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The importance of economic policy uncertainty (EPU) and environmental policy stringency (EPS) in affecting environmental quality is gaining great attention in the literature. However, none of the existing studies has thought to investigate their combined effects on carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions. Additionally, the individual investigations into the nexuses EPU-emissions and EPS-emissions primarily took a symmetric assumption between these variables into consideration. The current paper is an early attempt to close these gaps by examining the combined effects of economic policy uncertainty and environmental policy stringency on CO2 emissions within asymmetric (nonlinear) frameworks in China and the United States (US). The empirical findings indicate that an improvement in EPU degrades the environmental quality in both countries. However, a negative shift in EPU decreases emissions in China while increasing them in the US. In terms of EPS, the estimates in the two nations led to similar results. A positive change in EPS is conducive to fewer emissions, whereas a negative change worsens environmental damage. These findings still hold with the sensitivity analysis using ecological footprint as an alternative gauge of environmental destruction. This study, therefore, suggests that both nations adopt stricter environmental policies. Additionally, Chinese policymakers should work to lessen uncertainty shocks, while the US government should promote more transparent economic policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the increasing investor interest in cryptocurrencies (CR) as alternative financial assets in financial markets, we sought to examine the connection between economic policy uncertainty (EPU) and cryptocurrencies. To do so, monthly data for Bitcoin (BTC), Ethereum (ETH), and Tether (THT) from January 2021 to April 2023 were employed. We utilized quantile regression and Granger causality analysis to investigate the relationship between EPU and cryptocurrencies. The initial results of this study suggest that EPU has little effect on the cryptocurrency market in the short-term. To enhance the strength and validity of these findings, we performed separate evaluations tailored to the unique contexts of the United States and China. The results revealed that the effects of EPU were adverse and statistically insignificant for China, while the situation differed slightly for the United States. Given that the United States has the most developed economy, its policies have a significant influence globally. As a result, cryptocurrencies have the potential to serve as efficient hedging tools. Furthermore, we incorporated nonlinear autoregressive distributed lag (NARDL) analysis to assess the asymmetric impact of EPU on cryptocurrencies by adopting both short-term and long-term perspectives. The outcomes demonstrated that both Bitcoin and Ethereum can serve as hedging tools in the short-term, although this utility diminishes in the long-term. Conversely, Tether displayed a positive association with EPU in the long-term. The findings of this study hold significance for policy-makers, offering valuable insights related to structuring efficient policies. The recommendations include fostering a rational framework for active participation from various stakeholders, including investors, governmental bodies, central banks, stock exchanges, and financial institutions. This collaborative effort aims to mitigate irrational fluctuations and enhance the acceptability of cryptocurrencies. In essence, this research underscores the potential of cryptocurrencies as a secure hedge against short-term EPU. However, we caution against assuming that any single cryptocurrency can consistently serve as a dependable investment haven. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a study of the perceptions of young adults in the U.S. and China on the relations between the two nations. We conducted a case study by distributing a 17 question survey to 201 American undergraduate students (NYC) and 164 Chinese undergraduate students (Shanghai). The questions probed their views of U.S. and China's economic and political systems, the future economic growth and political power in the world of the two nations, and the future political and economic relations between the two powers. The results of our study reveal a number of important perceptions that both U.S. and Chinese students have, some being similar and others being in sharp contrast. Most students in both countries view future political and economic relations between the U.S. and China predominantly as cooperative but only based on each nation's self-interests. Both Chinese and American students agree that China is gaining political strength and economic influence among the advanced and the emerging nations of the world. While most of the U.S. students believe that China has been and will continue to grow at a much faster rate than the U.S., Chinese students are more likely to believe that this rate of growth is unsustainable. The results from our survey are compared and contrasted to the findings of national surveys for both countries. We believe that the study provides valuable insights into the similarities and differences in viewpoints of the next generation of adults in both nations about future U.S.-China relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many scholars argue that a sizable share of the news about China published in U.S. newspapers engages in 'China Bashing.' This paper quantifies the extent of the bashing and examines its effect on Sino-American relations. To measure bashing, I develop an index based on the count of articles in major U.S. newspapers that are related to China and also touch on one or more of the following issues: human rights, Tibet, democracy, child labor, and repression. I repeat this process for newspapers from Australia and New Zealand to net out 'fundamental' news. To examine the effect of the bashing on Sino-American relations, I use the China-US relations score of Yan et al. (Zhongwai guanxi dingliang yuce, [中外关系定量预测; Quantitative Forecasts of China's Foreign Relations]. Beijing, China: Shijie heshi chubanshe, , Zhongwai guanxi jianlan 1950-2005-Zhongguo yu daguo guanxi dingliang hengliang [中外关系鉴览1950-2005-中国大国关系定量衡量; China's Foreign Relations with Major Powers by the Numbers 1950-2005]. Beijing: Gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, ) and estimate a dynamic transfer model with the constructed bashing index, as well as other control variables. The results indicate that a one-standard-deviation shock in bashing leads to a 0.038 point decline in Yan's Sino-American index after about four months. The results further imply that the cumulative long-run effect of persistent China bashing is equivalent to about 50 % of the decline in Sino-American relations that followed the U.S. bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade on May 7, 1999, the worst shock to Sino-American relations during the sample period, 1990 to 2010. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tests the hypothesis that the economic relationships between China and her major trading partners have changed over the past 20 years with the industrialisation of China, and the emergence of Japan as a source of investment and network trade in sophisticated manufactures, and the US as a source of finance and investment assets, supplier of services and an apparently inexhaustible demand for consumer and intermediate goods. Has this changed the size and direction of spillovers in the region, and has it curtailed or eliminated American economic leadership? We use time-varying spectral methods to decompose the links between the two leading Asian economies and the US. We find: (a) the links with the US have been weakening, while those based on China have strengthened; (b) that this is not new—it has been happening since the 1980s, but has now been reversed by the surge in trade; (c) that the links with the US have been rather complex, with the US able to shape the cycles elsewhere through her control of monetary conditions, but the China zone able to control the size of their cycles; (d) that Japan remains linked to (and dependent on) the US; and (e) there is no evidence that pegged exchange rates encourage convergence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, through a comparative study of the roles Chinese and Indian diasporas in the United States play in the political economy of their respective homelands, explores the relationship between the diaspora and homeland development and how this dynamic relationship contributes to economic growth and foreign relations of the homelands. The author argues that the roles of Indian and Chinese diasporas in their respective homelands’ development consistently reflect, and are heavily influenced by, their homelands’ economic development strategies as well as political history and culture. The author also argues that the impact of the diaspora on the foreign relations of their homelands is conditional upon the state of bilateral relations between their homeland and the country of residence. This study raises issues for future research, such as the relationship between the diaspora and regime type of the homeland. The author concludes by suggesting that since activities of overseas Chinese and non-resident Indians provide a unique perspective in the comparative study of Chinese and Indian political economy, the two diasporas warrant more scholarly and policy attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Residents of the United States and China have responded very differently to the implementation of COVID-19 preventive measures. This study introduces the uncertainty reduction theory and the need for cognitive closure (NFC) framework into the context of a public health crisis and compares models across the United States and China. Specifically, we collected survey data to examine how NFC, trust in government, and attitudes toward preventive measures predicted pandemic compliance behaviors, depressive symptoms, and life satisfaction among 745 college students (399 from China and 346 from the United States). Chinese participants trusted their government more, believed COVID preventive measures to be more beneficial, and reported more pandemic compliance and fewer depressive symptoms than U.S. participants. Trust in government and attitudes towards preventive measures mediated the relationships between NFC and pandemic compliance behaviors among Chinese participants but not U.S. participants. NFC predicted better mental health outcomes among participants in China compared to U.S. participants. Trust in government mediated NFC and mental health outcomes among Chinese participants. Trust in government predicted better mental health (fewer depressive symptoms and more life satisfaction) in both the United States and China. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings for promoting mental health and pandemic compliance behavior during the COVID-19 pandemic are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A novel graph model with time-varying altitudes is developed to interpret the trade disputes between China and the United States (US) during the period between 2017 and 2019. The implementation of strategies for China and the US was affected by their bilateral relations represented by mutual attitudes changing over time along the evolution of the disputes. The Goldstein scale, a numeral system for studying foreign policies and for describing the fluctuating diplomatic relations affected by historical events, is utilized for eliciting preference relations affected by the time-varying attitudes for the first time. By considering two decision makers (DMs) in the trade disputes, the time varying unilateral improvements (TVUIs) for each DM are initiated based on its judgement which reflects not only the gains or losses for the given DM, but also those for the other DM. In investigating the real-world trade disputes between China and the US, the reasoning of imposing retaliating tariffs for the two countries under time frame is explained. How the fluctuation of time-varying altitudes affects the course of the disputes is also demonstrated. The Phase one agreement legally prohibiting retaliation using tariffs from the two countries was signed when mutual attitude increased by positive interstate events, which eventually ended the tit-for-tat situation. This novel methodology extends the structure of attitudes in graph model by flexibly depicting the fluctuation of mutual attitudes using Goldstein scoring system. Meaningful implications can be provided for DMs to explain how equilibrium can be changed by the time-varying attitudes. In analyzing international disputes in particular, nations can be clearly guided to achieve desired outcomes by making efforts to change bilateral or multilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does technological learning through overseas subsidiaries differ across advanced economies, like the United States, and emerging economies, like China? We examine divergent host country environments (e.g. China and the United States) as critical contingencies that influence technological learning outcomes of Korean firms using patent data. Our findings suggest that the higher the number of overseas subsidiaries established in China leads to an increase in the usage of existing host country technological knowledge, while the higher the number of overseas subsidiaries established in the United States increases new technological knowledge co-production with host country researchers. Our research yields incipient findings that offer critical