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Scholarly efforts to predict the future character of the U.S.-China relationship abound. Few however looks to leaders’ beliefs as valid explanatory variables. In this paper, we argue that state leaders’ belief systems are key to understanding both the states’ intentions and policy choices. We analyze China’s national defense white papers (1998-2015) published to date as the source material to gauge the core collective beliefs of three generations of Chinese leadership. The operational code framework is employed to conceptualize and measure these beliefs. Our results identified important crossgenerational changes in a few belief indicators. In the Xi Jinping era, for instance, the political world is seen as less friendly and cooperative strategies are viewed less favorably. In terms of tactics, the policy tools “threaten” and “promise” are viewed as significantly more useful by the current leadership than by past Chinese leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on China's political influence in international affairs, as mediated by Chinese economic integration with the BRI countries. We propose that the BRI plays a role in influencing partner countries to support China's presence in the international community, and the economic integration of the BRI positively mediates the willingness of partner countries to align with China in international affairs. This paper uses panel data from 147 BRI countries collected between 2009 and 2020, and the difference-in-differences method, to estimate the political influence of the BRI. The results suggest that the BRI motivates partner countries to support the growth of China's influence in international affairs. The results of the causal mechanism analysis indicate that a significant and positive association between the implementation of the BRI and China's influence is mediated by promoting Chinese contracts, trade overseas, and outward FDI. The examinations of heterogeneity demonstrate that BRI countries that are developing, non-landlocked, non-neighboring, having signed the memorandum of understanding or cooperation memorandum of understanding, or lacking a Chinese investment guide are more likely to support China's political presence. This paper concludes with insights into how China implements the BRI to enhance its political ascent in the global order by facilitating economic integration of the BRI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes shaming attempts in the European Parliament (EP) over a long period. Drawing on existing literature on shaming and stigmatization in International Relations, as well as on studies on blame avoidance (Public administration), this paper explores the extent to which (and how) shaming attempts were used in day-to-day European policymaking. The paper first shows how the word 'shame' has been employed by key policymakers in different policy areas. Data analyzed include EP speech acts (mainly debates) from 1994 to 2014. The second part of the paper consists of an interpretative and contextualizing qualitative analysis, exploring in-depth social and economic policy areas. This paper shows that, in these policy areas, shaming attempts have often served as an ideological tool, or have become entangled in turf wars between supranational institutions and Member States. The in-depth study also illustrates the circumstances under which shaming attempts have led to compliance, non-compliance or shame backlashes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whereas period life expectancy constitutes an intuitive indicator of the survival conditions prevailing at a particular period, this paper argues that, given the existence of welfare interdependencies, that widespread indicator is nonetheless an incomplete measure of the longevity achievements relevant for human well-being. The central importance of coexistence for human-beings implies that usual life expectancy measures should be complemented by joint life expectancy indicators, which measure the average coexistence time under particular survival conditions. After a study of the theoretical foundations of ‘single’ and ‘joint’ life expectancy indicators, it is shown that joint life expectancy measures tend to enrich significantly the comparison of longevity achievements across countries and periods. Moreover, the introduction of joint life expectancy indicators—as a complement to conventional life expectancy measures—into multi-variable indexes such as the United Nations’ HDI is also shown to affect international rankings of standards of living to a non negligible extent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese initiatives of a geopolitical nature are being more and more frequently analyzed in the literature. At the same time, it is pointed out that at least since 2012 China has been pursuing an assertive and active foreign policy. Due to the importance of the Belt and Road Initiative project and also the 16 + 1 cooperation in the Central and Eastern Europe region, it is worth analyzing what the perception of China in this region is on the example of Poland. The study attempts to answer the question of how the increase in China's importance and its international engagement are perceived in Poland. The analysis of Polish papers published in 2003–2017 shows, and this is an argument, that Polish researchers more frequently present China in the categories of a threat and apply research terminology and tools within the realistic theory of international relations and this image is being reinforced, especially after 2013. The analytical framework of "China as a threat" and "China as an opportunity" occurring frequently in research is placed in this paper in theories of international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: UN defined Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development promotes international relations as a platform of cooperation between all stakeholders to achieve peace, stability, and prosperity but faces significant challenges in the post-2022 period. In light of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine crisis, the prospects for sustainable development as a component of international relations are one of the challenges. The main objective of this paper is the conceptualization of a model for sustainable development risk analysis, intended for developing countries with underdeveloped or nonexistent monitoring systems. Methods: Theory synthesis, adaption, and model development were used in the conceptual method due to empirical research limitations. Analysis, induction, and modeling