, identity and emotion. This paper then analyses how the Chinese side used history, identity and emotion strategically during the negotiations, focusing on the September 1982 leaders' meetings as a case study. Adopting a constructivist lens, this paper examines historical documents against frameworks and theories from the social sciences, producing an interdisciplinary analysis of Chinese negotiation tactics. It unravels how China's leaders used the country's past to broadcast the Party's stance to the people, bolster their leadership position and win the advantage over Britain in the Hong Kong negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper explores international trade of the Chinese manufacturing industries through the lenses of network analysis (NA) to visualise the world trade network of the Chinese economy, describe its topology and better explain the international organisation of Chinese manufacturing industries. Design/methodology/approach: The authors built a dataset of 40,550 Chinese companies and their 107,026 subsidiaries in 118 countries from Orbis-BVD and used a NA to investigate the connection between China and other countries. In particular, the authors studied the connections between Chinese companies and their subsidiaries in order to build a network of Chinese industries. Findings: The authors found that the network of Chinese companies is ramified but not wide and it can be divided into two clusters. Moreover, the relations between China and other peripheral countries are strongly mediated by a few leading locations (e.g. Hong Kong and the USA). Originality/value: This paper contributes to the literature in several ways. First, the authors provide empirical evidence on the magnitude and ramifications of Chinese enterprises in the world. The existing studies generally focus on applying NA to sectoral insights (Mao and Yang, 2012; Shaikh et al., 2016; Zheng et al., 2016; Wanzenbö ck, 2018; Krichene et al., 2019), whereas in this work the authors take a comprehensive view of the entire Chinese manufacturing system. Second, this paper complements the existing literature identifying the difference between cluster levels in Chinese manufacturing (Wu and Jiang, 2011) by proposing a cluster centralisation method to analyse the international network of Chinese firms rather than just the national network. Finally, the results also shed light on the international trade relationship between China, Hong Kong and the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sinophobia (anti-Chinese sentiment) has become normalised and increasingly acceptable in Hong Kong in recent decades. Such Sinophobia intersects with aims of protecting what is local in the society, as seen in Hong Kong news media. This paper first explores the concept of Sinophobia. It then provides a background on Sinophobia in Hong Kong, explaining the tensions between the identities of Hong Kong/HongKongers and Mainland China/Mainland Chinese. After elaborating on the role of media and the nature of local media in Hong Kong, this paper examines Sinophobic, stereotypical and quasi-racist discourse in three major Hong Kong news sources. While respecting Hong Kong heritage is a valuable goal, the Sinophobia accompanying some such aims can be seen to fuel hatred among people. In this context, encouraging a more inclusive and reflective discourse is warranted to work against the pitfalls of Sinophobia as a particular form of xenophobia in Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research involving international research communities has been advocated in the field of behavior analysis (Dymond et al., 2000; Martin et al., 2016). The purpose of the present study was to report the status of behavioral research in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, in terms of number of publications, types of research, and frequency of collaboration with international researchers. Fifteen behavioral journals were selected from the list by Cooper et al. (2020). These were searched by hand to find publications conducted in or authored by researchers from mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan dating from each journal's inception to December 2021. The earliest publication we found appeared in 1980 in The Psychological Record. Over the following four decades (1980–1989; 1990–1999; 2000–2009; 2010–2021), the number of publications per decade increased dramatically and continues in recent years to rise. Publications include research reports, review papers, and conceptual articles, with the majority being basic research reports published in Behavioral Processes. Approximately half the publications involve collaboration with international researchers, mostly in North America. Implications for behavioral research, practice, and policy in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on 'diaspora at home', a concept that encapsulates the unique dynamics between Hong Kong and mainland China, as an analytical tool to explore the cross-border experiences of 23 Hong Kong students at 11 universities in mainland China. It empirically ascertains how the made and imposed claims and identifications of these Hong Kong students resulted in inclusion and exclusion as their interactions with their mainland peers and institutions deepened. Specifically, it highlights how their 'diaspora at home' status offered exclusive access to privileged higher education opportunities, preferential treatments and opportunities for upward social mobility. Meanwhile, such a status also resulted in an overwhelming sense of political liability as they unwittingly became 'political tokens' and suspected political subjects amid the increasingly tense political atmosphere between mainland China and Hong Kong. This paper pinpoints the relevance of class and politics in understanding how diasporic groups engage with higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problems surrounding the loss and illegal trafficking of Chinese cultural heritage have intensified in recent times due to an increasing demand for Chinese cultural heritage and huge profits to be gained in the art market. While the Chinese mainland government has taken active measures to protect cultural heritage and combat the illegal trafficking of cultural heritage, two special administrative regions of China, Hong Kong and Macao, have not only failed to take similar measures, but have also functioned as key transit locations for the illicit trafficking of Chinese cultural heritage over the past three decades. This paper provides a comparative analysis of the laws related to cultural heritage between the Chinese mainland, Hong Kong and Macao. This paper argues that, while differences exist in these places, these differences should not be an obstacle to taking an integrated approach to cultural heritage in the region. There is a practical need for an integrated approach given the shared initiative of heritage protection and art market regulation. This paper argues that an integrated approach to cultural heritage is possible and should be pursued. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper provides the first ethnographic study of spiritual ecology in contemporary Hong Kong. In exploring the life stories of people who wanted to "heal" nature as well as those who were being "healed" by nature through the practice of green living, this paper illuminates the interconnection between self-transformation and social transformation within the green living circle. While the first form of self-transformation occurs when individuals consciously responded to green groups' appeals to cultivating themselves for the environment, the second mode of self-transformation happens unintendedly as people developed an interest in green living. In conclusion, I argue that the spiritual-ecological practices under the umbrella of green living offered people in Hong Kong a means to introspect, re-organize, and even transform their lives during difficult life events and challenging life transition. In turn, the emotional and spiritual experience of self-transformation not only reinforced people's faith in the power of nature, such positive experience was also key to perpetuating their interest and efforts in greening Hong Kong and the world beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to examine how financial technology (FinTech) knowledge from foreign firms flows into and among elite commercial banks in Hong Kong's financial sector to drive innovation. Design/methodology/approach: Using social network analysis and regression analysis on a novel database of patents held by Hong Kong's elite commercial banks, this paper examines the relationships between network position and FinTech knowledge flow. Findings: This paper finds four untold patterns of innovation and inequality in Hong Kong's financial sector: only three banks are responsible for all the FinTech knowledge entering Hong Kong; most foreign FinTech comes from the USA through Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, whereas most FinTech from China enters through Fubon Bank and Development Bank of Singapore; older banks and banks with more connections to firms inside Asia are more likely to import FinTech; the most beneficial sources of FinTech for a bank's network position are firms from outside Asia. Originality/value: Despite the well-documented volumes of cross-border and cross-continental movement of financial institutions in Hong Kong, there is little work on the knowledge flows that underwrite this mobility. This paper addresses this gap by using FinTech knowledge flows to map the distribution of innovation, network position and competitive advantage in Hong Kong's financial sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existence of an uncovered liability has historically benefited foreign banks and lead currencies. Using the case of China's efforts to fund its foreign exchange needs by exploiting loopholes in the international financial architecture, the paper examines whether using state-owned settlement banks as a means of intermediating a specialised 'non-deliverable' financial asset in offshore markets can substitute the institutional and technical prerequisites that developing economies typically lack. The findings show that while offshore money markets can reduce US dollar dependency in areas such as trade invoicing that do not depend on currency delivery, increasing the offshore holdings of RMB is more challenging. The reasons for this are to be found in the way the governance, geographic and credit generating limitations of state settlement banks reinforce the constraints imposed by the uncovered liability problem. The findings distinguish the historical evolution of the RMB's offshore use from other offshore markets and reinforce the impossibility of separating issues related to trade infrastructures from those related to the structure of the international financial system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Air connectivity is a crucial factor for economic development, especially for a free port city such as Hong Kong. This paper examines the role changes of Hong Kong in providing connectivity for the international market that originates from regional airports in Mainland China. The time-dependent earliest arrival time method is employed to assess its connectivity levels compared with other Chinese air gateways in 1998 and 2018, with measurement of three indicators: accessibility, dependency, and centrality. Empirical evidence demonstrates that extensive progress of accessibility and dependency has been presented in both Hong Kong and other Chinese gateways as for liberal arrangements after 2001, while foreign transfers are still an inescapable theme to strengthen air connections. In addition, Hong Kong retained its hub status even while deemed inferior to Beijing and Shanghai in the international market of Mainland China, especially for the Northeast and East Coastal region and air travel to Asia-Pacific, Europe, Middle East, and Africa. What is more, although Hong Kong benefited from its massive traffic generation, major air gateways would be dispersedly located across Mainland China with the rise of central China, geographical proximity effect, and differential market cultivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on data from Facebook, this article examines how elements of nationalism discourse were invoked by political actors to advance their agenda. In this paper, a novel mixed‐method approach is introduced. The analysis begins with the quantitative phase, and topic modelling is used to identify the recurring themes in corpus. A topic network is generated based on the semantic association and centrality measures from social network analysis are used to identify the core topics in the discourse. In the qualitative phase, texts from the core topics are analysed discursively. The findings reveal that Hong Kong nationalism discourse includes three frames: the threat frame that constructs the overarching narrative