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This paper starts from the point that our current political‐economic‐climate conjuncture demands new engagements at the dynamic interface of climate capitalism. Using two cases of climate capitalist responses to climate challenges, I demonstrate the reparative potentials that emerge from the tensions and ambiguities that typify that conjuncture. In the first case, I examine financialised climate infrastructure in Jakarta, Indonesia, that promises to protect the city from flooding while enriching city elites, but against which diverse social movements and collectives have organised. The second case is about a cooperative energy provider in Australia, operating on the terrain of a neoliberalised electricity market and climate change, and working towards multifaceted repair by collectivising and redistributing surplus and modelling democratic engagement. Those involved in these vastly different cases both pursue repair and reparations through climate capitalist projects by reckoning with historical and present climate debts while constructing forward‐looking programs. As such, they chart the first steps towards reparative climate futures. This paper identifies the political and socioecological potentials from two key climate capitalist projects: flood protection infrastructures in Jakarta and cooperative energy in Australia. From this, it builds a framework of repair and reparations for engaging with climate capitalism and argues that the emerging tensions and ambiguities facilitate steps towards reparative climate futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Planetary health equity – the equitable enjoyment of good health and wellbeing in a sustainable ecosystem – is under threat from anthropogenic climate change and economic and social inequities. Driving these major challenges is the global consumptogenic system that encourages excessive production and consumption goods and services that are harming human and planetary health. Growth models lie at the core of the consumptogenic system. This paper examines the sources of economic growth in Australia, the coalitions that sustain this approach politically, and the implications of these dynamics for planetary health equity. Australia's consumption-led growth model is underpinned by a combination of rising house prices and a permissive credit regime. This growth model is supported by a dominant growth coalition of producer interests, elements of organised labour, and property owners. The growth coalition has been able to successfully generate growth model policy convergence between the mainstream political parties. In turn this growth model, and associated growth coalition, has undermined the pursuit of planetary health equity in Australia by incentivising and driving excessive consumption, greenhouse gas emissions, and economic inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1980s were an outrageous time in Australia's business history. This paper re‐examines this era of misconduct, assessing the role of interlocking directorates for corporate governance of diversified business groups. Professional interlocked executives—those with professional training, executive status and mobility between member firms—enabled the takeover culture of the time, and allowed managers to ignore promised strategic benefits and redirect associated firms towards speculative share ownership. These results demonstrate the importance of board independence for corporate governance, and the way that expertise has been weaponised within managerial capitalism to encourage trust in risky and exploitative corporate structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Australia, boarding schools and residential facilities for remote Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (First Nations) students have long been part of the educational landscape. Policy settings are paying considerable attention to boarding schools and residential colleges as secondary schooling options for First Nations students, particularly for those from remote areas. Further, First Nations education is seeing increased investment in scholarship programmes, transition support services and establishment of national boarding standards. There is an emerging body of qualitative evidence about the experiences and outcomes of boarding for remote First Nations students. However, in Australia there are no publicly available evaluations showing quantitative impacts of boarding. In this paper, the authors critically examine boarding using three capital theory lenses: social/cultural capital (based on Bourdieu), human capital (based on Becker), and identity capital (based on Erikson). Using these lenses we intend to go beyond an understanding of impact on individuals towards a more nuanced consideration of the social, cultural, health and well-being consequences of pursuing boarding as strategic policy for First Nations students in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussed is a study which triangulates the relationship between the patriarchal system, capitalism, and ecology using ethnomethodology. Relates a feminine idealogical set to general environmental sensibility. (CW)

Outlines and analyzes reforms in Australian education over the past two decades. Argues that these institutional reorganizations and social movements reflect the New Right's political and economic ideology of economic rationalism as reflected in a new corporate hegemony. (FMW)

Educational and occupational training programs initiated in times of high unemployment are actually designed to maintain social control of the unemployed. Current efforts by the Australian government to educate young, unemployed school leavers wrongfully shift the blame for unemployment away from the economy and onto the work force itself. (Author/GC)