were utilized to evaluate qualitative and quantitative sustainable development risk assessment approaches and anticipate their advantages and disadvantages. Results: The theoretical part of the research points to the need to consider the risks to implementing sustainable development (primarily future energy development and climate change) that arise from changes in international security. The novel result of the paper is the proposal of the concept Model for sustainable development implementation risk assessment in developing countries, derived from the following inputs: (a) an overview of the development of international relations and attitudes towards sustainable development; (b) a proposal of a generic model for risk assessment; (c) a prediction of the sustainable development future from the perspective of international relations and defined risks for its implementation. A set of indicators is proposed by dimensions: social, economic–political, and energy-environment. Conclusions: The future of sustainable development can be considered at a certain degree of risk in light of the global crisis after 2022. Changes in geopolitical constellations, armed conflicts, population growth, climate change, and the reallocation of financial resources are the factors that will largely determine the commitment of individual countries to implementing sustainable development. Therefore, sustainable development risk assessment must be revisited, improved, and closely monitored. The development of models based on the specificities of each country is highly recommended. Methodological notes are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the international relations literature, the purpose of this paper is to investigate whether and when diplomatic relations between countries have an influence on firm internationalization speed. We discover that the friendlier bilateral diplomatic relations between home and host countries, the more beneficial it is to enhance firm internationalization speed. In addition, the higher trade openness of the host country, the smaller contribution of bilateral diplomatic relations for firm internationalization speed in the host country and friendly bilateral diplomatic relations have a stronger positive impact on internationalization speed when the internationalizing home enterprise is a state-owned enterprise (SOE). Our findings not only contribute to both the firm internationalization speed literature and the international relations literature, but also have managerial significance for how enterprises can use the friendly diplomatic relations between countries to improve firm internationalization speed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on fieldwork in Fuzhou's Changle county―an emigrant-sending region in the People's Republic of China (PRC)―this paper analyzes transnational judicial practice as it pertains to resolution of transnational migrants' legal disputes. Resolution of "foreign-related" disputes had been obstructed by spatial and temporal barriers and difficulties navigating the PRC's judicial system. However, a more efficient path for transnational migrants to resolve their legal disputes emerged due to: the PRC government's increased concern toward transnational migrants; implementation of new governance procedures within the judicial system; utilization of the transnational migrant's informal social networks; and, application of internet-enabled communication technologies. By examining the extra-territorial reach of state authority in regulating transnational activities, analysis from the 26 interviews conducted reveals the key role played by leaders in Overseas Chinese Associations, who act as informal judicial "mediators" between the PRC's judicial system and transnational migrants. Additionally, internet-enabled communication technologies and social networks have helped collapse the physical and temporal distances that previously separated transnational migrants from their country of origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper scrutinizes the role of the principal policy objective of military intervention in conditioning citizen attitudes for the use of force. Extending the scope of analysis beyond the independent effects, it next assesses how the effects of two core variables of intervention, namely international organizations' approval of the operation and the regime type of the target country, vary for interventions with differing mandates. The results of the conjoint experiment in two dissimilar cases, the US and Turkey, show that despite substantial changes in relative support for different types of operations, policy objective is still a highly potent determinant of individual attitudes. The results also concur that compared to foreign policy restraint and humanitarian missions, individuals are more sensitive to international organizations' endorsements of the use of force for peace and internal political change operations. Finally, individuals are significantly disapproving of operations that seek internal political changes in democratic targets, though in contrast to the democratic peace theory, for other types of interventions, they are indifferent to the regime type of the opponent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates if individuals' negative assessments of the future drive micro-level reluctance for international cooperation and reciprocal behavior, a core principle of multilateralism. To test our theoretical expectations, we field online survey experiments on a sample of over 3000 respondents in the US and Turkey in October–November 2020. The experimental results show that on average, individuals are fairly sensitive to target countries' policy actions and are inclined to reciprocate when contemplating whether to increase contributions to UN or consent to bilateral trade liberalization. Yet, further analyses concur that individual inclinations to reciprocate are substantially moderated by their future expectations. Specifically, individuals who are more pessimistic about their material prospects remain fairly indifferent to the positive actions of other countries, but are more likely to penalize negative foreign policy actions by reciprocating in kind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on issues relating to consolidation arguments and transnational government. It talks about the positive impact of democratic political globalization on economic globalization and some of the problems of global coordination involving the U.S. The relationship of democratic legitimacy and basic rights on transnational government is also discussed.