of China Threat, the identity frame that engages with the debate on localism and nationalism and the action frame that discusses the actions to be taken in response to the threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to shed light on the little-known history of the Hong Kong City Hall Museum. Housed in the old City Hall between 1869 and 1933, the museum was intended as a place of entertainment and education for the residents of the British colony, including Chinese people. Dedicated to research and seeking the dissemination of knowledge through scientific displays of natural history specimens and artefacts, it was to be an emblem of Hong Kong's modernity and embody a certain degree of 'civilization'. However, the City Hall Museum never lived up to the expectations it initially had raised, and its collections remained disappointing and inconsistent. This failure was perceived as a stigma for the colony. This paper intends to offer an understanding of why this institution, during its more than sixty years of existence, failed to gather sufficient organisation and resources to support itself and ended up disappearing from memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A systematic literature review revealed that there are few validated youth prevention and positive youth development programs in different Chinese societies. To promote the holistic development of young people in Hong Kong, we developed, implemented, and evaluated the P.A.T.H.S. Project in Hong Kong. Based on the successful experience of the P.AT.H.S. Project in Hong Kong, Tin Ka Ping Foundation supported the development of Tin Ka Ping P.A.T.H.S. Project in mainland China based on the original P.A.T.H.S. programs. Besides adapting the programs to fit the socio-cultural context of mainland China, we also trained teachers, supported the implementation, and evaluated the developed programs. Besides the junior high school programs, we also voluntarily deployed additional financial and manpower resources to develop senior high school programs. To help colleagues understand the project details, we have documented the project, including curriculum manuals, book chapters, journal articles, and conference papers. In this paper, we present the publications arising from Tin Ka Ping Project in mainland China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper investigates the puzzling phenomenon of why Hong Kong citizens have much lower support for increasing spending on social assistance when all other welfare programs have been favored by local residents. With a random sampling survey, we find that citizens' support towards raising the requirement of immigration is negatively correlated with their support for social assistance (the CSSA scheme). This study highlights that the perception of "who benefits" will influence citizens' support for welfare spending. The Hong Kong story enriches the debate about the impact of citizens' attitudes towards immigration on welfare spending against a backdrop of deglobalization and anti-immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the implementation of the National Security Law (NSL) in 2020 the Hong Kong Special Autonomous Region of the People’s Republic of China (HKSAR) has gone through a period of tremendous changes. This paper argues that the enactment of the NSL has not only imposed a stricter frame on Hong Kong civil society in terms of rule of law and human rights, but it has also created the conditions for implementing new reforms aimed at increasing the Communist Party of China (CPC) leverage on every aspect of the society. A series of political and economic decisions have been taken to facilitate the full integration of Hong Kong into the Chinese system. After discussing the logic behind these evolutions, the article explains to what extent the recent transformation HKSAR has been going through will inevitably erode its reputation as the most relevant financial hub in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a shock to the Chinese capital market and unique and detailed audit‐adjustment data, this paper investigates the effect of a capital market liberalization program on auditors' adjustments to their clients' financial reports. Employing difference‐in‐differences tests with propensity score matching and firm fixed effects (FE), we find that the capital market liberalization induced by the implementation of the Shanghai‐Hong Kong Stock Connect affects auditors' professional judgment and leads to audit‐adjustment changes stimulated by greater reputational and litigation risks for auditors. Specifically, while the liberalization significantly decreases the frequency and magnitude of upward audit adjustments, the probability of downward adjustments remains the same in most cases. Further evidence shows that the effect is more pronounced for companies with high trading volume from Hong Kong investors, audited by the largest audit firms and with low financial transparency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Around 30,000 children living in Shenzhen, Mainland China cross the border to Hong Kong to attend school every day. This paper focuses on the school as a key meso-level organisation that mediates macro-level policies and micro-level everyday life experiences among these children and their families. We advocate a relational, spatial perspective, conceptualising schools as webs of intersecting physical, social and digital spaces, where differences between the "locals" and "others" are played out, negotiated and (re)produced, and in turn giving rise to specific (and understudied) geographies of in/exclusion. Drawing on our qualitative research, we offer a close reading of three exemplary school spaces: (i) the physical classroom and school grounds, (ii) the digital classroom, and (iii) at the school gate. Our findings demonstrate the complex and at times contradictory ways in which "the school" is a place of both inclusion and exclusion. It is a dynamic and power-traversed space where social differences between the "locals" and the "others" are played out, contested and redefined continuously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government bonds might provide reference entities that reduce corporate bond yields. We study China's 2017 issuance of two U.S. dollar (USD)-denominated sovereign bonds when there were (effectively) no outstanding USD sovereigns. We find that Chinese corporate USD bonds experienced a four- to nine-basis-point decline in yield spreads, whereas corporate renminbi (RMB) bonds did not. The effect was stronger for corporate bonds with maturities similar to those of the USD sovereigns. Further consistent with the reference effect, USD-denominated corporate bonds experienced declines in bid-ask spreads and volatility; corporate bond yield spread changes became more sensitive to sovereign yield innovations; and the less-informed foreign mutual funds significantly increased their holdings of offshore USD Chinese corporate bonds. Limited evidence indicates that new corporate bond maturities shifted toward the sovereign bonds' maturity after their issuance. This paper was accepted by Lukas Schmid, finance. Funding: B. Wang received financial support from Hong Kong Institute for Monetary Research. C. Y. Hong received financial support from the National Natural Science Foundation of China [Grant 72003125]. Supplemental Material: The internet appendix and data are available at https://doi.org/10.1287/mnsc.2022.4499. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper delineates unequal inscriptions of the Yulan Festival, whether as national intangible cultural heritage (ICH) or local ICH, for different ethnic groups in Hong Kong. I argue that the authorised heritage discourse that underlies the inscription of the Yulan Festival is based on the fossilised imagination of ethnic traditions and identities. Classifying the Yulan Festival according to ethnic ritual traditions implies an assumption on the existence of a homogenous ethnic community and tradition, and seems to overlook the dynamic of ethnic tradition, as well as the hybrid and flexible nature of culture and identity. This authorised system has acknowledged and exaggerated differences between various ethnic traditions and has understated the importance of integrated practices, diversified, flexible, and hybrid practices, the changing ethnic complexity of local communities, as well as the subjective agency of individuals. A gap between what was practiced and what was institutionalised is noted, and individual agency is observed in negotiating the festival in relation to the institutionalised heritage designations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the ever-increasing economic and social ties with the Mainland, Hong Kong-Mainland cross-border marriage patterns experienced significant changes after the handover. The proportion of cross-border marriages only accounted for 2% of marriages registered in Hong Kong in the pre-handover period but jumped to 34.7% after the handover. This study examines the impact of stronger economic ties and weakened social and cultural boundaries on the patterns of assortative mating in cross-border marriages. As most of the cross-border workers from Hong Kong are males, they have increasing opportunities for social interaction with Mainland women in communities and social circles in the Mainland. After the handover, the language skills of residents on both sides showed significant improvement and this can enhance the possibility of finding a marriage partner across the border. Empirical results suggest a weaker positive assortative mating in respect of age and educational attainment among Hong Kong husband-Mainland wife couples after the handover. Previous studies suggest that marital partner selection reflects the strength of social boundaries and the strength of these boundaries should be stronger for cross-border marriages. The results of this paper support the view that stronger economic ties and weakened social and cultural boundaries do promote cross-border marriages and negative assortative mating in these marriages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on social movements suggests that when protesters use violence, public opinion often turns against them, unless the observers already view the protesters as extremists. This creates what we refer to as an "asymmetric liability," where by moderate protest movements are held to a higher standard of civility than more extreme ones. Based on a survey experiment surrounding the 2019 protests in Hong Kong, we show that violence undercuts Chinese public sympathy when movements are framed around rights-based agendas but has little impact when protesters are portrayed as separatists. Pairing our survey results alongside media trends offers suggestive evidence that mainland respondents became less sympathetic to anti-government protesters and slightly less sensitive to protest violence as state media began depicting protesters as radical separatists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are global neoliberal pressures on the academy that are more or less faced by anthropologists around the world. To what extent are anthropologists required to publish in English in SSCI-ranked journals to keep their jobs and get promoted? But there are also distinctly national and local pressures to some extent counteracting or eclipsing these global pressures. In this article I explore these counteracting pressures in the context of Hong Kong. In Hong Kong, my home society, neoliberalism has reigned supreme, with a remarkably short-term mentality. Yet despite this, anthropology has been flourishing, and has operated with great freedom and generous funding that is quite exceptional by global standards. However, this may be coming to an end. In China there is direct government control over anthropology. Hong Kong, following the protests of 2019 and the advent of the national security law in 2020, may be following suit, with many democratic political figures and some journalists now in jail. In light of this ongoing narrowing of room for freedom of inquiry, what will happen to Hong Kong academics and to anthropology? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the spatiotemporal evolution of economic development in 23 cities across Guangdong Province, Hong Kong, and Macau from 1990 to 2022. The results indicated a general growth trend in overall economic development, with substantial fluctuations in absolute differences and a significant reduction in relative differences. The economic development appeared to be balanced both within and between cities. Spatially, the study revealed an increasing agglomeration effect, evident polarization in economic levels, and a distinct core–periphery structure, with central cities in the Greater Bay Area exerting a growing influence on their peripheries. Nevertheless, the peripheral cities, despite their economic strides, necessitate augmented policy interventions and capital influx to bridge regional chasms. The study's outcomes serve as a foundational reference for sharpening policy decisions, fostering regional amalgamation, and invigorating urban blueprinting and city-to-city synergies. This research provides an in-depth analysis of economic development trends across 23 cities in Guangdong, Hong Kong, and Macau over 32 years. For policymakers, urban planners, and business leaders, the findings present a clearer picture of the region's economic landscape. Notably, while central cities within the Greater Bay Area have become influential economic hubs, surrounding cities still face challenges. These insights suggest a need for more targeted policies and investments, especially in peripheral cities, to promote more uniform growth across the region. By understanding these dynamics, governments and businesses can make more informed decisions that foster city-to-city collaborations and develop better urban and regional strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Classical Chinese thought slowly formed from the 9th century BCE onward through the Spring and Autumn era but reached its pivotal point during the so-called Warring States era (5th to 2nd centuries BCE). According to historical records, during these three hundred years more than four hundred wars of different scales raged across the Chinese world. These wars brought with them their own consequences like famines and abject poverty, terrible inequality and disillusionment. An intellectual history forming in these conditions understandably and inevitably was influenced by these conditions. In this context, the Hong Kong philosopher Yuk Hui presents his thesis of "cosmotechnics", the view that merely understanding the world is not enough, it is paramount to change it for the betterment of people's lives. This is the theoretical underpinning of much of classical Chinese thought, according to Yuk Hui, and therefore also for the drive to acquire knowledge. Thus, one unique aspect of classical Chinese thought is its interminable insistence on how man's every action must have a reason beyond that action itself and any sort of philosophizing that does not lead to practice in changing the environment for the good of the people inhabiting it, is a wasted and useless thought. Therefore, there are a number of words and concepts related to the acquisition of knowledge in Classical and modern Chinese, like "learning" 學, "teaching" 教, "discussion" 論, "argumentation" 辯, and so on, but all these are encompassed within "the way" 道, specifically the "correct way of doing a thing", i.e.: actual practice, rather than mere thought alone. I aim to present several examples of this from remote Chinese antiquity and classical Chinese thought within the framework of what I term "cosmotechnical joy" stemming from making people's lives better. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the emergence of the Hong Kong Eurasian community through analyzing the rise of a transnational “Chineseness” in fin-de-siècle Hong Kong. Specifically, it interrogates competing visions of who qualified as Chinese in the years surrounding a 1902 debate over the proposed appointment of Robert Ho Tung, a Eurasian, as the Chinese representative to the Legislative Council. The article argues that the rising prejudice Eurasians faced in the early twentieth century prompted many Hong Kong Eurasians to disidentify with local Chinese and instead establish their own community. This prejudice was due to a hardening of racial typology from the midnineteenth century onward, a discursive process rooted in the increasingly racialized geopolitical landscape across the transpacific region during the same period. Transnational Chineseness, an interpretation of Chinese identity that privileged immutable racial characteristics above all else, entered Hong Kong discourse at the turn of the century. Hong Kong was a staging ground for a global racial discourse where competing conceptions simultaneously denied yet reified color lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are ongoing debates regarding the causes of social movements in recent decades in Hong Kong. Whether economic frustration or political discontent promotes Hong Kong residents' non-institutional political participation (NiPP) remains an unanswered but important question. This study is an investigation of how perceived relative deprivation, democratic values, and attitudes toward Mainland China may influence Hong Kong residents' participation in collective action. The analysis of a random sampling survey in 2017 (N = 919) showed that 35.4% of the respondents had participated in protests, strikes, or online collective actions. Young, single and male respondents, and those with higher education levels and incomes were more likely to engage in NiPP. Our results reveal a mixed impact of relative deprivation on NiPP: while perceived unfairness contributed to NiPP, perceived social status was positively associated with NiPP. In contrast, perceived mobility had no significant effect on NiPP. Moreover, respondents scoring higher in democratic values were more likely to participate in non-institutional political movements. However, the attitude toward Mainland China, serving as a system-justification mechanism, affected the possibility of collective actions and moderated the effect of democratic values. These empirical findings offer nuance to understandings of the social and political turbulence in Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The title of a movie is the first to attract the audience's attention. Poorly translated movie titles may result in a "low box office", as translators in different countries have their styles and preferences in translating film titles, which might eventually result in different translations of the same movie title and cause confusion to the audience. This qualitative research used exploratory induction to investigate the influence of genre and translation style on the Chinese translation of Hollywood blockbuster movie titles in Mainland China and Hong Kong. Titles of 300 Chinese movies produced between 2001 and 2020 were purposefully selected from the top 50 Hollywood movies in the adventure, horror, and action genres. Genre was found to be slightly effective in the choice of translation style and strategies. Among the three genres, horror was found to have the greatest influence on the choice of translation strategy. It was concluded that translators from Mainland China were more conservative