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This study analyses how the rise of China will change the international system and how it will alter decisions and actions taken by the United States. As such, it will also analyse the operational implications for Europe resulting from the United States military capabilities' relocation to Asia-Pacific. This is an important topic as the European Union enters the era of new international order and faces new challenges for its security cooperation. By defining a security strategy the EU has acknowledged the importance of European cooperation as well as cooperation with the United States. Nevertheless it still examines the ways to cooperation. This paper utilises Realism -- in particular, the Power Transition Theory -- to account for China's rise and America's response to it. It combines theory with historic and contemporary actions, draws conclusions and makes recommendations. The study finds that with the United States' rebalancing of its military efforts to the Asia-Pacific, which could be compounded should the US become distracted by a crisis in East-Asia, Europeans may face a number of capability-driven operational implications as well as operational implications resulting from political differences, should they seek to undertake their own military operations. This work also analyses existing and evolving forms of security cooperation within Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over two decades from 1949 until the resumption of the diplomatic relations between these two countries in 1972, West German companies never gave up on the Chinese market despite substantial difficulties caused by Cold War frictions. This paper exams the payment transactions and terms of credits for financing industrial projects between the PRC and West German companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on data for actual and approved Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from 1989-2011, this paper explores the major trends in FDI in Myanmar, focusing on changes over time in the source and sector of investment. It argues that over the last decade Myanmar's inward FDI has become heavily concentrated in the extractive and power sectors, while investment in manufacturing, services and other secondary and tertiary sectors has been almost non-existent. This is mostly the result of a poor investment climate, including import and export regulations, a weak judicial system, currency controls and weak property rights. The paper shows that China, Hong Kong, South Korea and Thailand have been the main investors in Myanmar, while Singapore, India and Western countries invested little in the 2000s. This divergence is driven partly by the differing investment patterns of the source countries, yet also reflects commercial and geopolitical realities, sanctions and concerns over energy security. The paper then examines whether and how FDI can lead to economic development in Myanmar, and, closes by discussing the importance of recent political and economic reforms for rebalancing Myanmar's FDI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The landscape of post-colonial development is marked by deepening dependency of the developing states on the core states consisted mainly of western developed countries. The continuous widening of the north-south divide is not surprising given that the discourse on international relations has been dominated by western ideologies of realism, liberalism and constructivism, resulting in an insufficient attempt to examine international relations from a non-Westphalian perspective. Through the implementation of the Washington Consensus, developing countries are being forced to follow the development model of liberal democracy designed by the West, for the benefit of the West. This paper attempts to investigate an alternative approach from a Chinese historical structural perspective. By highlighting the key tenets of Confucianism, this paper aims to contribute towards a non-Western international relations discourse that is based on moral values. Attempts by China to provide assistance to the "poor south" are marred by accusations of neo-colonialism. In order to fulfil its great power responsibility, China needs to incorporate these Confucian values into its Beijing Consensus so that the global south can abandon their dependency on the West and truly set the stage for south-south cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese rare earth export policies currently result in accelerating its depletion. Thus adopting an optimal export trade selection strategy is crucial to determining and ultimately identifying the ideal trading partners. This paper introduces a multi-attribute decision-making methodology which is then used to select the optimal trading partner. In the method, an evaluation criteria system is established to assess the seven top trading partners based on three dimensions: political relationships, economic benefits and industrial security. Specifically, a simple additive weighing model derived from an additive utility function is utilized to calculate, rank and select alternatives. Results show that Japan would be the optimal trading partner for Chinese rare earths. The criteria evaluation method of trading partners for China's rare earth exports provides the Chinese government with a tool to enhance rare earth industrial policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Let a hundred flowers bloom; let a hundred schools of thought contend" is an iconic dictum of the early Maoist era, when the free speech was nominally encouraged in order to determine intellectuals to debate and develop socialism, though soon proved to be some perverse strategy to encourage the self-signalling of the too critical stances on the system and to ease their shutting up. The Deng Xiaoping's U-turn consecrated the "seeking (of) truth from facts", marking a process of gradually finding the right path towards the "socialism/capitalism with Chinese characteristics" and since then a worldwide competition among the explanations for the "successfulness" or "sustainability" of China's transformations has spurred in the academic community of social scientists. Nowadays the Chinese unique hybrid model is under siege, with the turmoil installed in its financial markets calling for explanations of whether too much capitalism or too much socialism/interventionism is responsible for this. Our paper will propose a scrutiny of the theories standing behind Chinese realities, calling for a strategy we named "seeking truth from principles". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fifteenth century witnessed Ming China expanding its interactions with areas to the south—areas which we today refer to as Southeast Asia. This involved overland political expansion, the gradual incorporation of Tai polities, as well as their economic exploitation. The twenty-year incorporation of the Dai Viêt policy was also part of this process. In the maritime realm, following the early fifteenth-century sending of massive armadas in an attempt to achieve a pax Ming in the region, the Ming court made efforts to ban maritime commerce by non-state players. This paper examines the effects that these various Ming policies had on Southeast Asia in the political, economic, technological, and cultural spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper has three main research objectives. First, we define a country's image through its principal dimensions, channels of communication (including the Public Diplomacy) and impact on the international relations framework. Second, we underline the specific determinants of China's image worldwide. The literature review emphasizes this country's distinctive "assets and liabilities", taking into account the role played by the political system in the Chinese economy, external factors, associated with the generally accepted norms and values, the geographical distance that hinders the direct contact and mutual understanding. Third, on the basis of recent studies, we analyze how China is perceived in different regions/countries and demonstrate that the economic rationale of international relations is stronger than that induced by a partner country's image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of civic protest and opposition politics in changing the dynamics of the relationship between Zambia and China at the top leadership and working class levels. It looks specifically at how the workers' plight became elevated to the top agenda and became a major issue for the two countries' diplomatic and strategic engagement. It takes the view that China does not always play the dominant role, but is at times compelled to engage in strategic negotiations to maintain a satisfactory relationship with African governments, suggesting that African countries have resources they can use to strengthen their bargaining positions at the negotiating table. The paper concludes that contrary to much scholarship, China does not always play the dominant role with African countries. It suggests that African governments, leaders and communities can and do actively engage in political and community actions that influence their relationships with China. The paper looks specifically at the role that workers' protest, opposition politics and civil society have played in changing the dynamics of the relationship between Zambia and China, at both the leadership and working class levels. On the basis of the Zambian case, it suggests that African countries have significant resources that they can leverage to bargain and advance their national priorities when negotiating with China and to exercise leadership in that relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to explain the 50 years of the political-economy Indonesia-Uruguay diplomatic relations. The study shows that although there are some interests but both countries have not demonstrated yet any significant endeavors to intensify the bilateral relations. The paper found that both have many to offer to strengthen economic cooperation. The paper also found that lessons learned from China and India experiences could be adopted to strengthen Indonesia-Uruguay trade relations. But however there are still pending matters, conventional problems that impeded bilateral trade, and lack of interest by both government officials. The study suggests that this positive momentum and this golden jubilee Indonesia-Uruguay diplomatic relations could be the right moment towards further strengthening the bilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's trade with Ethiopia currently at 1.3 billion USD annually is expected to rise to US$3 billion by 2015. This not only informs the level of bilateral trade ties that Ethiopia has had with China as compared to any other country in the region but also signifies the highest and the closest level of bilateral relations that Ethiopia has built upwith China over the past decade since the new government under Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) took over power in 1991. There have been extensive debates on China's role in Africa - whether it could be viewed as a constructive partner or otherwise. This essay puts forward the argument that while trade ties as one important channel of bilateral relations that China has embarked with the outside world and particularly with Africa is uneven and lop-sided. This is true of the Ethiopian context as well particularly when we look at the economic capacity, balance of trade and at the two countries relations with international trade regimes. While China is a full member of WTO for over a decade Ethiopia on the other hand has been aspiring to become a member for some time now and hence one of the important aspect of Ethio-China trade relations is the heavy reliance on bilateral/international trade regimes. Therefore, this research is aimed at unraveling the dynamics in Sino-Ethiopia trade relations with emphasis on the economic capacity of the two countries, balance of trade and explore whether Ethiopia's attempts to join WTO would lead to a more predictable trade relations between the two countries. In this attempt the research would largely rely on the analysis of relevant archival resources and literatures directly relating to the themes in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the evolution of trading networks, emphasizing aspects of centrality and reciprocity among the major exporting nations, specifically, the U.S., China, India, Japan, and South