This paper considers the issue of balancing, i.e., forming an alliance against a superpower, by adopting a contest theory which is widely used in rational choice approach to international relations. The main result is that member states increase their military spending rather than reduce it after they choose balancing, implying that diffusion of responsibility does not occur in equilibrium after balancing. This is because the alliance requires more military spending to respond optimally against the increase in military spending of the unipole as a response to the alliance formation. This paper also shows that more than one state facing against a superpower always prefers balancing by joining in an alliance despite the resulting increase in its military expenditures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I will examine the influence of nationalism and colonial racial theories on modern Islamic thought in Muslim South Asia and the Middle East. I argue that modern Islamic thought —a new way of conceiving Islam that began in the late nineteenth century—has some basic features that reveal the influence of Western colonial discourse, racial theories, and nationalism. I will provide many examples that show how contemporary Islamic thought has internalized the colonial discourse on religion, nation, and state. In particular, I will discuss the influence of nationalism on Islamism and how Islamists believe that a "true" Islamic life requires the creation of an Islamic state. But modern states are essentially limited, and national interests determine their relations with the outside world. An Islamic state cannot be an exception to the latter rule. Therefore, Islamic principles cannot determine an Islamic state's domestic and foreign policies; ultimately, it would have to function like a nation-state. Through a brief discussion of the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) and Turkey, I will also show how the discourse of these states is nationalist in practice and that the national interest of these states determines their foreign and domestic policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to explore the diverse impacts of religious sacred places on specific spheres of contemporary international relations, particularly in the context of public health governance as well as the fight against COVID-19. The spread of disease or germs and viruses within the context of pilgrimage, the healing purposes associated with such practices, as well as historical conquests of sacred places have attracted the attention of ancient physicians and modern scientists. In the nineteenth century, many Abrahamic religions sought to strengthen their influence in the Holy Land, particularly in the sacred city of Jerusalem. As part of their efforts, they focused on constructing modern hospitals, which became a means of religious competition over the region. From the perspective of the specific relationship between the sacred places and the public health governance system in the modern age, sacred places continue to succeed in animal management (native animals and sacrifice animals), water source management (sacred water and holy rivers), and management of sanitary quarantine (the extension of homeland health security defense), which have present positive effects. Based on the literature review, case analysis and interdisciplinary research methods, several findings have emerged regarding the global fight against COVID-19 since early 2020. Mecca-Medina, Jerusalem-Bethlehem, Rome-Vatican, Santiago de Compostela, Qom, and other religious sacred cities have faced huge pandemic pressures. These cities have played unique roles in protecting the health of pilgrims and have implemented measures to reduce the number and scale of pilgrimages in response to the global mobility challenges posed by the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global dominance of the dollar is unquestionable, but the European Commission is committed to strengthening the role of the euro in international relations. Most of the transactions between countries are paid in US dollars even though the United States does not participate in them. Some argue that the euro could become more powerful if it were given more presence in international trade, in particular, in the energy bill of the Eurozone. With the aim of validating that statement, this paper analyses the cointegrating structure between energy imports to the Euro Area from its main partners and those partners' currency exchange rates to the US dollar. We find that there is a bivariate fractional cointegration relationship between the series in most of the countries considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After World War II, Japan became a major recipient of foreign aid from the USA. As Japan's economy improved in the 1960s, it played a significant role as a global aid donor in world politics through its Official Development Assistance (ODA). This commitment continued into the 1990s when Japan, as one of the leading proponents of the concept of human security, began providing humanitarian aid to more countries across the globe. To better understand the notion of human security in international politics, this paper examines Japan's endorsement of the concept in its foreign policy strategy. This paper provides an overview and critical assessment of Japan's Grant Assistance for Grass-Roots Human Security Projects (GGP) in the state of Sabah in East Malaysia from 2000 to 2021. This paper argues that different contexts and circumstances in the state of Sabah require further study, especially for understanding Japan's focus and concern in the area of basic human security needs, as enshrined in the GGP philosophy. Despite Japan's GGP objective as part of its foreign policy to promote human development, the execution of its foreign aid in Sabah does have issues. This paper concludes that the implementation of Japan's GGP necessitates greater inclusion, particularly for other vulnerable groups and underdeveloped areas in Sabah. Despite Japan's GGP objective as part of its foreign policy to promote human development, the execution of its foreign aid in Sabah does have issues. This paper concludes that the implementation of Japan's GGP necessitates greater inclusion, particularly for other vulnerable groups and underdeveloped areas in Sabah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic diplomacy receives growing interest in the field of international relations research ever since the end of the cold war. Despite the vast number of literature on economic diplomacy, there are not many studies measuring the effect of economic diplomacy quantitatively. The purpose of this paper is to propose a method to measure economic diplomacy using the event study method that observes the influence of specific events on stock prices. In this study, the summit talks between the EU and China are selected as specific events that are considered as a form of economic diplomacy, and Airbus stock price, the proxy of the reaction to the economic diplomacy, was observed to verify the influence of it. The study categorized the summit talks by the type of participants whether the top politicians were included or not. The result shows that, among all summit talks, the summit talks between top politicians between the EU and China influence the stock price of Airbus positively, and it is statistically significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper provides an overview of the most important results of a project on EU-Korea economic and