in title translation compared to translators from Hong Kong, whose attempt was to create innovative translations. The findings may have some theoretical and practical implications for film translators, book translators, advertising translators, translation trainers, and trainees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of China Quarterly is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: China witnessed a surge of Omicron infections after abandoning 'zero COVID' strategies on 7 December 2022. The authorities report very sparse deaths based on very restricted criteria, but massive deaths are speculated. Methods: We aimed to estimate the COVID‐19 fatalities in Mainland China until summer 2023 using the experiences of Hong Kong and of South Korea in 2022 as prototypes. Both these locations experienced massive Omicron waves after having had very few SARS‐CoV‐2 infections during 2020–2021. We estimated age‐stratified infection fatality rates (IFRs) in Hong Kong and South Korea during 2022 and extrapolated to the population age structure of Mainland China. We also accounted separately for deaths of residents in long‐term care facilities in both Hong Kong and South Korea. Results: Infection fatality rate estimates in non‐elderly strata were modestly higher in Hong Kong than South Korea and projected 987,455 and 619,549 maximal COVID‐19 deaths respectively, if the entire China population were infected. Expected COVID‐19 deaths in Mainland China until summer 2023 ranged from 49,962 to 691,219 assuming 25–70% of the non‐elderly population being infected and variable protection of elderly (from none to three‐quarter reduction in fatalities). The main analysis (45% of non‐elderly population infected and fatality impact among elderly reduced by half) estimated 152,886–249,094 COVID‐19 deaths until summer 2023. Large uncertainties exist regarding potential changes in dominant variant, health system strain and impact on non‐COVID‐19 deaths. Conclusions: The most critical factor that can affect total COVID‐19 fatalities in China is the extent to which the elderly can be protected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of China Quarterly is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Existing literature has long debated on religious beliefs and democracy. However, the implications of religious institutions, which shall internally interpret faith and socialize followers and externally decide its political positions with authorities, have yet to be comprehensively explored. By adopting an inter-religious comparison in Hong Kong, this article argues that religious institutions decided to take different positions in response to democratization: Eastern religious organizations, including Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism, act as "state defenders" to legitimate government decisions at critical political moments. However, Christian organizations, including Catholicism and Protestantism, act as "state critics" to promote political justice. The Anglican Church is located at "in-between status" with pro-regime leaders but with pro-democracy followers. Consequently, Eastern religious institutions maintain close relations with the authorities, Christian leaders face criticisms from pro-regime associations, and intra-religious tensions within the Anglican Church are intensified. Theoretically, this article moves beyond that, from a "belief-based" perspective on how faith facilitates/hinders democratization to an "organization-based" perspective on how religious institutions choose their political positions in a sub-national hybrid regime. Empirically, this study examines how historical development in the pre-handover era contributed to different religion–state interactions in the post-handover period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the nature of the legal system in Hong Kong and its process of autocratisation under the Chinese sovereign. This article suggests that, in colonial and post-colonial times, Hong Kong's legal system follows the global trend of autocratic legalism that empowers the executive branch to use laws and courts to achieve the government's political goals. With the recent imposition of the national security law, the political and legal systems of Hong Kong are further autocratised beneath the veil of securitisation, facilitating China's authoritarian governance in Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese government has imposed the National Security Law which has resulted in Hong Kong formally entering into a phase of movement abeyance. By analysing 3377 posts on LIHKG Internet forum, this article re-explores the online protest attitude during this movement abeyance. The findings indicate that content creators are more attentive in regard to criticizing the legislation and pro-Beijing figures, followed by seeking international support and calling for unity. Users are more 'participative' in calling for mutual destruction between the authorities and people, initiating mutual support and seeking emigration. This study provides new perspectives on the study of movement abeyance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China is ranked as the number one maritime connected country in the world. This study attempts to analyse the characteristics of its 155 maritime trading partners. Five components of maritime connectivity have been used for the analysis. A hierarchical clustering technique is applied to group the trading partners into distinct meaningful clusters. As China's main maritime competitors within the East Asian region, the analysis is also applied to Singapore and Hong Kong. The clustering technique produces three distinct clusters for China and Singapore and two for Hong Kong. The results reveal the importance of direct maritime connectivity, with China having the highest number of trading partners with zero transhipment (including its top 15 trading partners), compared to Singapore and Hong Kong. The analysis is further extended by applying ordered logistic regression. The results show that the logistic performance index (LPI) and exports/imports have a positive and significant influence on clusters. Conclusions are drawn as to the potential for implementing strategies and policy interventions on the basis of the emergent clusters, particularly the need for Hong Kong to improve all five components of maritime connectivity in order to compete with China and Singapore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dating apps have