Korea, from 1992 to 2020. The study problem we address is how these network structures have shifted over time, and what the implications of these changes are for international economic relations and policy. We further consider the impact of major global events on these trade networks and how they have shaped the evolution of these networks. We utilized three distinct methods. First, we examined time-series trade data during the study period and quantified network reciprocity through the sum of squared trade imbalances across different product categories. Second, we visualized these trade networks using arrows, with their sizes being proportional to the trade value between each pair of countries; significant trade relationships were indicated by arrows with a standard deviation value of 55 or above. Finally, we introduced a new cluster analysis methodology for studying the evolution of network structures over time. This method utilized an 80-dimensional vector representation of the annual networks, divided into four categories, and the resulting structures were visualized as dendrograms using R software. The network structure has become more reciprocal for most product categories, and the center of the network has shifted from the U.S. to China for all product categories, except for consumer goods and raw materials. The study also highlights the significant impact of global events and crises such as 9/11 attacks on the international trade network structure. Our findings inform several policy recommendations. These include encouraging balanced trade for economic stability and improved international relations, realigning trade focus in response to the shift in trade network center, and developing resilience policies that account for the substantial impact of global events on trade networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does economic interdependence generate and foster positive attitudes among people? Few studies in the existing literature deal directly with this question. To fill this gap, this paper examines the economic relationships among China, Japan and South Koreaandthe resulting public opinions. We find that economic interdependence in Northeast Asiahas negatively influenced public opinion and hence increased tension and conflict among these states. Then, we draw some important political and theoretical implications from our findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With China continuing to make economic forays into Central Asia, attention has simultaneously turned to Russia's privileged position in the region. A cursory glance through many articles concerned with the 'Russia - Central Asia - China' dynamic provides a misleading impression that Beijing's strengthened ties with the countries of Central Asia are coming at the expense of Moscow's influence. This paper will show that events, conventionally characterized as breakthroughs in the 'China - Central Asia' relationship in the last four to five years, are in fact part and parcel of larger economic trends that began long before the inking of the energy and trade deals. The reality of China's growing economic influence in Central Asia is not disputed. What this paper will argue is that despite the heralded dislodging of Russia by China, Russia will continue to play a substantial role in the region through a combination of energy, culture, and military bonds that run much too deep for Beijing to sever in the short to medium term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today the established cooperation between China and Kazakhstan has reached the strategic partnership level. Also, the two neighboring countries are partners in the international large-scale projects as the SCO and the New Silk Road Initiative. This paper claims that these projects are mostly lead by China. Moreover, it is argued that the SCO is aimed to solve the security issues and the New Silk Road Initiative embodies the economic agenda of the bilateral relations. Kazakhstan's role and position is significant due to different reasons, while the Kazakhstani public remains cautious about the Chinese activity in Kazakhstan. The two named mechanisms are eventually focused on economical and cultural leadership of China among the secured multilateral cooperation in the continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent International Relations scholarships and policy publications have used the term "hedging" as an alternative to "balancing" and "bandwagoning" in describing small states' strategies towards a rising power. In the case of Southeast Asian countries' responses to a re- emerging China, more and more analysts have asserted that none of the smaller states are pursuing balancing or bandwagoning in the strict sense of the terms, and that the states are in fact adopting a "middle" position that is best described as "hedging". This paper seeks to assess this assertion by performing three principal tasks. First, it attempts to identify the key defining attributes and functions of hedging as a strategy that is distinguishable from pure forms of balancing and ban dwagoning. Second, it aims to operationalize the term within the context of Southeast Asia-China relations, by focusing on the cases of Malaysia and Singapore's response to China in the post-Cold War era. Third and finally, the study explains why these two states have chosen to hedge in the way they do. The central argument of the essay is that the substance of the two smaller states' policies are not determined by their concerns over the growth of China's relative power per Se; rather, it is a function of regime legitimation through which the ruling elite seek to capitalize on the dynamics of the rising power for the ultimate goal of justifying their own political authority at home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the rivalry between Great Britain and the U.S. in colonizing China in early and midnineteenth century. According to historians, the inception of U.S. China policy occurred in the nineteenth century during the proclamation of the Open Door policy and the possession of the Philippines as means to access the China market. The federal government colonized China to improve its economy and to increase its international influence in East Asia.

