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While much literature has been produced on globalization, privatization, and the State individually, it has not been common to treat them together, at least not in the field of comparative and international education. There is excellent work that has documented the ways in which globalization and privatization have influenced education reform, but extant scholarship typically has not engaged with theories of the State. In this paper, through the case of Honduras, we explore the aforementioned issues. First, we draw on the approach of Critical International Political Economy (CIPE) to understand the ways that (political-economic) globalization and privatization have affected and manifested in both policymaking and the provision of education. The second half of the paper then turns the gaze back on the Honduran State and draws on State theory literature to consider why globalization and privatization have been able to be so influential in the first place.

Since the 1990s, Singapore has firmly established its reputation in the global education policy space as one of the best education systems in the world. However, existing policy transfer literature on Singapore has been mainly interested in Singapore as a decontextualised, ahistorical case, rather than as a unique player in the global education policy sphere. Analysis of how Singapore's educational policies and lessons have been exported to other countries tends to focus on the mediating roles of international assessments and global policy actors like the OECD or McKinsey consultants. What has been much less clear is Singapore's own proactive branding and education export strategies. Guided by the Cultural Political Economy framework, this paper draws attention to how an enabling global education policy context with an insatiable appetite for fast policy lessons has aligned with Singapore's own initiatives to cultivate and export its brand of educational success.

This theoretical article not only applies a decolonial critique to the Christian-positivist-liberal-capitalist foundations of global governance and global education policies but also suggests an alternative approach to constructing globality that respects and learns from onto-epistemic difference, rather than furthering the epistemicide of non-Western and Indigenous worldviews by forcing them to assimilate to Western modernity. This article seeks to make an intervention in the literature on global governance, global education policy, and global citizenship education, where decolonial lenses are scantly employed. We argue that public school teachers are using frameworks rooted in the matrix of coloniality to teach a multicultural population in an occupied land about concepts of Global Citizenship Education that not only divert attention away from other ways of being, acting, and knowing but which, by their nature, cannot even recognize those other ways of being--at least not without contradicting its own Christian-positivist-liberal-capitalist onto-epistemic foundations.

In the past decade, the trend of "low-fee private schools" (LFPSs) for the poor has increasingly gained attention, particularly in low- and middle-income countries where governmental funding is insufficient to provide education for all. Up to now, research has tended to address this phenomenon in the context of primary and, to some extent, secondary education. Where research is particularly lacking is at the level of early childhood care and education (ECCE). Thus, while the present research note seeks, generally, to contribute to literature on the operation of LFPSs, its more specific goal is to share insights into the complexities, difficulties and in-equities that intersect with--and stem from--the provision of ECCE through LFPSs, above all in the context of insufficient public funding, low governmental capacity, and export-oriented economic globalisation. The findings reported emerged from a study of ECCE as provided by LFPSs in Lusaka, Zambia.