regulatory relations funded by the European Commission. The paper first outlines the emergence and development of EU-Korea relations. In the second part, the paper presents the main findings clustered in three thematic areas. A first thematic area focuses on a discussion of the EU-Korea Free Trade Agreement. The second cluster analyzes EU-Korea cooperation on regulatory policies with a main focus on cooperation in the policy areas of security (arms trade and control), chemical regulation, environmental regulation, education, development cooperation and industrial policy. The third part focuses on EU-Korea cooperation concerning regional and international issues. In the third part, the paper presents the main recommendations which were formulated on the basis of the project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU-South Korea cultural relations have intensified in the past few decades. Since the signing of free trade deal between two parties in 2010, the Korean public perception of the EU has positively evolved. Both parties initiated a protocol on cultural cooperation under the EU-RoK free trade agreement where particular emphasis was placed on the collaboration of audio-visual sector. The main part of this paper has three sections. The first section refers to EU cultural policy and diplomacy. In order to explain the EU's cultural presence in South Korea, this paper addresses European cultural exports to South Korea and the South Korean perception of the EU. The following part discusses South Korean policy orientation and diplomacy regarding culture. By introducing the statistical data on Hallyu contents export to Europe, one can understand the current situation of Hallyu expansion in Europe. Also, the European perception of Hallyu is included. Since EU cultural diplomacy worldwide still has a national dominance, the following section discusses four national EU cases―France, Poland, Sweden, and Italy―to illustrate the types of EU-South Korea ICR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union awarded the special status of strategic partner to ten states. Its key partners are dissimilar in political philosophies and structure, power status, ethical values, economic development, unequal in size and mineral reserves. Some of them are traditional Post-Second World War partners while the others have established recent partnerships in a new multipolar world order. However, from the very beginning the EU Conception of Strategic Partnership was just an assemblage of political statements without any official definition and clear established criteria for being chosen as a strategic partner. In this regard, this paper aims to analyze the strategic partnership phenomenon in EU Foreign Policy and provide our own definition of the term with a view to underpin it subsequently by common criteria. Based upon obtained main components the Binary Logistic Model was applied, which not only did allow to make the election of EU strategic partners more science-based but also propose the potential EU partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This position paper of the International Osteoporosis Foundation reports the findings of an IOF Commission to consider to recommend rules of partnership with scientists belonging to a country which is currently responsible for an armed conflict, anywhere in the world. The findings and recommendations have been adopted unanimously by the Board of IOF. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an ongoing debate about whether China's growing economic presence in the Middle East will eventually make it more politically assertive on the Middle Eastern affairs. This paper demonstrates, from a theoretical perspective of "path dependence," that China's promotion of the "Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence" since the 1950s as the guiding doctrine of its foreign relations has forged a "path" for China to follow, along which it has made and repeated promises against interventionism and imperialism to other countries including the Middle Eastern ones. It, in turn, has created a situation where moving away from that "path against interventionism and imperialism" will cause huge damage to China's reputation as a reliable non-interventionist partner to the Middle Eastern countries, and the "Global South" in general. As a result, China has refrained, and will arguably continue to refrain, from being too politically assertive on the Middle Eastern affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper looks into the image of China in Slovakia. Following the period of relative disinterest of the media in majority of topics connected with China, media are starting to pay increasingly more attention towards China and various aspects of its development, domestic policy, and foreign affairs. Increased media coverage of China begs to ask the question what image of China the Slovak media are presenting to the public. The proposed article draws upon an extensive database of media pieces published or broadcasted by Slovak newspapers, TV stations, radios, as well as online media outlets in the period of 2010–2017. Using the method of qualitative content analysis, a selection of over 2600 media pieces are analyzed and coded for general sentiments and themes covered in the media. Secondly, the paper also analyzes the perception of China among Slovak political elites, drawing on interviews with key stakeholders among the most important political parties, as well as public perception based on several opinion surveys. The article concludes that while negative perception of China prevails in the media and among the public, it is not complex and prone to change. On the level of political parties, three distinct groups exist, defined by their levels of pragmatism and pro-China positions (pragmatic supporters, ideological supporters, and ideological opponents). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the environmental dispute between Uruguay and Argentina, which can be resolved by a group of scientists. It says that the controversy, which involves a Uruguayan paper-mill complex on a shared Uruguay River, has sparked protests from many Argentinians prompting Argentina to take its neighbouring country to the International Court of Justice. It adds that a joint river monitoring was agreed by the two countries forming their common border for algal blooms and pollution.

China's vigorous involvement in the Pacific Island countries (PICs) is often surmised by scholars of international relations (Wesley-Smith 1; Pryke 2) to be primarily motivated by geopolitical calculations. This paper argues that China's increasing presence in the Pacific Islands indeed helps China create a "sphere of influence," but such geopolitical dynamics are characterized not merely by China's response to its perceived containment imposed by the USA and its allies in the region, but also by China's willingness to engage with PICs on its own terms. This is reflected in China's multifaceted approaches to offering economic assistance and expanding its economic and political presence in the region. China has increasingly cemented its strategic partnership with PICs by pursuing its traditional strategy of "non-interference" that satisfies PICs' demands for political independence and self-determination. China reaps not only economic but also geopolitical benefits from its intensified economic, and by extension, political, and strategic partnership with PICs, thus assisting its rise at the systemic (global) level. This paper examines the rationale behind