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Abstract: ‘Community of common destiny’, a new concept in China's diplomacy, has been increasingly used by the Chinese government, especially President Xi Jinping, on international occasions. Given the paucity of academic research on the concept, this paper aims to fill the gap and examine three aspects: meaning, motives and implications. Building upon the author's long observation of China's foreign policy, the paper argues that this concept of ‘community of common destiny’ is vague in meaning and loosely used by China. While initially proposed by China to mend ties with neighbouring states in the context of escalating territorial disputes, the concept constitutes part of China's long‐term strategy to maintain a peaceful ‘period of strategic opportunity’ in the first two to three decades of the 21st century to further develop itself. However, the ambiguity of the concept poses a main challenge for China to promote the acceptance of this concept by the developing world, let alone developed countries. This process demands more transparency, commitment and concrete actions from China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is both modest and ambitious. The modest goal is to show that intercountry adoption should be considered by ethicists and healthcare providers. The more ambitious goal is to introduce the many ethical issues that intercountry adoption raises. Intercountry adoption is an alternative to medical, assisted reproduction option such as in vitro fertilization (IVF), intracytoplasmic sperm injection, third party egg and sperm donation and surrogacy. Health care providers working with assisted reproduction are in a unique position to introduce their clients to intercountry adoption; however, providers should only do so if intercountry adoption is ethically equal or superior to the alternatives. This paper first presents a brief history of intercountry adoption. The second section compares intercountry adoption with medical alternatives. The third section examines the unique ethical challenges that are not shared by other medical alternatives. The final section concludes that it is simplistic for a healthcare provider to promote intercountry adoption unconditionally; however, in situation where intercountry adoption is practiced conscientiously it poses no greater ethical concern than several medical alternatives. This conclusion is preliminary and is intended as a start for further discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Complex interdependence refers to the multiple channels of interaction and agenda in interstate relations, which involve domestic (public and private) stakeholders and nonmilitary issues. Since the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) came into being, most analyses have largely focused on infrastructure development. The BRI not only has the potential to impact a host government's socioeconomic agenda but also its overall bilateral relationship with China. It is therefore imperative to measure the progress and prospects of China's Belt and Road projects in the Philippines, in line with Beijing's strategic goal to deepen complex interdependence with partner‐states, against the BRI's five major dimensions of cooperation: (a) policy coordination, (b) infrastructure development and connectivity, (c) trade and investment facilitation, (d) financial coordination and integration, and (e) people‐to‐people ties and connectivity. These, together with the examination of China's BRI projects in other Asian countries as modes of comparison, are crucial in assessing probable outcomes in the Philippines. The paper includes policy recommendations based on possible pitfalls and risks that may hamper the advancement of the Belt and Road projects in the Philippines and Sino‐Philippine bilateral interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article revisits principles of international relations theory, with emphasis on the influence of geopolitics on Chinese strategic thinking. China has published the fourth Defense White Paper of the country in 2004 entitled "China's National Defense in 2004," which contended that factors of uncertainty, instability and insecurity are on the increase in China. The white paper raised the debate on whether economic interdependence discourages conflict within the advanced world.

Focusing on the resilience of distinctive local consumption cultures, this paper challenges some of the more sweeping claims that have been advanced in the name of ‘globalization’. Thinking about a ‘globalizing’ rather than a fully ‘globalized’ world encourages us to examine the deeply contested nature of the concept and to explore the geographically uneven nature of recent economic, political and cultural transformations. This paper approaches globalization as a site of struggle rather than as an established fact, emphasizing the need for empirically grounded studies of the impact of ‘globalization’ on consumer cultures in different geographical contexts. The paper examines the way that producers have ‘customized’ their products for different markets (drawing on evidence from China and South Africa). It then reviews case study evidence from three contrasting consumption cultures: consumption and ‘public culture’ in India, ‘consumer nationalism’ in China, and ‘artful consumption’ in Russia. The paper concludes by identifying some current debates and outlining some directions for future research, including a re-emphasis on consumption and material culture; an exploration of consumption as social practice; the delineation of commodity-specific consumption cultures; and some reflections on the political, ethical and methodological issues that are being raised in contemporary consumption research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US withdrawal that left the Taliban in control of Afghanistan has created a security dilemma for China. Beijing considers its Uyghur population to be a terror threat, and it believes the Taliban are allowing the group to use Afghanistan as a refuge from which to plan attacks and transit into Central Asian neighbors. This article analyzes both the historical record and recent moves by China to explain Beijing's strategy of engaging with the Taliban and developing the Afghan economy. The study indicates that the approach has some potential benefits if, as the Chinese assume, economic growth yields stability, good governance, and a cohesive state that can combat terror groups. However, the article demonstrates that Afghan history, the Taliban's ideology, and the vicious circle of instability, economic stagnation, and further chaos are likely to subvert China's goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on China's growing engagement in facilitating the reconciliation process of Afghanistan. It is mentioned that the country has devised a conflict-management strategy that conforms to its non-intervention policy. The article also adds that the intervening in the domestic politics of other states to promote its own national economic interests and political influence without contravening its traditional principles.