In his article "A Confucian Holistic World Order and China's Vision of a Shared Future," Huiyong Wu traces the differences between the Western world and China, as well as their impact upon politics, economic relations and culture. In particular, Wu focuses on China's political ideal, based on Confucian moral ethics, which emphasizes inter-subjectivity over the individual subjectivity, and which holds a strong vision of communal respect among national citizens. This vision might be somehow in conflict with the Western tradition that places individual freedom above everything else. Through initiatives like "the Belt and Road" China is steadily developing and promoting "A Community with a Shared Future," a holistic world order that directs itself towards the ideal of eliminating conflicts and seeking peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trust/distrust is a key concept in explaining the chaotic essence of international relations. In recent years, many observers have expressed their deep concerns on the deterioration of mutual trust between China and some ASEAN countries. In fear of the rising threat from China, ASEAN countries have adopted a typical hedging strategy by relying on deeper involvement of the US, especially, on security issues. From China's point of view, it is very disappointing that robust economic ties cannot earn true friendship. The fundamental drive for the distrust poses a security dilemma in the Asian-Pacific region. A possible way-out is to build up mutual trust through multilevel endeavours, which would provide incentives to relieve deep anxiety and uncertainty brought by international anarchy. China's "Belt and Road Initiative" is one of those efforts to pacify and reward the neighbouring countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author comments on the decision of the internal arbitral tribunal in the case brought against China by the Philippines. He cites several arbitration cases including that of Argentina and Uruguay relating to a pulp and paper mill, the Rainbow Warrior case between France and New Zealand, and the Russian Federation and China's dispute settlement. Other topics discussed include China's reasons for not honoring the tribunal's claim for jurisdiction and opposing interests in the South China Sea.

The relationship between China and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) relations provides a unique case to test China's win-win policy with African countries. A recurring question is how can a win-win partnership be realized between very unequal partners? China is a global power ideologically, economically, militarily, and financially. The DRC is known for its weak state characterized by years of instability and mismanagement. China claims to pursue a win-win relation with the DRC. The DRC's political economy has been dominated since 1885 by an economy of extraction built on the legacy of the Free State. According to this legacy, the DRC serves as an open source of capital accumulation for foreign powers. This pattern of colonial extraction, where the DRC is a source of cheap strategic mineral resources that serve the narrow interest of Western capital remains largely unchanged today. China entered the DRC with a promise to break with this exploitative economic relation. China has acquired financial and economic strengths, which it is using to position itself as an alternative to the West. The paper discusses whether or not a win-win cooperative relationship is possible between China and the DRC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2001, China finally joined the WTO. The accession of China was looked forward to by many WTO members and China itself. However, observers had some fears that the Chinese accession would prove to be a Trojan horse, disrupting the working of the WTO. This paper looks into the Chinese accession and its involvement in the WTO Dispute Settlement and argues that these fears seem so far to be unfounded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One Road One Belt has made a drastic change not only to the lives of people but also to their minds and future prospective. This initiative has connected not only countries but has consolidated trading patterns. It has not only impacted physical trade but has also boosted the e-commerce of China. Therefore, this study has tried to find the major patterns of trading across the globe and digital commerce considering the factors of production. China, being the cheapest country for manufacturing, has excelled in the e-commerce as well. The targeted population for this study was contractors, marketers, logistic service providers, and engineers. The sample size in this study was 329. Data collection was done through a survey developed on the Likert scale. The software used for the data analysis was Smart-PLS for structural equation modeling. Findings of the study show that factors of production and international trade have an impact on e-commerce. Moreover, the foreign policy and international relations have also been found to have a significant role in e-commerce (digital entrepreneurship). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the role of Xinjiang in the foreign policy of China toward Central Asia. Topics include the important role of China in the Central Asian region following the collapse of the Soviet Union, how Xinjiang influences China's foreign policy in Central Asia, and the rapid development of Xinjiang due to Central Asian states' share in the foreign trade volume in the province.