China's economic and political approaches to the region and evaluates its promises and pitfalls as regional power dynamics continues to evolve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Overall quality of radiomics research has been reported as low in literature, which constitutes a major challenge to improve. Consistent, transparent, and accurate reporting is critical, which can be accomplished with systematic use of reporting guidelines. The CheckList for EvaluAtion of Radiomics research (CLEAR) was previously developed to assist authors in reporting their radiomic research and to assist reviewers in their evaluation. To take full advantage of CLEAR, further explanation and elaboration of each item, as well as literature examples, may be useful. The main goal of this work, Explanation and Elaboration with Examples for CLEAR (CLEAR-E3), is to improve CLEAR's usability and dissemination. In this international collaborative effort, members of the European Society of Medical Imaging Informatics−Radiomics Auditing Group searched radiomics literature to identify representative reporting examples for each CLEAR item. At least two examples, demonstrating optimal reporting, were presented for each item. All examples were selected from open-access articles, allowing users to easily consult the corresponding full-text articles. In addition to these, each CLEAR item's explanation was further expanded and elaborated. For easier access, the resulting document is available at https://radiomic.github.io/CLEAR-E3/. As a complementary effort to CLEAR, we anticipate that this initiative will assist authors in reporting their radiomics research with greater ease and transparency, as well as editors and reviewers in reviewing manuscripts. Relevance statement Along with the original CLEAR checklist, CLEAR-E3 is expected to provide a more in-depth understanding of the CLEAR items, as well as concrete examples for reporting and evaluating radiomic research. Key points • As a complementary effort to CLEAR, this international collaborative effort aims to assist authors in reporting their radiomics research, as well as editors and reviewers in reviewing radiomics manuscripts. • Based on positive examples from the literature selected by the EuSoMII Radiomics Auditing Group, each CLEAR item explanation was further elaborated in CLEAR-E3. • The resulting explanation and elaboration document with examples can be accessed at https://radiomic.github.io/CLEAR-E3/. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fossil fuels helped Russian president Putin build military power of Russia and attack Ukraine. Coal, gas and oil are being used by Putin's regime as weapons against the countries that are contractors and consumers of Russian fuels. The aim of this paper is to present a methodology based on refining information and Big Data analysis and to demonstrate the results, as well as to show trends and developments in relation to the response to the crisis on the fossil fuel market. Predictive methods and the techniques of sentiment analysis including the cluster analysis and the analysis of the variability of trends indicates that the European Union has taken over the burden of energy policy-making. This also indicates a downgrading of national policies and their weakness in resisting Russia's aggressive actions. The analysis of frequency confirms the markedly different Russian attitudes to Europe as a whole and to its individual members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decades, China has rapidly increased its influence throughout the South Asian region, using both its hard and soft power tactics. China has succeeded in eclipsing India's influence and emerged as an important player in the region. China is making inroads in South Asia by making huge investments and constructing roads, highways, railways, sea ports, bridges, power grids, dams, and public buildings. China is pursuing a foreign policy that aims to advance its strategic and economic interests while trying to imbalance India's predominant position and contain India within the boundaries of South Asia. This is to prevent the rise of a peer competitor that can challenge or hinder the rise of China as a sole Asian power. This paper argues that the geostrategic situation of South Asian countries is such that they pose threats to India's security by aligning with the extra-regional powers. Hence, China's expanding strategic and security ties with South Asian countries have wider implications for India's security due to the complex and sensitive nature of its relationship with China. The theoretical approach of Power Transition Theory has been utilized to analyze the Sino-India power rivalry and China's growing threat to India's security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International institutions are facing a new paradox: there is an urgent need for them, but they are increasingly being resisted, and one of the main grounds for supporting and resisting international institutions is their legitimacy. Every organization claims legitimacy for itself and denies the legitimacy of others. However, a framework for evaluating legitimacy is lacking. This paper defines the concept of legitimacy for international institutions and suggests that it derives from four sources (normative values, comparative benefits, national recognition, and confirmation by other international institutions). Based on their relevancy and their capacity for operationalization in this evaluation, indicators for input, operation, and output legitimacy have been selected to methodically evaluate the legitimacy of international institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reflecting on the other papers in this special issue, this synopsis characterises some essential trends in European Landscape Ecology, including the challenges it is facing in society. It describes the various perspectives on the 'contents' of landscape that are currently being practiced, and especially considers the notion of 'environment' as something intrinsic to human activity. Landscape classification and typology are discussed in their potential but limited use for landscape science. The specificity of the European approach appears to be related to the large diversity of cultural landscapes, currently losing their functional ties with the land-use systems that had formed them. European landscape research reports show a large commitment to this decreasing diversity, a dedication characterised by a strong sense of 'loss and grief'. On the other hand, it is concluded that European landscape research has a specific niche with a clear focus on applied landscape studies explicitly including people's perceptions and images, as well as the participation of the public and stakeholders. Since globalisation tends to reinforce the detachment of people from their environment; an increased effort is needed to compensate for this effect, and therefore the consideration of the various dimensions of the landscape is today more pertinent than ever. Meeting the challenges of present landscapes, in the face of new multifunctional demands in old diverse landscapes, requires more than before the combination of various perspectives and methods, and of various scales of application, in order to design innovative and adaptive paths for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, a lot of attention is given to income variations occurring at the top of the income distribution. 