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This concept paper explores possible collective identities for a future wildland fire workforce. Taking inspiration from the work of futurists who foresee an end to the dominant fire exclusion/suppression paradigm, and assuming that an emerging fire restoration/resilience paradigm shift replaces it, this paper engages in speculative explorations of the process and product of this paradigm shift with respect to the future collective identities of a workforce conducting ecological fire management. Social constructionist assumptions from symbolic interactionist sociological theory, Gramscian political theory's concept of hegemony, and new social movement theory's concept of collective identity all provide the intellectual foundations for the discussion. This concept paper argues that in order to actualize a paradigm shift, more than advances in scientific research or reforms of government policies will be required—the wildland fire community will need to become (or join) a social movement engaged in collective actions. An imaginary social movement, the "Greenfire revolution," is invented to help illustrate how the selected theories and concepts might apply in the social construction of ecological fire management and the collective identities of its future workforce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Serious case reviews remind us that there is much to learn about inter-agency activity. Professional identity is a key phenomenon influencing work behaviour, especially during inter-agency activity. Yet, this link is complex and not well understood within the context of UK children's services. With an agenda of improving outcomes for children and their families, The purpose of this research paper is to conduct a systematic literature review on this topic to develop a conceptual model aimed at informing how practitioners mobilise their professional identity during inter-agency activity. Design/methodology/approach: This paper used meta-ethnography to synthesise the available research. This method is suitable for researchers who are interested in conceptual or theoretical understandings of a particular phenomenon as opposed to describing individual accounts or experiences. Findings: The findings support postmodern accounts of identity and show the construct as fluid, contingent and constituted within interaction. Professional identities are mobilised through the sharing of professional knowledge, which is underpinned by the performative nature of language. Mobilisations can lead to both positive and negative consequences, which can act as a barrier to and facilitator of inter-agency activity. Originality/value: Inter-agency working is integral to the function of children's services but remains an undertheorised concept, and this had led to a dearth of guiding theory on inter-agency practice. By drawing on relevant psychological theory, the proposed model provides a unique psycho-social perspective that articulates the important role of identity during inter-agency activity, which would be of interest to professionals working in children's services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Protesting government tuition increases in 2012, Quebec university and college students participated in collective action that they contentiously characterized as a ‘strike.’ While oppositional actors insisted students were boycotting classes – not striking – student activists claimed legal and cultural justifications for their action. This paper asks: How did Quebec student activists discursively characterize and legitimize their protest tactic as a strike? How did this discourse – and opponents’ counter-discourse – structure the terms of the debate within higher education institutions? Using discourse analysis of student newspapers and organizers’ first-hand accounts of the strike, this paper argues that striking students developed a discursive repertoire constituted by two components: they linked their action to a collective identity with a historical legacy of striking and adopted collective action frames that characterized the action as disruptive and collective. While the debate within higher education institutions centred around legitimacy, it was deeply rooted in contestation over individualism versus collectivism and the ongoing neo-liberalization of higher education. Through the case of the 2012 student strike, I propose employing collective identity and collective action frames together in a dialogic framework of discursive repertoires, thereby providing analytical clarity to this concept for social movement scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractPeople on the move are increasingly immobilised between and within state borders, having left ‘there’ but not allowed to be fully ‘here’. This paper presents a nuanced examination of this state of enforced in-­betweenness, exploring how refugees and other migrants negotiate collective existence through, despite, and alongside liminality. Drawing on ethnographic data collected at a Swiss Red Cross psychotraumatology centre, the study identifies factors that impede and facilitate the formation of collective identities, with temporal and spatial liminality emerging as the most central collective experience for refugees and other migrants. The findings illustrate how therapists reinforce these bonds by fostering an idealised sense of therapeutic communitas that promotes unity in adversity. However, the paper refrains from reducing the collective significance of liminality to a mere act of defiance. Instead, it critically reflects on how refugees and other migrants forge collective connections within politically and legally imposed disconnection. It accounts for the paradox of refugees and other migrants making collective lives in liminality while confronting the always-imminent possibility of this