Commentators across the political spectrum have interpreted the social, political and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic and invariably suggested that, along with climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic requires an interventionist policy response from government. In this paper, we interpret definitions of green growth as 'mission-oriented approaches' to the 'twin crises' of the COVID-19 pandemic and climate change, examining the changing role of the state in confronting environmental issues in an era of climate and health pandemic. Both events have had, and will continue to have, important implications for work and employment. Thus, we evaluate the impact of COVID-19 on climate change, asking: to what extent have mission-oriented policy responses to COVID-19 impacted climate change action? We then broadly examine the impact of COVID-19 on labour globally and more closely, the possible impacts of a range of policy response options for Australia, assessing their position on a theoretical spectrum of 'ecological modernisation' that points to further policy development that can push responses beyond capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The multilevel perspective (MLP) has emerged as an influential framework for analyzing sustainable transitions. Whilst the MLP has recently incorporated valuable geographical perspectives this paper argues that more nuanced accounts of socio-spatial dimensions are still needed to explain how and why some regions miss opportunities for energy transitions. It does this through a study of the restructuring of the Victorian electricity system in Australia in the 1990s and the resulting failure to build demand side management into the energy market design and regulatory framework. The failure of the demand management niche requires a compelling explanation as to why, despite increasingly porous and seemingly unbounded flows of knowledge and capital and emergent actor networks, the territorial-scalar embeddedness of the electricity regime was reinforced. Drawing on geography literature the paper argues that a multidimensional analysis can do the following: address criticisms of the a-spatial and residual character of the landscape level; situate transitions within a geographical political economy context; and reveal the variations and semi-coherency of regimes shedding light on the degree of regime stability and the opportunities for niches to break through. This paper expands the conversation between theories of geographical political economy and sustainable transitions arguing that the geographies of capitalism and the state need to feature more than as a backdrop to socio-technical change, and instead should be brought directly into the MLP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper seeks to understand the mutually affecting intensities in family households that occur through the use of energy for parenting, care and making home in the societal context of energy capitalism. Our work draws on sensual energy ethnographies with 13 families in regional New South Wales, Australia. We extend Deleuze and Guattarri's related concepts of molar and molecular lines and lines of flight into energy geographies to draw attention to the socio-material, subjective and affective dimensions of being and becoming a parent, providing care and making home. In doing so, we open up questions around how families use energy and how this relates to the politics of care. We consider the possibilities for lines of flight to bring about social change to escape energy capitalism and help care for humans, more-than-humans and the planet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks why there is so little collective dissent and mobilised resistance in the gig economy, especially when labour-based digital platforms are used. We suggest part of the answer lies with 'management by algorithm'. Drawing on an empirical study of Uber drivers in Australia, we found that algorithms function as a form of biopower, a concept introduced by Michel Foucault. As Uber drivers 'life processes' are put to work, fragmentation, isolation and resignation ensue. We explore the implications that our findings have for appreciating how biopower operates within platform capitalism and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to consider the national and international political-economic environment in which Australian university research grew. It considers the implications of the growing significance of knowledge to the government and capital, looking past institutional developments to also historicise the systems that fed and were fed by the universities.Design/methodology/approach The paper is based on the extensive archival research in the National Archives of Australia and the Australian War Memorial on the formation and funding of a wide range of research programmes in the immediate post-war period after the Second World War. These include the Australian Atomic Energy Commission, the NHMRC, the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation, the Australian Pacific Territories Research Council, the Commonwealth Office of Education, the Universities Commission and the Murray review. This research was conducted under the Margaret George Award for emerging scholars for a project entitled “Knowledge, Nation and Democracy in Post-War Australia”.Findings After the Second World War, the Australian Government invested heavily in research: funding that continued to expand in subsequent decades. In the USA, similar government expenditure affected the trajectory of capitalist democracy for the remainder of the twentieth century, leading to a “military-industrial complex”. The outcome in Australia looked quite different, though still connected to the structure and character of Australian political economics.Originality/value The discussion of the spectacular growth of universities after the Second World War ordinarily rests on the growth in enrolments. This paper draws on a very large literature review as well as primary research to offer new insights into the connections between research and post-war political and economic development, which also explain university growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parenting and working are central to constructions of adulthood in Australia, although the value attached to different qualities, characteristics and practices of parenting and working vary for women and men. This theoretical paper firstly explores and integrates existing theories of gender hegemony into a