This paper looks at China's aggressive hunt for resources in Africa, reviews the criticisms levelled against China regarding its involvement in the continent, examines continuities, changes and the dynamics of China's Africa policy, and evaluates the prospects of integrating human rights into China's foreign policy. Given growing trade and investment relationship between China and Africa, what is the role of human rights in China's Africa policy? Can China integrate human rights into its foreign policy considerations? Drawing on the history of US' attempt to integrate human rights into the United States' foreign policy, what are the prospects of and challenges to integrating human rights into China's Africa policy? Instead of 'human rights', might the concept of 'development' be a more useful but no less effective paradigm for infusing people oriented values into China's Africa policy calculations? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aiming at promoting a new bilateral legal framework for China-EU economic relations without political interference, this paper first surveys the developments of China-Europe economic relations and the relevant legal arrangements since 1949; second, it deals with political issues affecting China-EU economic relations; and third, it discusses basic legal considerations in signing China-EC economic treaties for the Chinese side. The author points out that the China-EC Economic Cooperation Agreement in 1985 has proved insufficient for practical needs and a substitutive agreement should be promoted in the new era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the negotiation of the Taiwan-Panama free trade agreement (FTA) and Panama's switch of diplomatic relations from Taiwan to China. It explains why Panama's revocation of recognition of Taiwan as a state does not mean the end of the Taiwan-Panama FTA. Topics discussed include Taiwan's abandonment of the claim to be the legitimate government of China, the country's international legal personality, and its World Trade Organization (WTO) membership.

The article examines the stance of Europe on China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as of September 2018, its behavior against the Belt and Road, and the prospects of China-Europe Belt and Road cooperation under protectionism. Europe reportedly adopted a wait-and-see attitude during the early state of BRI, however it has adopted active self-protection when it gained a deeper understanding of the program. Also discussed are Europe's protectionist measures against BRI.

This study analyses the trends, patterns and prospects of Zimbabwe-China trade relations for the 16 years between years 2000 and 2016. The essence is to establish the direction of trade, trade intensity and trade composition of Zimbabwe-China trade as well as present a comparative analysis and assessment of the share of Zimbabwe-China trade vis-à-vis other trade partners. The study uses both primary and secondary data sources for analysis. The findings point to the fact that although Zimbabwe enjoyed a positive balance for the years preceding 2005, the country has since been recording widening trade deficits in its trade with China. With regard to trade intensity, the study reveals that on average, Zimbabwe's trade with China accounts for less than 5 per cent of Zimbabwe's trade with other African countries and the Rest of the World (RoW). In respect of trade composition, the study further found out that whilst Zimbabwean exports to China are largely dominated by the exportation of low value semi-processed and/or non-processed mining and agricultural commodities, China mainly exports high-end manufactures and consumer goods to Zimbabwe. As part of its recommendations, the study proposes the adoption of import regulation measures, exportoriented industrialization, establishment of China-Africa industrial capacity cooperation, and investment in manufacturing and industrial processing plants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analysis of how the Greater Eurasian Partnership has been raised and developed and a comparison of it to China's Belt and Road Initiative. Topics include theoretical analysis of the Greater Eurasian Partnership, implications of Greater Eurasia for China, and Chinese perception of Eurasia.

The article focuses on issues concerning China's continuing economic growth, highlighting the impact of the country's rising economy on the U.S. and the rest of the world. It provides an overview of China's economic reforms as well as the country's economic indicators including gross domestic product, inflation, and exports. Predictions that China will surpass the U.S. in the coming years are mentioned.

The article focuses on the foreign relations between China and Israel and discusses its future aspects. Topics discussed include confrontation between China and the U.S. over materials and geopolitical achievements, growth of economic and commercial relations between China and Israel after opening of embassies in Beijing, China and Tel Aviv, Israel and provision of a range of weapons including electronic components for tank communication, optical equipment, and missiles to China by Israel.