very liminality dismantling their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examines the role of transnational AIDS networks and resources in the consolidation of one of the earliest identity categories, meti, used within an emerging Nepali LGBT movement in the early 2000s. It argues that political identity formation in resource-poor contexts with limited domestic support for queer organising has been a cumulative effect of transnational exchanges between activists and resource networks. Beyond this, the paper traces the emergence and changing meanings of meti to show how a seemingly Indigenous category is more closely linked to modern configurations of male same-sex sexuality in response to opportunities available for political mobilisation. The paper is based on secondary research and interviews with 71 participants and participant observation conducted during seven months of fieldwork in Nepal, and interviews conducted outside the country between 2016 and 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sense of agency refers to the experience of control over voluntary actions and their effects. There is growing interest in the notion of we-agency, whereby individual sense of agency is supplanted by a collective agentic experience. The existence of this unique agentic state would have profound implications for human responsibility, and, as such, warrants further scrutiny. In this paper, we review the concept of we-agency and examine whether evidence supports it. We argue that this concept entails multiplying hypothetical agentic states associated with joint action, thus ending up with an entangled phenomenology that appears somewhat speculative when weighted against the available evidence. In light of this, we suggest that the concept of we-agency should be abandoned in favor of a more parsimonious framework for the sense of agency in joint action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I argue that indigenous Latin American food delivery workers organize to defy information and knowledge asymmetries by utilizing technology built to mediate online social interactions. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, this paper investigates transnational modes of community-building and network formation and examines how these networks are instrumental for delivery workers in New York City to exercise agency, forge their narrative, and resist platform control by resisting, pushing, and extending a variety of digital and communication technologies. I analyze how public and private means of communication facilitate and constrain social forms of organization by mapping how delivery workers communicate and engage collectively both in the physical and the digital worlds. My research reveals two platforms that workers use to share information: one that operates inwards (WhatsApp) and another that operates outwards (Facebook). These channels represent opposite sides of the spectrum between public and private and synergize to form a transnational distributed knowledge network to shape and interpret the collective identity of Latin American delivery workers. Overall, this article sheds light on how the flow of information through different spaces and times enables delivery workers to construct a place for subversion and negotiation with roles assigned to them by broader socio-political forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often the case that religious and national forms of self-definition are mutually reinforcing and intertwined (e.g. Smith 1991, 2004; Daniel -- Durham 1997; Friedland 2001; Hoppenbrouwers 2002; Anderson 2006, etc.). This process can occur in a variety of ways and contexts all over the world. In addition to attempts at defining religious and national identities, the following paper focuses primarily on three approaches: (1) how religious and national identification can be understood, (2) what is the relationship between religion and nationalist worldviews, what is the reason for this linkage, and (3) what is the mechanism and significance of the connection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central to the growth and visibility of conspiracy theory QAnon is the #SaveTheChildren movement – a digital social movement aimed to bring awareness to and end child trafficking. This paper analyzes the #SaveTheChildren movement on image-sharing platform Instagram, where the hashtag (and related others) had to be shielded by the platform because of its association with QAnon. A thematic analysis of #SaveTheChildren posts examines the motivations, tactics, and desired outcomes of the movement. Emergent themes highlight the pervasive spread of misinformation regarding human trafficking and the ideological, political, and social motivations of posters. Drawing on shared reality theory and social identity theory, we argue that the movement represents a 'networked moral panic' and explore the structural limitations of digital social movements in an era of information disorder. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of the twentieth century, a frequent claim among speakers of local Chinese languages (called fangyan in Chinese) is that their native languages preserve the language of antiquity better than the Beijing-based national language, Mandarin. This paper explores the origin of these claims and probes their significance in the making of the Han ethnoracial collective identity. I argue that claims of linguistic proximity to the imagined ancient origins of Chinese civilization represent a form of "hegemonic Han-ness"—an idealized form of the Han collective identity that was both internally hegemonic, in that it was meant to supersede other expressions of Han-ness, and externally hegemonic, in that it was meant to uphold the superiority of the Han people over other ethnoracial groups. From Zhang Taiyan, whose work provided a model for drawing linguistic