Abstract: Under ‘One Belt One Road’ initiative, China has introduced a new model of economic development of cross‐continental connectivity. With all its promising prospects, the initiative raises a question how such grand designs are going to impact the institutions of countries susceptible to potentially adverse impacts of Chinese investments. The case study of Pakistan — the closest ally of China — is a good example. China has started investing more than $50 billion in energy, industrial and communication infrastructure across the country. But the combination of too much and too quick Chinese investments — free of ‘governance‐related conditionalities’ normally attached with Western aid — and Pakistan's domestic issues has some adverse impacts on latter's internal politics and state institutions. Lack of transparency, civil‐military divide, ethnic differences, discrediting media, widening current account deficit, securitisation of trade and undoing the economic reforms (undertaken under International Monetary Fund program) are some of the unfavourable aspects of China–Pakistan Economic Corridor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on People's Republic of China (PRC) and discusses its policy dealings with the Middle East including Arab Gulf states and Iran. It states China's strategies prior to 1979, the construction of oil and gas pipelines from China to iran, China's energy securities, and how it effects Iranian relationship. Further it cites the writings of Yitzhak Shichor, Hashim Behbehani, and John Calabrese which elaborates Chinese relationships with Gulf nations.

Chinese development assistance in the Pacific has attracted increasing attention since the 1st China- Pacific Island Countries Economic Development and Cooperation Forum in 2006, at which China announced US$492 million in concessional loans to the region. Another US$1 billion in concessional loans was announced at the 2nd China- Pacific Forum in 2013. This article explores how Pacific island governments negotiate and oversee the implementation of Chinese official development assistance in four Pacific Island case study countries where assistance has been significant: Tonga, Vanuatu, Samoa and the Cook Islands. We argue that the way in which governments have pursued, overseen and implemented projects has differed considerably, and is an important determinant of the effectiveness and developmental impact of Chinese assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Regional rural inequalities in China since the reform are examined based on Theil's regional inequality index. By using data from the three zones (east, central and west) and provinces in the period 1980–2002, I find that China's rural regional inequality has an overall increasing trend with a short period of decrease during the entire reform period. However, the trends vary in different indicators and different geographical scales. The trend of income inequality does not always match that of rural economic inequality. The decomposition of Theil's regional inequality further reveals that, since 1987, interregional inequalities between the eastern, central and western regions have been more serious than provincial inequality within the regions themselves. For example, when rural non-agriculture inequality decreased substantially within the east, it increased greatly within the west. Similarly, the income inequality increased within the west and the east but decreased within the central region. China's regional rural inequality remained at a high level and the coastal/interior income differential continued to increase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the implications of the controversial military relations between Israel and China for Israeli foreign policy as of 2005. Impact of the Sino-Israeli military collaboration on the foreign relations between the U.S. and Israel; List of U.S. reports on the threat posed by the Israeli and Chinese military collaboration; Rupture in Sino-Israeli ties.

Examines the economy of China. Links between the Middle East and China; Details on China's natural gas resources; Strategies of the China National Petroleum Corporation in the oil industry; Oil linkages of China with the Middle East, Central Asia and Southeast Asia; Value of Chinese overseas oil-service contracts as of 1997; China's exploration and production activities in the Middle East.