become an indispensable part of lesbian lives in China and Hong Kong. These platforms give queer women the choice to use identity labels to describe their gender presentations and dating preferences. For example, T and TB signify masculine presentation; P and TBG signify femininity and attraction to T and TB; H describes inbetween-ness; pure refers to feminine women who are exclusively attracted to other feminine women; and no label indicates a rejection of all labels. Drawing from seven indepth interviews and participant observations, this article illustrates how these women creatively interact with the apps' affordance to strategically self-present. It demonstrates that these women feel ambivalent about using labels, which they see as both effective and restrictive, and argues that their app experiences can directly shape their own selfidentity. Finally, this case study provides important insights into the challenges identity categories pose for dating app users of nonnormative sexuality and gender, which might be relevant to other cultural contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Many countries with universal healthcare have a parallel private healthcare sector due to the waiting time in the public sector. People purchase individual health insurance to pay for private services. Past studies on the relationship between the public sector's waiting time and the demand for health insurance have two limitations: not considering the capacity of the private sector, and subsequently, the omission of a feedback loop. These limitations are also present in the health insurance policy discussion in Hong Kong, where the public sector is overstretched. A lack of understanding of market dynamics might lead to unrealistic expectations of public policy. This study highlights these limitations, and tries to answer the research question: whether the historical dynamics between the intersectoral imbalance of burden and the demand for health insurance in Hong Kong could be quantitatively explained. Methods: A system dynamics model was created based on a negative feedback loop. The model's initial input was the percentage of population with health insurance in 2009, and to simulate the percentage continuously until 2019. Results from 2015 to 2019 were compared with actual figures to examine the model's explanatory power. Multivariable sensitivity analysis was performed. Results: With initial fluctuation, the simulated result stabilized and was within the acceptable error range from 2015 to 2019. The mean absolute percentage error (MAPE) was 0.94%. At the end of 2019, the simulated percentage of population with health insurance is 36.6% versus the "real value" of 36.7%. Simulated patient admissions and occupancy rates also approximate the reality. Sensitivity analysis demonstrates the robustness of the model. Conclusion: We can quantitatively explain the feedback loop between health system burden and demand for health insurance. With local parameterization, this model should be transferable to other universal health systems for a better understanding of the system dynamics and more informed policy-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of US–China geopolitical tensions on Hong Kong as an IFC, and how Hong Kong is coping. Utilizing a dynamic IPE perspective, it details how Hong Kong officials, financial market actors and corporations have responded to the punitive US measures against Hong Kong and China in 2020 and 2021, measures that are tantamount to commercial and financial warfare on China and the city, but also that work against the interests of US corporates in Hong Kong. The analysis highlights Hong Kong's competitive resiliency as an IFC, from 2019 to early-2022, and the sources of its resiliency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to investigate the relationships between perceived discrimination, institutional trust, and settlement intention among highly educated domestic migrants by accounting for their structural (educational and economic) positions. Theoretically, this study of Hong Kong and Macao explores the integration paradox, a well-documented perspective on skilled migrants in transnational contexts, and expands it to internal migrant populations. Using respondent-driven sampling, the data include 2,951 highly educated migrants from mainland China to Hong Kong and Macao. The results indicate that a higher educational position in terms of tertiary educational attainment is associated with lower settlement intention among domestic migrants, a finding that tallies with the integration paradox. However, economic position in terms of income bolsters, rather than weakens, settlement intention. Perceived discrimination and institutional trust are evident in mediating the negative effect of tertiary educational attainment on the settlement intention of domestic migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study investigated the associations between some factors related to working from home status (WFHS) and positive/negative experiences due to social distancing and their interactions effects on depressive symptoms during the COVID-19 pandemic. Methods: A random population-based telephone survey interviewed income-earning adults in the Hong Kong general population during April 21–28, 2020 (n = 200). Results: Mild to severe depression (according to PHQ-9) was reported by 12% of the participants. The prevalence of WFHS categories was 14% for 3–7 days and 13% for ≥ 8 days (past 2 weeks). The multivariable regression analysis showed that, social isolation (β = 0.36; p < 0.001), relaxation feeling in daily life (β = − 0.22; p = 0.002), and WFHS ≥ 8 days (β = 0.15; p = 0.027), but not perceived huge inconvenience and improved family relationship, were associated with depressive symptoms. Statistically significant interaction effects were found. Some positive experiences buffered the potential harms of some negative experiences of social distancing on depressive symptoms; WFHS ≥ 8 days significantly moderated the risk/protective effects of social isolation, improved family relationship, and relaxation feeling on depressive symptoms. Conclusions: Social distancing is double-edged. Positive experiences should be maximized while negative experiences be minimized, as both were directly and interactively associated with depression. Intensive but not mild to moderate (< 80%) WFHS may impact depressive symptoms negatively via its direct association with depression; it also moderated the associations between