connections between contemporary local languages and the language spoken at the dawn of Chinese civilization, to local gazetteer authors, who used linguistic data to prove their mother tongues directly had preserved the language of antiquity without being adulterated by the languages of non-Han peoples, this paper explores how various groups drew upon the cultural power of an idealized Han-centered past to challenge the authority afforded to the national language by the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Categories are organized vertically, with product categories nested under larger umbrella categories. Meaning flows from umbrella categories to the categories beneath them, such that the construction of a new umbrella category can significantly reshape the categorical landscape. This paper explores the construction of a new umbrella category and the nesting beneath it of a product category. Specifically, we study the construction of the Quebec terroir products umbrella category and the nesting of the Quebec artisanal cheese product category under this umbrella. Our analysis shows that the construction of umbrella categories can unfold entirely separately from that of product categories and can follow a distinct categorization process. Whereas the construction of product categories may be led by entrepreneurs who make salient distinctive product attributes, the construction of umbrella categories may be led by "macro actors" removed from the market. We found that these macro actors followed a goal-derived categorization process: they first defined abstract goals and ideals for the umbrella category and only subsequently sought to populate it with product categories. Among the macro actors involved, the state played a central role in defining the meaning of the Quebec terroir category and mobilizing other macro actors into the collective project, a finding that suggests an expanded role of the state in category construction. We also found that market intermediaries are important in the nesting of product categories beneath new umbrella categories, notably by projecting identities onto producers consistent with the goals of the umbrella category. We draw on these findings to develop a process model of umbrella category construction and product category nesting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States with shared interests and values may form a collective identity to enact their vision and achieve security objectives against those they view as threats. Similarly, US-Japan relations have progressed for a long, not just due to the dangers posed by China and North Korea but because of their shared values of democracy, human rights, peace, and global prosperity. They share the vision of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific by forming bilateral and multilateral alliances. The US and Japan are also engaged in strategic partnerships for traditional and non-traditional security in the region, including maritime, cyber, space, and energy. This paper, therefore, focuses on East Asia due to its vulnerable security architecture and explores how the US and Japan's security cooperation strengthens regional security by sharing values and security concerns. It highlights that the potential of both states to form a collective identity may improve the security situation in East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Homeland-construed perceptions of the diaspora can yield valuable insights into the discourse around the homeland's collective identity. I illustrate this claim using the debate surrounding the Kotel Compromise, a government plan designed to regulate pluralistic and non-Orthodox Jewish prayer at the Western Wall (Kotel in Hebrew). This plan has recently become a subject of contention between the State of Israel, where Orthodox Judaism has an institutional monopoly, and Diaspora Jews, many of whom identify with non-Orthodox Jewish denominations, such as Reform and Conservative Judaism. Drawing on protocols of the Knesset (Israeli parliament), I show how the different participants in this debate used their perceptions of Diaspora Jews not only to reaffirm external boundaries relating to Jewish peoplehood, but also to reconstruct internal boundaries relating to Judaism as religion. This paper suggests that analyzing homeland perceptions of the diaspora can widen our understanding of the construction of homeland identities and boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does collective identity form in virtual spaces and what role do hashtags play? This paper takes advantage of a unique dataset that includes surveys from activists who organized the nationally coordinated climate strikes in the US that began in spring 2019 to answer these questions. Building on the research about collective identity formation online and the role that hashtags play, we employ social network analysis to assess how collective identity forms online over three waves of protests. In particular, we analyze how activists involved in the youth climate movement used hashtags to project their collective identities and create collective narratives. Our findings show how hashtags use varied over the period of our study, in some cases indicating the formation of a thin collective identity. They also show that there are patterns in the ways hashtags are employed by activists in the movement that suggest the formation of subaltern narratives among those affiliated with youth-led groups. Our paper concludes by considering how this finding helps us understand collective identity in virtual spaces and the role that hashtags play more specifically within social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVID-19 pandemic, loosely affiliated protesters came together around the slogan ‘freedom’ in the online and physical places of anti-lockdown protests. These protesters held shared grievances