multidimensional, multilevel, relational and intersectional perspective for exploring internal and external relations within and between hierarchical configurations of femininities and masculinities. It then explores existing multidimensional evidence on Australian regional-level hierarchies of femininities and masculinities based on parenting and employment, focusing on patriarchal-capitalist power relations, but including examples of other intersections. The extant research suggests hegemonic femininities are configured around intensive mothering and part-time working, hegemonic masculinities are configured around breadwinning and involved fathering, and nuanced non-hegemonic femininities and masculinities are configured around complicit, compliant, non-compliant, pariah, precluded and marginalised qualities, characteristics and practices, depending upon the nature and degree of non-conformance to hegemonic configurations and the challenges they present to capitalist-patriarchal power relations, in the context of intersections with other power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Four spheres of confluence are found between the modern market economy and diverse economies. • Ecovillages may be places where speheres of confluence between economic approaches may be incubated, experienced and experimented. • Mixed methods research is used to study a recently formed Australian ecovillage. • Community is identified as the principle motivation for living in an ecovillage, this is reflected in the social economic transactions enacted. The practices of ecologically-minded alternative communities illuminate differing perspectives on what might constitute an economy. This paper explores the extant literature and presents a framework for considering four spheres of confluence between the modern market economy and diverse economies: economic production practices, attitudes towards growth, environmental responsiveness and the socialrelational context of transactions. Drawing on evidence from an Australian ecovillage, the paper adopts the framework presented as a means of understanding the experiences of cooperatively negotiating various practices necessary to establish an intentionally sustainable community economy. Through this analysis, the paper provides insights into ways ecovillages may operate in the context of the modern market economy without adopting all of its practices. Ecovillages may indeed be places where convergence between economic approaches may be incubated, experienced and experimented, and through closer trading with the local external communities opportunities for the diffusion of such practices may ensue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on the economic rationalism of Australia's treasury and market economy. He argues that the Treasury thinking's examination of evolution provides a useful perspective on attitudes at the federal level to alternative policy approaches. The author suggests that the distinction between public perception of the Treasury rationale and the department's ongoing approach should be drawn.

Australian governments and security analysts have long claimed that Australia exercises a sphere of influence in the South Pacific. This paper argues that this assertion of a sphere of influence is driven by a racial capitalist dialectic of possession and dispossession. This dialectic has legitimised and facilitated the expropriation of Pacific land, labour, resources and sovereignty for the building of the Australian colonial settler state. It is premised on geographic moralities consisting of intertwined white supremacist, antiblack, anti-Indigenous and anti-Asian ideologies which confer on Australia a right and obligation to assert influence over the Pacific based on geographic contiguity and racialised discourses of Pacific incapacity. The paper makes this argument using Aileen Moreton-Robinson's notion of white possession, Nancy Fraser's expanded conception of capitalism and José Martí's concept of geographic morality, tracing the evolution of Australia's sphere of influence politics over four periods: the imperial era, the Cold War period, the post-Cold War period until the 2010s, and the present era of inter-imperial rivalry between China and the United States. This analysis brings together perspectives from critical race and indigenous studies, critical geopolitics, and radical geopolitics to connect race, capitalism and the construction of geopolitical space in Australia's assertion of a sphere of influence in the Pacific. It advances recent conceptual discussions of spheres of influence, which are race-blind because they draw on theories that foreground white subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an account of the undermining of collegial governance at the University of Alberta in relation to the restructuring of the university in 2020 by the senior administration and board on advice provided by the Australian consultancy firm, the Nous Group. The current president of the university has publicly promoted the restructuring in venues including the Times Higher Education supplement as a model for other universities. The model, a disastrous one for collegial governance, demands widespread attention along with the means by which it was achieved. As Bill Readings declared in his 1997 book The University in Ruins, "the changing institutional form of the university is something that intellectuals cannot afford to ignore." At the University of Alberta, that changing form is being determined by fossil-fuelled academic capitalism. The account of what has happened is provided by a professor who has served on the university's senior academic body, the General Faculties Council, for almost a decade. It concludes with several concrete recommendations for bolstering collegial governance at universities in Alberta, elsewhere in Canada, and possibly worldwide--wherever collegial governance is being undermined by restructuring, the corporatization of the academy, academic capitalism, or the disrespect of university boards for the authority of faculty and the academic mission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary capitalism is marked by economic, energy, and environmental