insights for firms seeking specific technological learning outcomes from host countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The Slash (multiple-job holders) become increasingly prevalent in the labor force under the context of fast-developing gig economy and other emerging employment forms active on platforms. However, health outcomes of multiple-job holding have not received sufficient research treatment and is far from reaching consensus. This study provides an empirical investigation on the influence of multiple-job holding on individual health. Method: This study uses data from China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study (CHARLS-2015 survey) which covers 28 provinces/municipalities in China and tracks work and health status of the population aged over 45 years using stratified random sampling (N = 12,659–16,526 for examinations of different types of health status (i.e., chronic conditions/body aches/depression, in study 1), and from the Survey of Household Economics and Decision-making (SHED-2019) which is conducted by the Federal Reserve Board of the United States and documents economic behavior and related risks of the population aged over 18 years (N = 6603 for baseline model and N = 10,718 for supplementary test, in study 2). To address the potential endogeneity of multiple-job holding, the instrumental variable (IV) regressions are conducted to ensure the validity of results. The implementation of Study 1 and 2 in different national context could help test the generalization of research results. Results: Compared with non-multiple jobs holding, multiple-job holding with only one additional job is associated with better health status (i.e., less chronic conditions and body aches, a lower level of depression shown in study 1, and better self-assessed general health shown in study 2), however, multiple-job holding with at least two additional jobs turns to be associated with worse health status (shown in both study 1 and 2). These results show that the optimal level of multiple-job holding could be featured with one additional job besides the primary job. Conclusion: Multiple-job holding, with different structures, has both bright and dark side for health outcomes. To maintain an optimal level of multiple-job holding could benefit individual health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although many scholars continue to describe cultural differences in terms of the individualism–collectivism distinction, unidimensional measures seem unlikely to capture the richness of cultural variation in parents' socialization goals for their children. Kağıtçıbaşı's (2009) theoretical model consists of a bidimensional approach with agency (autonomous to heteronomous) considered orthogonal to interpersonal distance (related to separate), yielding four quadrants. Kağıtçıbaşı argued that countries like the United States fit into the autonomous-separate quadrant, traditional "majority-world" cultures into the heteronomous-related quadrant, and educated urbanized cultural groups in majority-world societies into the autonomous-related quadrant. Given conceptual problems with the scales Kağıtçıbaşı used to measure these constructs, we developed, piloted, and validated the Related–Autonomous–Separate–Heteronomous (RASH) Scale and examined its psychometric properties and measurement invariance in a sample of Chinese (N = 464) and North American (N = 635) parents. Our results suggest that the four types of parental developmental goals (relatedness, separation, autonomy, and heteronomy) are not as neatly related as Kağıtçıbaşı's model assumes; specifically, the Chinese and North American parents in our study highly valued both autonomous and related developmental goals. Our validation of the RASH scale is an important first step to develop a more appropriate measure of parental socialization goals for cross-cultural investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We consider the potential influence of contributions from interest groups to political rivals in the voting behavior of US legislators on international trade policy issues. Our application addresses the determinants of the Permanent Normal Trade Relations with China decision, and focuses particular attention on the agriculture/agribusiness lobby. A simultaneous voting-net contributions model suggests that these contributions were very effective relative to organized labor and other corporate groups, despite their relatively small dollar value. Possible explanations arising from differences in targeting strategies are explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese foreign policy has made a grand transition during the post-Mao reform era. Chinese foreign policy of the 21st century has become much more open and pragmatic in its relations with the outside world, more extensive in its reach and coverage, highly diversified in its functions and partners, more committed to international norms than before, and much more sophisticated in its dealing with the international community. Yet, the precise balance between the changes and continuities is still quite difficult to gauge. Furthermore, despite crucial visible changes, concerns and worries - even some fears - are discernible with regard to the rise of China. In the last 60 years, Beijing has sought hard to sustain consistencies (shizhong ruyi) in its foreign policy. Perhaps, that is the best clue the world has in inferring the future trajectory of Chinese foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little is known about how the political orientations and party affiliations of ordinary Americans impact their perceptions of China. Based on our surveys, we find that partisanship does indeed impact American views of China. Self-reported “conservatives” perceive significantly greater threat in China’s rise, hold more negative views of the Chinese government, exhibit more prejudice towards the Chinese people, and advocate a much tougher U.S. China policy than self-reported “liberals” do. Republicans perceive significantly greater threat from China and advocate tougher China policies than Democrats do, but party affiliation has a lesser impact on prejudice scores. Regression analyses reveals that education, gender, and age each has an impact on American views of China, but that impact is negligible compared to partisanship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on the relationship between U.S. and China on the area of space science. The author argues that the new and well-funded space programme launched by China is a perfect opportunity for the U.S. to have a deeper collaboration with the country. The author mentions the legislation which bans any collaboration of U.S. scientists with Chinese government introduced by Congresman Frank Wolf. The author argues that deeper collaboration will results to improve diplomatic relations.