'What happens to the top 1 %?' is a question of crucial importance on the political level (Occupy Wall Street Movement) as well as on income inequality measurement level. Despite this increased interest, there is no rigorous measurement framework available in the literature for the measurement of plutonomy or 'what happens to the top 1 %'. To fill this gap, this paper proposes a simple framework for the measurement of plutonomy. It exposes the ethical principles underlying plutonomy indices and develops restricted Lorenz dominance conditions that produce robust orderings of plutonomy between income distributions. Finally, the paper offers a brief empirical illustration using the World Top Incomes Database. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The private sector is one of the sources of finance included in developed countries' pledge in the UN climate negotiations to mobilise $100 billion annually by 2020 to support developing countries' efforts to address climate change. For adaptation in particular, it remains unclear what mobilised private finance is. Research so far has focused on its potential and experiences in developing countries, but not on the arguments of those who introduced and continue to advocate private adaptation finance: developed countries. This paper investigates the positions of developed countries and development banks and agencies. In particular, it aims to identify whether those actors can reach a common understanding of private adaptation finance that minimises norm conflicts in a fragmented climate finance system. Empirically, the paper examines the Biennial Reports and submissions on Strategies and Approaches for Mobilising Scaled-up Finance of six developed country parties, as well as data from interviews with experts from development banks and agencies. The analysis finds a number of discrepancies between these sets of actors, for example on motivations for and modes of private sector involvement. This discrepancy is the result of ambiguity around the concept of private adaptation finance in a highly fragmented climate finance architecture. This ambiguity is problematic when the aim of mobilising private adaptation finance is to contribute to the $100 billion commitment. However, if the aim is adaptation in practice, both ambiguity and fragmentation might actually make the climate finance system more inclusive and innovative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks why South Korea's relations with Japan is so vulnerable to disputes over history in the post-Cold War period. It argues that South Korea's identities vis-à-vis Japan and North Korea respectively conflict with each other and leads to inconsistent policy towards Japan that hovers between cooperation and discord. By analyzing South Korea's relations with Japan as well as its policies and behavior in the post-Cold War period, this paper aims to show how identity factor affects a state's foreign policy and behavior towards other states. In doing so, it questions the rationality assumption of state behavior in IR and offers alternative explanations on how to better understand 'emotional' foreign policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the twenty-first century, changing global power equations are impacting the dynamics of foreign and security policy choices of small states, as they seek to develop alliances and partnerships to offset their geopolitical and geo-economic vulnerabilities. In this context, Armenia's security orientation is largely seen as consistently intertwined with Russia even after independence. Armenia has also attempted to develop a "normative alliance" with the European Union, relying mostly on its special relations with France. In recent years, various factors including domestic politics, deficit of security, and Russian dominance have led to a gradual re-orientation in the Armenian alliance trajectory towards more multilateral partnerships indicating a tendency towards "hedging" alliances. Conceptualizing from a theoretical foundation relating to small-state alliance options, this paper presents a case for Armenia-India strategic partnerships, given the historical and cultural ties between the two nations and the rapid growth of India as an emergent giant in the multipolar world. In this context of strategic analysis, the Georgia-Armenia-Iran corridor has a potential of vital geo-economic and geopolitical axis for India as well as for Russia, the EU, and China. The position of Armenia with its "both... and" integration approach, approximation with the EU, and strategic partnership with Russia has proved to be insufficient in security issues; however, the friendly disposition of a rising power, such as India, leaves Armenia with the capacity to diversify its security as a local civilizational and geo-economic connector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Visegrad Group format — coordinated policy forum for Czechia, Slovakia, Poland and Hungary — has been dubbed as a significant policy tool that advocates the interests and builds synergies among the four partners. The "Visegrad Four + " format, which coordinates foreign relations of these four countries, has been narrated as the key foreign policy venue of the V4, and the V4 + Japan is often understood as the key partnership within this format. Due to the recently growing Chinese influence in Central and Eastern Europe, and the impacts of the war in Ukraine in 2022, many have come to expect the coordination to strengthen and ramify. This article argues, however, that the V4 + Japan platform represents only a marginal policy forum and is unlikely to gain any significant political momentum in the foreseeable future. Basing the analysis on a set of interviews with the V4 and Japanese policymakers, the paper posits three reasons that have prevented the deepening of the V4 + Japan coordination: (i) there are significant limits to socialization in the group, (ii) there are diverse threat perceptions among V4 members, and (iii) there is little interest in deepening economic coordination vis-a-vis third parties. These findings question the viability of foreign policy coordination among the Visegrad Group members, and highlight the impediments for the expansion of V4 + Japan cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic determinants of economic integration agreements have received ample attention in the economic literature. Political motivations for such agreements have been mostly studied as functions of domestic politics or in the context of conflict. In this paper the author suggests a different narrative. Economic integration may be used as an instrument of foreign policy, where political considerations influence the choice of contracting partners. He sketches a simple model that exhibits the proposed mechanism in which a big country chooses between alternatives for integration in terms of economic and political welfare gains, while a small country is indifferent between possible partners for integration. In the empirical part the author uses a novel dataset on political events to test the predictions of the model and finds evidence for the hypothesis that there is more to economic integration than "just trade". Geopolitical considerations play a determining role in the choice of the contracting partner country and the depth of economic integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on 2013 The Minerals, Metals & Materials Society (TMS)-sponsored upcoming meetings and call for papers including TMS2014, 2nd International Congress on 3D Materials Science and ABM-TMS Second Plan American Materials Conference 2014 from February 16 to July 24, 2014.