crises. This article explores the interrelationships between these crises using the example of Australia, one of the world's highest per-capita carbon gas emitters. In this paper, I consider key features, impacts, and state policy responses to these three crises through the lens of Australia's institutional architecture. My finding is that the conjunction of the crises is driven by the dialectical relationship between the three spheres. I conclude that the state, by privileging policy responses to the economic crisis, is aggravating the energy and environmental crises and compounding the economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although business and entrepreneurship education is widespread, there remain considerable doubts about its relationship with wider groups in society. This paper examines the link between business and entrepreneurship education and five common entrepreneurial groups (nascent entrepreneurs, future nascent entrepreneurs, intrapreneurs, new entrepreneurs, and existing entrepreneurs) in Australia. Using GEM data, we find that both business and entrepreneurship education have positive associations with each of these five entrepreneurial groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Responding to a recent marketing campaign in Australia, this paper considers how the politics of love suggested in Hardt and Negri’s Commonwealth (2009) may have pragmatic application for media studies. The publicity strategies of a major bank in the wake of the Global Financial Crisis provide a rich illustration of the ways love’s genres and registers can be directly co-opted towards commercial interests - and the challenges this presents for critical thinking. Placing Hardt and Negri’s ‘turn to love’ in the context of ongoing debates in feminist and queer theory, the paper isolates both the possibilities and limitations of autonomist thinking. The authors’ distinct contribution is to note the inventiveness characteristic of both love and poverty, which in turn provides a model for the kind of ontological bearing necessary to trouble the ongoing pact between intimacy and property under capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper makes three claims: first that regulatory state making and market making in higher education is intertwined through a project of market citizenship that shapes the 'publicness' of higher education. Second, we argue that these projects of market citizenship are variegated and in Australia has taken the form of accommodation-via regulation tools-between social democratic and market elements, and finally we argue that the effect of this new regulatory state is a strategy to depoliticise the governance of higher education. Policy making appears to be the application of a set of technical rules rather than political decisions about the allocation of values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper reports on an empirical study based on qualitative interviews with staff from four Australian universities. These universities are shown to be undergoing significant social change as processes of marketisation impact on the everyday practices of academic workers. The universities are analysed as sites of contestation between the new professional managers and the established academic profession over the control of the conditions of work, the production of expert knowledge and the worksite itself. The theory of academic capitalism is examined, and the relevance of Bourdieu’s work for the analysis of a university sector in a context of marketisation is assessed. Bourdieu’s interlinked concepts of capital, habitus and the field are employed to investigate the nature of the contestation, revealing a dynamic process in which academics innovatively respond to threats to reduce their autonomy, to increased levels of surveillance and other constraints on practice. In addition, the study illustrates the processes through which actors within the sector, through acts of both conformity and resistance, contribute collectively to the growth of academic capitalism in the neoliberal university. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Monitoring and tracing product and process qualities along global supply chains have become increasingly challenging tasks for companies at the downstream end of the chain. High levels of uncertainty in trade coordination arise among importing companies in the face of these developments. The conceptual aim of this paper is to show, by the example of organic food imports to Germany and Australia, how convention theory can contribute to the analysis of trade coordination in global value chains. Our empirical results affirm that industrial conventions such as standards and third-party certification have gained increasing significance over the past two decades. Simultaneously, however, we argue that industrial conventions are not enough to overcome uncertainties in trade. They do not necessarily lead to reduced differences in perceptions of product quality between suppliers and importers. Less tangible factors such as trust established through relationship management and reputation are likewise significant. Furthermore, not only companies with a certain ideological tradition, but also individual people with altruistic motives within other types of firms, can determine how 'dedicated' a firm is in pushing trade coordination according to civic and domestic conventions. Market conventions (ie, the importance of price and competitiveness) are stressed more by Australian firms reflecting the country's liberal market economy and low state subsidies especially in the area of agriculture. Finally, compromises between conventions are sometimes necessary to end a situation of conflict between buyer and supplier. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses contemporary neoliberal mobilisations of community undertaken by private corporations. It does so by examining the ways in which the mining industry, empowered through the legitimising framework of corporate social responsibility, is increasingly and profoundly involved in shaping the meaning, practice, and experience of 'local community'. We draw on a substantial Australian case study, consisting of interviews and document analysis, as a means to examine 'community-engagement' practices undertaken by BHP Billiton's Ravensthorpe Nickel Operation in the Shire of Ravensthorpe in rural Australia. This engagement, we argue, as a process of deepening neoliberalisation simultaneously defines and transforms local community according to the logic of global capital. As such, this study has implications for critical understandings of the intersections among corporate social responsibility, neoliberalisation, community, and capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes a hard look at merit and the ideal academic, twin concepts that have been accorded short shrift by the scholarly literature. For the most authoritative positions, the ideal displays all the hallmarks of Benchmark Man. Despite the ostensible ‘feminisation’ of the academy, the liberal myth that merit is stable, objective and calculable lingers on. As a counterpoint to the feminisation thesis, it is argued that a re-masculinisation of the academy is occurring as a result of the transformation of higher education wrought by the new knowledge economy. In response, the ideal academic has become a ‘technopreneur’—a scientific researcher with business acumen who produces academic capitalism. This new ideal academic evinces a distinctly masculinist hue in contrast to the less-than-ideal academic—the humanities or social science teacher with large classes, who is more likely to be both casualised and feminised. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Umbilical cord blood banking is one of many biomedical innovations that confront pregnant women with new choices about what they should do to secure their own and their child's best interests. Many mothers can now choose to donate their baby's umbilical cord blood (UCB) to a public cord blood bank or pay to store it in a private cord blood bank. Donation to a public bank is widely regarded as an altruistic act of civic responsibility. Paying to store UCB may be regarded as a 'unique opportunity' to provide 'insurance' for the child's future. This paper reports findings from a survey of Australian women that investigated the decision to either donate or store UCB. We conclude that mothers are faced with competing discourses that force them to choose between being a 'good mother' and fulfilling their role as a 'good citizen.' We discuss this finding with reference to the concept of value pluralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of 'social capital' has met with huge success among governmental agencies, including governments at all levels and transnational entities such as the World Bank. And yet the concept has been subjected to a devastating critique. This paper investigates a number of reasons given in the literature for its popularity. It starts with a brief overview of the social policy context in Australia, where the social capital framework has been influential. It goes on to discuss some of the reasons for the framework's popularity, both admiring, e.g. it broadens our understanding of community well-being beyond the economic, and critical, e.g. it ignores the power of (real) capital. The paper concludes by suggesting that 'social capital' continues to prevail, despite its dubious epistemological status, because it serves a useful ideological function for (real) capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Australia, a distinct political-educational imagination drives contemporary policy and praxis. This imagination finds root in the social governance models of British Third Way policy and can be considered social capitalist. Central to such politics is a view that social governance is capable of pursuing and achieving the social democratic ideals of equity and social justice, within the architecture of a globalising and competitive capitalist economy. In this paper, I analyse Australian federal and Victorian state education policies to argue that social capitalist politics has significant implications for the ways schools are being imagined and governed. Specifically, I argue that schools are re-imagined as 'learning communities' through which excellence and equity are seen to operate harmoniously amidst a marketising system of educational services. In doing so, I feature empirical data from an ethnographic project conducted in two socially disparate Victorian government secondary schools, to highlight myriad tensions and paradoxes that emerge when each school attempts to govern itself towards policy ideals. In conclusion, I argue that policy imaginations of schools as havens of excellence and equity are difficult to take seriously when infused into the architecture of an education system that is deeply stratified and structured to discriminate between individuals in line with performance hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic prosperity, in both developed and emerging nations, has brought with it a new scourge — economic disparity. Although the manifestations can vary in different countries, it cuts across the wide spectrum of social classes and geographic regions. Hence, it is a global phenomenon. This economic inequality has become one of the most formidable challenges to modern capitalism, resembling the Greek mythological Hydra of Lerna for governments trying to meet the basic needs of the populace. Not only the ever-present inequality, but its ever-widening reach is a major cause for concern to all countries across the economic divide. This paper looks at the economic inequality in Australia and India as these two countries represent the developed and emerging economies respectively. Both countries have adopted “pro-market reforms” for integrating into the global economy and have benefited from these. However, despite the different levels of prosperity in these two countries, neither has been able to avoid or overcome increasing inequality across economic and social classes and between their leading and lagging geographic regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the spaces where the interactions between Indigenous and non-Indigenous groups during the period of contact and cross-cultural interaction took place around the world, was at missions. In Australia, missions were founded, rearranged and closed down over a period of time in which the attitudes of Indigenous and non-Indigenous groups and official Government policy towards contact relationships were continually changing. By analyzing the use of these contested spaces at Australian Missions by both groups, archaeologists can begin to understand how the new relationships between these groups were negotiated, contested and played out over time. This paper analyses the use of space, using the theoretical frameworks of the archaeologies of capitalism, at Poonindie Mission in South Australia, which was established by the Anglican Church with support from the colonial government and operated between 1850 and 1896. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper begins with an investigation of two metaphors central to the 'social capital' framework - 'glue' and 'capital'. Both are found to be inappropriate descriptions of the kinds of human relationships supposedly being alluded to by the term 'social capital'. While the inappropriateness of the term 'glue' is not a major threat to the discourse, the case of 'capital' is more serious. The rest of the paper is devoted to unravelling the connotations of 'capital' and the implications of applying it to relationships where the kinds of calculations necessary for sound economic performance have no place. The competitiveness inherent in the functioning of capital belies the cooperation assumed to exist in 'social capital', while the requirement for 'productiveness' has disquieting implications for those who, for whatever reason, cannot be productive in the economic sense. The final section of the paper argues that those who are supposedly the main, if not the only, beneficiaries of 'social capital' - the `disadvantaged' or the 'socially excluded' - do not in fact benefit from whatever is being alluded to by the term `social capital'. The paper concludes by asking, but not answering, the question: Why, if 'social capital' cannot diminish poverty, is it being posited as a substitute for the welfare state, the only institution that does address poverty (if minimally)? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the apparent contradiction of a transnational capitalist class (TCC) within the Australian nation state and asks if they do exist what is their relationship to the Australian Capitalist Class (ACC)? Is their relationship comfy, cooperative or conflictual? The test for these likely scenarios is material that comes from a longitudinal study of interlocking directors and major shareholders (drawn from the top 30 companies listed on the Australian Stock Exchange (ASX) 1992-2007 and 300 top Australian companies listed on the Huntley's 2007 shareholder database) plus interviews with top thirty company directors over a 15 year period 1992-2007. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Children's poverty has long been a central concern for policy makers and policy researchers. The body of extant research conducted and the range of programmatic interventions undertaken by successive governments in this and other countries is extraordinary. Nevertheless, children remain in poverty. Clearly there are many reasons for this, not least of which is the maintenance and intensification of market capitalism with its attendant blatant inequalities. Even so, the moral, political, social and economic imperatives for developing workable responses to children's poverty remain. This paper argues that we, in Australia, should adopt an approach increasingly taken in the UK. Drawing on, among other things, the new sociology of childhood, this approach begins not with the expertise of adult researchers and policy makers, but with that of children. In doing so, the case is made for why children's perceptions and experiences of poverty are key concerns for policy. The paper outlines in theoretical terms why children's voices matter. Invoking the new sociology of childhood and the sociology of identity, a conceptual framework for understanding why policy scholars and makers should carefully attend to the voices of their subjects is sketched - in this case, the subjects are children. Finally, some methodological implications of this for undertaking policy research informed by this approach are outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper layers communication theory over a cultural context by examining how Community Action Groups (CAGs) have responded to development along Australian coastlines. It analyses how communication and media strategies and techniques have been adopted by the third sector to challenge commercial and government organisations which have proposed coastal development. As noted by Huntsman (2001): `It is this appropriation of the beach for the purposes of capitalism, and the contesting ideas about the beach that have captured the attention of critics. `Indeed these critics, who in this paper are members of strategic alliances, or CA Gs, exist all along the Australian coastline. The paper seeks to highlight how the connections that are felt with Australia ~ coasts provide a special impetus and motivation for CAGs which have emerged in response to development along Australia's coasts, from Western Australia to New South Wales and Queensland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australian sociologists have barely engaged with the resurgence of economic sociology in the USA and Europe. It might be argued that this lack of engagement arises from a robust local agenda, immune from metropolitan fashions This article argues that this is not the case. Rather, it arises from the enduring residualism of Australian sociology vis-a-vis economics In turn, this residualism is grounded in sociology's late beginnings in Australia, the dominant framework at the time of its institutionalization in the 1950s and 1960s, and the limited challenge presented by critical approaches from the 1970s. The article identifies four major lines of inquiry in the resurgence of economic sociology: network analysis, comparative political economy, field theory and performativity theory Notwithstanding their differences, these approaches direct attention to the social construction