What are the foreign policy consequences of China’s growing trade relations? In particular, are states that trade more heavily with China more likely to side with it on key foreign policy issues? Does a shift toward China come at the expense of American influence? We evaluate these questions using data on bilateral trade for China and developing countries in Africa and Latin America between 1992 and 2006. Using ordinary and two-stage least squares to control for endogeneity, we present the first systematic evidence that trade with China generates foreign policy consequences. The more states trade with China, the more likely they are to converge with it on issues of foreign policy. This has implications for the United States, whose foreign policy preferences have diverged from those of China during the period of study and who may find it harder to attract allies in international forums. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

China's re-engagement with the global political economy and its unprecedented ascendance as a major economic powerhouse since the mid-1990s has shaken the global community and triggered a radical re-evaluation concerning China's importance for the future of the world economy and global governance. There has emerged a large amount of optimistic literature portraying China as the principal engine of growth in the world economy in the wake of the global economic crisis, along with parallel and more pessimistic literature on the Chinese administration's supposed sinister geostrategic "intensions" based on its anti-Western inclinations. This study argues that both these strands of writing in economics, development studies, political science and international relations literatures need to be treated with great caution as they tend to exaggerate the positive and negative aspects of China's systemtransforming capacity. Although China has become a crucial actor in the areas of global trade, finance and production, its current growth capacity is based on deep interdependence with Western interests and multinational corporations. Also, widespread fears of China as a potential source of challenge against global governance structures are premature as China is dealing with deep-stated internal problems, such as rapid urbanization, socio-economic dislocation, income disparities, environmental degradation, etc., which at least in the medium term will impose system-conforming behavior on international platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at the history of China and its relations to the West from the 19th century through 2013. It describes the Yuanmingyuan, or Old Summer Palace, in Beijing, China, the Qing dynasty residence, noting it was destroyed by British and French forces during the mid-1800s Opium Wars and saying its remaining ruins are a symbol of Western imperialism. It outlines the period of foreign domination of China in the century following the Opium Wars, saying it was reversed by the 1949 Communist revolution under Mao Zedong. It describes Mao's effort to implement Marxist ideas of class struggle, which it says were reversed in the country's move toward a capitalist economic system beginning under Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping. It traces Chinese-Western relations into the 21st century.

This article investigates the causes of North Korea's failure to pursue export-oriented industrialization, and examines whether Sino-North Korean economic cooperation might facilitate such a transformation or not. It concludes that Sino-North Korean economic interactions are more likely to reinforce North Korea's traditional resource dependency than to stimulate export-oriented industrialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the long-term sustainability of the trilateral partnership established in 2003 between India, Brazil, and South Africa (IBSA) rests on a more conscious engagement with their regional partners. The construction of a strong regional leadership role for IBSA based on its members' strategic positions in South Asia, South America, and southern Africa is the proper common ground to legitimize a diplomatic partnership between the IBSA states. This is even more pressing as China is actively competing for markets and influence with the IBSA trio within their respective regions, particularly in Africa. The paradox, though, is that while Northern powers have welcomed the regional leadership role of IBSA's members, most of their neighbors are not convinced of the actual intentions of New Delhi, Brasilia, and Pretoria. As a result, leadership within IBSA is defined in global terms as a claim to lead the developing world. At the regional level, however, IBSAclaim for leadership is less clear, less acceptable, and therefore remains constrained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines China--Africa relations by contextualizing China's economic activities in Africa and interrogating the ramifications of the evolving relations for economic development in the region. China--Africa relations need to be understood as the logical outcomes of the marginalization of Africa in the age of globalization. China is filling the vacuum in Africa created by Western disengagement from the region since the end of the cold war. That Africa is embracing China is informed by the former's appraisal of the consequences of its colonial experience and the realities of its postcolonial dependent relationships with the West. China--Africa relations embody opportunities and threats. Africa needs to utilize the new architecture of cooperation to maximize benefits and minimize threats. Africa's economic interest and quest for development could be in conflict with those of China, yet Africa must determine how to leverage the deepening relationship with China to its own advantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Great Recession has brought a structural break in international economic and political order. The geography of power is at present being dramatically transformed, notably by the rapid economic rise of China. What makes international order legitimate in a world in which political and economic foundations are rapidly shifting? This article examines analogies and lessons from a previous transition, from a world order centered on Britain, to a US dominated global order. That transition saw two moments of crisis, or turning points, the 1931 financial crisis at the height of the Great Depression, and the diplomatic and military catastrophe of Suez. The article looks at two interpretations of the transition, one by E. H. Carr focusing on the destruction in the Great Depression of a liberal economic and political order and its replacement by a world of brutal Great Power politics; the other by Charles Kindleberger, stressing the need for a benevolent hegemonic power to provide public goods for the world economy and the world political system. China is beginning to behave in the way expected of a Kindleberger hegemon, but also sees the possibilities of asserting power in a world that in the aftermath of 2008 looks much more like the chaotic and crisis-ridden interwar period as interpreted by E. H. Carr. The challenge for the management of the new international order will lie in the ability of China to embrace the universalistic vision that underpinned previous eras of stability, in the nineteenth century and in the late twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses foreign relations between China and Vietnam, from the 1980s to the early 21st century. It focuses on the relevance of economic factors for promoting peaceful diplomacy. The asymmetry of the two countries, in terms of their relative power and resources, is mentioned. A Chinese initiative to promote peaceful economic development is described, and the engagement of Vietnam in a productive partnership during the 21st century is noted. This is contrasted with a tense situation in the late 20th century that involved disputes about geopolitical issues, such as the border between China and Vietnam.