This article examines cross-scale iterations of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the "Father of the Nation" of Bangladesh. By documenting local, national, and international memory projects of Sheikh Mujib, the study illustrates the importance of taking seriously the different scales on which memory is institutionalized, and how iterations on different scales give shape to each other. It does so by applying a dual textual and ethnographic lens to iterations of Sheikh Mujib on three different scales. First, it analyses how the Sheikh figures in policies in Bangladesh to legitimize the present-day political order. Second, the paper reveals how these national policies are reinforced and made more meaningful through international heritage-making projects. Here, the paper investigates the inclusion of a speech given by Sheikh Mujib on 7 March 1971 in the UNESCO Memory of the World Register in 2017. Third, the paper evaluates policy decisions made in London around the application of a bust of Sheikh Mujib by long-distance nationalists in the city, and how these need to be understood in relation to national and international projects. Building on these three cases, the paper concludes with a discussion of ethnographic material from the unveiling of the bust of Sheikh Mujib in London to reveal how transnationally intersecting and overlapping policies shape local commemorative practices. In doing so, the paper documents how local memory projects initiated by long-distance nationalists are restricted by lower-level policymaking decisions that take place outside the targeted nation state's political framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Biodiversity loss remains one of the most pressing issues for global governance. This situation can be seen in Argentina and Chile through the effects of biodiversity loss caused by the introduction and expansion of beavers in Southern Patagonia. This case is interesting because, despite the Beagle conflict (i.e., the border dispute) between these countries some decades ago, nowadays Argentina and Chile are facing shared environmental problems and both are actively seeking solutions. The main question in this paper is, how did Argentina and Chile search for a solution to shared environmental problems caused by the expansion of beavers in Southern Patagonia? This paper tackles this question and presents the results of the conducted qualitative research. The results indicate that, in order to understand what Argentina and Chile are doing to achieve a solution to their shared environmental problems, research cannot be exclusively focus on domestic affairs. Instead, this issue requires taking into account how international dimensions influenced domestic policies. As this paper argues, in Argentina and Chile, international cooperation is a method of influencing biodiversity governance through funds granted by international organizations and international expert recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the justice of national self-determination claims and defends a right to self-determination rendered as both a primary right, meaning that it does not require grievances or injustices, and a prima facie right, meaning that it is defeasible by the presence of injustices or the prospect of baneful consequences. The paper's distinct contribution lies in the ground of this right, arguing that autonomy is not alone sufficient and that a better grounding can be found in a common civic life, understood as a species of the basic good of interpersonal harmony. This basic good, and the norm of self-determination that protects it, rest on the foundation of natural law. The paper manifests the collection's focus on liberty and security by exploring the claims for liberty proffered by a group desiring collective political autonomy, claims that bear upon the security of the group's members, the security and liberty of minorities and of people liable to be subjected to illiberal practices, and the security of all who would experience war and violence in conflicts over self-determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to analyse India's foreign policy towards Afghanistan in the post-9/11 era. While the 9/11 attacks marked the beginning of a new epoch in world politics, the ensuing US-led military intervention in Afghanistan offered India a much needed opportunity to re-establish diplomatic ties with Kabul. Since then, India has remained cautious in its approach toward Afghanistan by relying more on assistance-driven foreign policy measures rather than on engaging militarily in the war-torn country. However, the question remains as to what extent India has been able to create strategic space for itself in Afghanistan, given the fact that India had to shut down its embassy and consulates in Afghanistan in August 2021 when the Taliban regained control of the country? Or, has India's policy been too reliant on soft power that India failed to capitalise on the opportunity created by the overthrow of the Taliban regime in late 2001? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labour migration is a dynamic process involving information gathering, motivation formation, and a series of actions of labour migration. This paper is an attempt to explain the process from a desire for the decision-making of potential migrant workers at the micro-level, including the input of labour brokers. Focus group and in-depth interviews were conducted in the Samut Sakhon City of Thailand. Myanmar migrant workers were interviewed. Thailand is a popular receiving country of unskilled migrant workers in Southeast Asia. Existing migration studies regarding intermediaries are less concerned with the micro-process of migrants' decision-making. The findings enrich the understanding of the labour migration decision-making process, motivation building and the facilitating and bridging roles of brokers. Sternberg's (2000) motivation building model has been incorporated into Spaan and Van Naerssen's (2018) threshold of decision-making. Key obstacles are identified during the realization process. A micro-level decision-making process model is constructed involving information gathering, desire creation, aspiration realization, and motivation formation which finally contributes to the action of labour migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is on migration and migration policy transition of Turkey. The focus is on the Turkish National Development Plans from the 1960s until today and the socio-political and economic context. We identify three distinct periods. The first period of the 1960s is characterized by an explicit support of out-migration to reduce population pressure and on remittances to promote economic growth. The second period from the 1970s to 2000 is marked by diaspora policies of Turkey relative to Europe, thereby acknowledging the role of the Turkish diaspora in the promotion of Turkish economic development and international relations. Since the year of 2000, Turkish migration policy turned to the promotion of highly skilled immigration, aiming at the promotion of technological progress towards a knowledge society with the support of intellectual elites. The policy transition towards the promotion of highly skilled immigration goes hand in hand with institutional and legal changes, which we specify. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to examine the Chinese vision of global governance and the implications that it poses for the established international economic order. This has been expressed through Chinese-led international initiatives such as the Belt and the Road Initiative (BRI) as well as the Chinese economic model of ‘Neo-Confucian state capitalism’ (Ho, 2008), which have created a paradigm for the developing world to follow. While the BRI had previously been perceived as a largely abstract concept, it has become an integral part of the Chinese vision of an interconnected world order, which has come at a time when China is seeking to redefine its’ global role. In addition, the paper will also explore how the Chinese vision for global governance has presented a notable challenge to the established international economic order by presenting the Chinese vision as an alternative to the established system as well as questioning many of the norms that have underpinned the liberal rules-based order. As a result, the Chinese vision for global order has become one of the most pressing questions for the established economic order as well as offering a window into China’s perception of its global role and identity, which it seeks to promote to a wider context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

2004 was the year when the Japanese public's affinity with China dropped dramatically, to 37.6 %, due to anti-Japan riots in China. Now more than 70 % of the Japanese public does not feel an affinity with China. How could such a strong anti-Chinese sentiment influence Japan's policy toward China? This paper considers this question by examining Japan's decision-making process on terminating the much-criticized yen loans to China. Yen loans are a type of Official Development Assistance (ODA) provided by the Japanese government to countries lacking sufficient funds for economic development. China is one of the top yen loan borrowers, and the loans have contributed to China's economic growth and increasing openness. However, in March 2005, Japanese Foreign Minister Nobutaka Machimura told Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing that Japan intended to phase out the yen loans before the 2008 Beijing Olympics and reached an agreement on the matter. Two-and-a-half years later, Japan terminated its yen loans to China, as the foreign ministers had agreed. Through mainly firsthand documents and interviews with government officials, this paper will clarify the following two points: (1) While it is true that the Japanese government significantly reduced its yen loan package to China from 2001 onward due to domestic criticism of China, as pointed out by previous studies, it was not planning to terminate the yen loans as of summer 2004. Instead, the Japanese government was contemplating how to keep providing yen loans to China; (2) Foreign Minister Nobutaka Machimura, who was appointed in September 2004, had pushed for the termination of yen loans to China only after anti-Chinese sentiment rose dramatically in summer 2004, because he felt that continuing the much-criticized yen loans would not benefit stable Japan-China relations. This paper sheds light on the background of the termination of yen loans to China, a major milestone in postwar Japan-China relations that had been unclear until now. Having said this, the more important point of this paper may be that it also shows the influence of strong anti-Chinese sentiment on Japan's policies toward China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper serves as an introduction to the special edition of the International Journal of Historical Archaeology on the theme of Scottish historical archaeology in its international context. The introduction aims to provide a context for the individual papers in the collection by briefly outlining some of the main characteristics of Scottish historical archaeology—as it has developed in the past, as it is at present and as it might develop in the future. The paper also discusses the ambiguous relationship between Scottish historical archaeology and wider historical archaeology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper introduces conceptual developments, empirical evidence and public policy considerations with regard to foreign direct investment and multinational enterprises in and from small countries. Results emphasize the diversity of small country profiles, support the need for reconsideration of established conceptual frameworks and encourage the development of specialized policy making tools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes whether international monetary policy coordination is the best response to economic interdependence. The paper develops a macroeconomic model in which countries show different preferences regarding objectives when faced with asymmetric disturbances and analyzes in strategic terms how monetary policy can deal with real, monetary, and supply-side shocks. It further shows how the desirability of monetary policy coordination depends on the presence of asymmetric shocks and also on the nature of disturbances, the channel of transmission, and the asymmetry of preferences. Finally, the paper derives the conditions under which monetary policy coordination proves to be desirable. (JEL E52, E61 , F42) Int'l Advances in Econ. Res., 10(1): pp. 72-82, Feb. 04. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the National Education Policy of the Government of India, announced in 2020, allowing the public funded higher education institutions to open campuses overseas, the Premier medical institutions of India like K.G.M.U, Lucknow, A.I.I.M.S, New Delhi, P.G.I.M.S, Chandigarh, K.E.M, Mumbai and M.M.C, Chennai, who already have a proven track record, should start venturing overseas with their international campuses. These will attract not only the Indian diasporas settled abroad but also Indian students going abroad for medical studies as well as overseas students. Our medical graduates are already manning the national health services of the U.K, U.S and the gulf countries. An overseas campus will give them a brand name and their parent institution a brand value. The international campus will attract overseas teachers and researchers, who can enrich research in the parent institution by guiding research and co-authoring papers as well as augment the teaching by tools of distance learning. The extra fees which these international campuses charge can be used to fortify infrastructure in the parent institutions. The global presence of our brand of medical education will boost the soft power of both the government of India as well as that of the host country thus rendering them greater leverage in shaping international health policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]