of markets. In turn, they challenge both mainstream economics and sociology. The papers in this Special Edition of the Journal of Sociology build upon these lines of inquiry in the Australian context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper situates late modern Anglo-Indian lifeworlds in Australia in a dialogue with the theoretical templates of globalisation and postcolonialism. More particularly it deploys contemporary Anglo-Indian life stories to challenge theoretical positions in the domain of globalisation studies that announce either the demise of postcolonial theory (by suggesting that it has outlived its historical viability) or subsume its varied articulations under the rubric of "globalisation". Both positions find their voice in Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri co-authored Empire (2000). I take up the challenge posed to postcolonialism by Hardt and Negri by asking how they would theorise a mode of hybrid belonging in a globalised world that has a long colonial history of racial and cultural mixing and that is not just a by-product of late capitalism's global generation of difference. Such a mode of belonging is manifest in the Anglo-Indian community now residing in the Anglophone countries of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the UK. The Anglo-Indian narratives deployed in this analysis are seen as exemplary in addressing the theoretical links between postcolonialism and globalisation. They also unravel global capital's false rhetoric of an even playing field of ever proliferating difference and mixedness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regulatory regimes of political economy have a high degree of stability. The old Australian regime of labourist–protectionism survived more or less unchanged since before the Great War. The key feature was the historic compromise between the classes and leaders of capital and labour, mediated via the state and the institutions created to implement it. In the 1980s the regime was radically and rapidly transformed into the neoliberal globalizing regime. Explaining such large–scale shifts in systems of political economy, the history of which follows a pattern of punctuated equilibrium, is a difficult task for historical enquiry. This paper seeks to articulate an appropriate theoretical framework, derived from the structurist (that is, historical and realist) tradition that emphasizes historicity, multidimensionality, a form of institutionalism, human agency, and neo–Darwinian evolutionary theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines structural conditions which generated resistance to Brisbane, Queensland's system of expressways and freeways and, in particular, distinguishes between elements restraining protest after plans were introduced in 1966-67 and the circumstances producing the strident action of the 1973-74 period when extensive parts of the system were postponed. These strikingly different responses will be seen to result from changes within Australian capitalism and its pattern of urban and regional development, where a political watershed, dating around 1970, divided the last decade of the post-war boom as a period of surprisingly little urban and social struggle, and the early 1970s, when accumulating economic and urban contradictions resulted in significant contestation within both Australia and its cities. Introduced by a joint Brisbane city council and Queensland government initiative and based on designs by an American firm of engineers, Brisbane's expressways and freeways form the core of a massive reorganization of the city's, and surrounding region's, transportation system.

The ongoing 'rationalisation' of tertiary education in Australia is symptomatic, it is argued here, of the deeper tensions inherent in corporate capitalism. This paper examines one aspect of the rationalisation process-amalgamation-based on research carried out at two amalgamated colleges, with the aim of 'demystifying' the rhetoric of 'efficiency and effectiveness' underpinning current managerialist approaches to education. The impact of amalgamation on college life-increased bureaucratisation and centralisation of power harnessed to a form of `entrepreneurial zeal', resulting in administrative inefficiencies and increasing staff alienation-may be partly explained, it is suggested, by the contradictions and limitations of the ideological/economistic parameters within which the amalgamation policy was conceived, namely the `Razor Gang' proposals of the former Liberal government This in turn, it is suggested, reflects something of the interrelationship between education policy, the 'fiscal crisis' of capitalism, and the 'legitimation crisis' of the State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia is unique as the only ex-colonial economy that has remained throughout its history at the top of high-income countries despite continuously specialising in the production of raw materials for world markets. Conscious of this peculiarity, a Treasurer once warned the nation of the risk of becoming a "banana republic." This article, the first of a two-part contribution, presents an account of Australia’s economic history that explains that peculiarity as an alternative to mainstream and critical positions. Drawing on Marx’s critique of political economy, it is argued that Australia’s role in the production of surplus-value on a global scale has determined its pattern of economic and political development. Since its creation by British capital, the Australian economy became both a source of raw materials and of ground-rent for appropriation by competing economic actors. After introducing the general theoretical approach to the relationship between global- and national-scale processes of capital accumulation, this article analyses the colonial period. It argues that despite inheriting a variety of political institutions and cultural traditions, British colonialism produced a national economy specialised in, and limited to, the production of low-cost primary commodities and bearers of ground-rent that could be recovered by capital through specific state-mediated dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]