positive/negative experiences due to social distancing and depression. Further research is required to discern the inter-relationships among WFHS, positive/negative experiences of social distancing, and depression to better cope with the stressful pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides the first-ever comprehensive analysis of how the relationship between the Chinese and Hong Kong legal orders has morphed in nature since China's resumption of sovereignty over Hong Kong in 1997. It argues that the relationship has evolved from a form of legal pluralism found in the European Union to a monist but bifurcated system—to a "dual state," to borrow from Ernst Fraenkel's theory. Recent events, including Beijing's imposition of a national security law on Hong Kong and its overhaul of Hong Kong's election methods, have consolidated that evolution. The analysis herein not only enables us to make sense of the developments in the China-Hong Kong relationship, but has five wider theoretical implications. First, it suggests a way of distinguishing a dual state from a fully liberal legal system. Second, it discerns the similarities and differences between legal pluralism and dual state. Third, it connects the literature on theories of legal order and that on the dual state. Fourth, it clarifies the relationship between theories of legal order and regime types. Finally, Hong Kong's experience reveals the challenges of and potential mechanisms for maintaining liberal values in an authoritarian regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In China, a mandatory dual audit system for domestic A-share firms cross-listed on the Hong Kong stock market (i.e. AH companies) was abolished in 2010. Since then, AH companies have been allowed to choose to have a dual audit or a single audit. We find that the mandatory dual audit regime before the deregulation is associated with a lower cost of equity than voluntary dual audit after the deregulation. Furthermore, the lower cost of equity under the mandatory dual audit regime is greater in companies exposed to stronger financial constraints and with higher agency costs, and is not attenuated by alternative voluntary audits. Our results are not affected by accounting standards convergence and audit quality, and are robust to various model specifications. Our results suggest that the role of mandatory dual audit in mitigating agency costs and information asymmetry is not replaceable by voluntary dual audit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Uptake of social distancing behaviors may be determined by a combination of individual perceptions and social values. The study investigated (1) the associations between individual perception of perceived response efficacy and social distancing behaviors, (2) the association between social value of perceived freedom infringement and social distancing behaviors, and (3) whether perceived freedom infringement would moderate the association between perceived response efficacy and social distancing behaviors. Methods: A cross-sectional telephone survey interviewed 300 adults in the Hong Kong adult general population during April 21-28, 2020. The instruments of social distancing behaviors, perceived response efficacy, and perceived freedom infringement assessed the frequencies of practicing seven types of social distancing behaviors in the past week, perceived response efficacy of four types of governmental social distancing measures/instructions, and a 5-point Likert scale item on perceived infringement on personal freedom regarding a governmental social distancing measure of banning gatherings of >4 people in public areas. Linear regression adjusted for background factors was performed; the interaction term of perceived response efficacy × perceived freedom infringement was tested. Results: About 40.4%-83.0% of the respondents practiced various types of social distancing behaviors; 57.3%-75.0% perceived response efficacies of related governmental measures; about 20% showed perceived freedom infringement. Perceived response efficacy, but not perceived freedom infringement, was independently and positively associated with social distancing behaviors. Perceived freedom infringement significantly moderated the association between perceived response efficacy and social distancing behaviors; such a positive association was significant at higher (those scored "extremely agree"), but not lower (those scored "extremely disagree"), levels of perceived freedom infringement. Conclusion: Perceived response efficacy is a potential determinant of social distancing. However, the strength of such an association may be modified by opposing social values about personal freedom. Future studies are warranted to verify above findings and explore other potential determinants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic, an exceptional crisis, sparked the introduction of new digital infrastructure to halt the novel coronavirus's spread. This paper explores how such digital infrastructure's impact might reverberate over the long term, by comparing Singapore, Hong Kong, and mainland China's utilization of digital technology in response to the 2003 SARS outbreak, and their responses to the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic. We find that advancements in digital technology since 2003 have boosted governments' surveillance and segregation abilities substantially—most dramatically so in China. Even though some of these new digital interventions are ostensibly designed to be temporary ones to address the needs of the immediate crisis, we argue that the resultant extensions of state power experienced during COVID-19 are likely to have profound long-term effects because they fundamentally affect sociopolitical contexts, institutional capabilities, and digital cultures. We also find that the extent to which governments can extend digital surveillance and segregation abilities during the pandemic is contingent on their respective sociopolitical, institutional, and digital cultural contexts. • COVID-19 pandemic sparked calls for a new digital infrastructure. • We compare 2003 SARS outbreak to COVID-19 pandemic. • New digital technologies increased governments' ability to surveil and segregate. • Their impact on surveillance and segregation will persist post COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Histriae is the property of Historical Society of Southern Primorska of Koper and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)