The importance of economic issues, in a comprehensive multilateral and bilateral context, has been receiving increased attention in writings about the Korean Peninsula lately. This article adds to this debate by analysing Japan's relations with North Korea from an economic diplomacy perspective. The concept of 'negative economic diplomacy' is introduced to understand actions of the Japanese government, which had tried economic engagement in various ways until the early 1990s, but hardened its stance thereafter. Tokyo seems to have come to the conclusion that North Korean rulers are more willing to preserve the status quo than some wish to believe and, consequently, started to use the North Korean threat to justify Japan's controversial military enhancement in a context of uncertainty about the United States' commitment and an increasingly stronger China. is strategy was practised through a negative approach to economic diplomacy of withholding economic benefits-in policy fields ranging from the abductees and normalisation of diplomatic relations, to trade relations, sanctions and the six-way process. Japan's policy was most outspoken from late 2002 until at least mid-2007. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses an emerging African trading community in Guangzhou, China. It is argued that migrant communities such as this one act as linguistic, cultural and economic bridges between their source communities and their host communities, even in the midst of tensions created by incidents such as immigration restrictions and irregularities. Sociolinguistic and socio-cultural profiles of this community are built, through questionnaire surveys and interviews, to address issues such as why Africans go to Guangzhou, which African countries are represented, what languages are spoken there, how communication takes place between Africans and Chinese, what socio-economic contributions Africans in Guangzhou are making to the Chinese economy, and how the state reacts to this African presence. Following from the argument that this community acts as a bridge for Africa-China relations it is suggested that both the Chinese and the African governments should work towards eliminating the harassment of members in this community by many Guangzhou law enforcement officials and instead harness the contributions of this community to promote Africa-China socio-economic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European Studies in China developed very rapidly in the last twenty years. The reasons for that are not only because of the smooth evolution of EU-China relations and wider and deeper economic interdependence between two economic giants, but also the relevance of the European models to China's domestic political and social development, as well as China's external relations. The article reviews the evolution of the European Studies in China and finds out that more and more research on European affairs relates to China's internal and external development. Two major aspects of the learning process are exploited further. Firstly, European models for China's domestic political and social development, including European party politics and Democratic Socialism, European social policy and social security systems, and European regional policies. Secondly, European models for China's foreign policy and external relations, including European neighbourhood policy, European concept of effective multilateralism, Europe as an example of peaceful rise, and functionalism as the way to East Asian regional integration. The EU or Europe has higher profile in China than any other Asia Pacific country. From the domestic political and social development and China's preference in international affairs we can see the silhouette of the European models. Chinese would like to learn more from Europe than the United States. It also shows clearly that the role of the EU as a social power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the development of an increasingly sophisticated literature on comparative regional integration drawing from a variety of cases, the European experience remains the most often used benchmark against which other integrative processes are judged; there is still an often implicit expectation that 'successful' processes of regionalism will end up looking something like the European Union. While it is correct to move away from such a 'Euro-dominance', the theoretical lessons learned continue to have salience when applied to emerging and competing forms of integrative processes in East Asia. In particular, when economic considerations dominate regional relations - at times of economic crises - then integrative logics and strategies come to the fore. In more 'normal' times when geo-strategic considerations reassert themselves, then the consensus over region building and the very nature of the region itself is weakened and cooperation is replaced by competing visions and the over-supply of region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Chinese president Hu Jintao took office in March 2003, Beijing has gradually developed a new approach to the Taiwan issue. The new strategy appears to be “speak softly and carry a big stick” toward proponents of Taiwanese independence and relying on Washington to rein in the proindependence Democratic Progressive Party on the one hand, and, on the other hand, actively seeking reconciliation with the anti-independence Chinese Nationalist Party by offering economic benefits to Taiwan and making limited concessions on some difficult bilateral issues—including the sovereignty issue—to promote better economic and social relations and to undercut support for Taiwanese independence. Although the new approach has contributed to the current reconciliation, there is no change in Beijing's fundamental principles, and the current rapprochement is largely limited to the area of economic cooperation. The long-term impact of the rapid economic integration should not be underestimated. Taiwan may also become socially and culturally integrated with the People's Republic of China, and the foundation will be laid for eventual reunification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]