against official health advice and social distancing measures. Although the slogan freedom emotionally validated protesters, they articulated a diverse set of interrelated motivations, identifications, and beliefs with this slogan. This paper studies the ways the collective identity of the anti-lockdown protests in the UK was formed, relying on 33 go-along interviews and ethnographic observations in London anti-lockdown protests. The findings, first, show that protesters came together around an anti-political identity, which reflected a larger political alienation from the political system. Their strong emotions of anger and ressentiment towards official health advice and social distancing measures and their distrust towards elites, political institutions, and mainstream media created a shared sense of ‘we-ness’. Second, the paper uncovers how the feeling of solidarity amongst protesters in London did not only originate from online platforms despite the increase in Internet use during the pandemic, but it was also materialized in local neighbourhoods, which fed larger anti-lockdown protests in physical spaces and online publics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Advantageously, smaller regional wineries need to differentiate themselves, but also need to build partnerships with their local competitors in order to develop regional brand identity. Wineries will form geographical strategic groups to create a common identity and communicate with buyers through digital storytelling. Regional wineries that perform this strategy have the advantage of collectively drawing customers into the region before attempting to distinguish themselves individually. This paper is to conceptually demonstrate the benefits of strategic groups and how they operate via digital storytelling methods. Oftentimes, regional winery groups can craft a collective identity that provides benefits, such as mutual trust and reputation. More importantly, the collective identity is done as a strategic group to reinforce authenticity to the individual wineries' digital storytelling, to connect with buyers. Through a strategic group lens, we attempt to understand how collective winery groups use digital storytelling to create authenticity and enhance individual efforts. We investigate these efforts via regional wine collectives to understand authenticity development through digital storytelling. We introduce examples of wineries utilizing digital storytelling within their regions as a justification to study these concepts in the winery business. A call to empirically investigate winery strategic groups at a regional level is presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to highlight the importance of creating a collective identity and strengthen the relationship between regional alliances and the civil society to achieve, not only economic, but political goals, concerning the implementation of effective national and international policies, and the influence of political leaders’ positions on the resolution of contemporary crisis. Radical political discourses have gained strength through some of the most important social challenges nowadays such as pandemic, migration, armed conflicts and social inequality, among others. This has resulted in a global phenomenon of fragmentation and decline of regional powers. In a contrasting process, different nations have joint forces to prevent a social, economic and political collapse, and, in this framework, regional integration becomes a fundamental strategy to build international cooperation and stability [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In urban centers around the world, street art has become an unavoidable element of the landscape. Located in west-central Portugal, Aveiro is no exception to this trend, and the art form has been used to enhance the cultural vibrancy of a place where tourism is one of the most important economic pillars. Seeking to look beyond the value of street art as a tourism product, by combining observations and photos from field research with bibliographic and documental data, as well as residents' responses on social media, this paper adopts an autoethnographic approach to offer an exploratory, (self-)reflexive perspective on how street art has evolved into a phenomenon that has contributed to locals' cultural identity (re)construction. Drawing on Jan Assmann's cultural memory theory, it is argued that street art can be understood as a form of communicative memory, an ephemeral vehicle into our history, knowledge, traditions and practices, one that, by retelling the story of who we are, stimulates awareness of selfhood and a feeling of belonging to a place and a community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States with shared interests and values may form a collective identity to enact their vision and achieve security objectives against those they view as threats. Similarly, US-Japan relations have progressed for a long, not just due to the dangers posed by China and North Korea but because of their shared values of democracy, human rights, peace, and global prosperity. They share the vision of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific by forming bilateral and multilateral alliances. The US and Japan are also engaged in strategic partnerships for traditional and non-traditional security in the region, including maritime, cyber, space, and energy. This paper, therefore, focuses on East Asia due to its vulnerable security architecture and explores how the US and Japan’s security cooperation strengthens regional security by sharing values and security concerns. It highlights that the potential of both states to form a collective identity may improve the security situation in East Asia. Bibliography Entry Khan, Arsh Shahid, and Aiysha Safdar. 2021. "Emerging US-Japan Relations and Impact on East Asian Security." Margalla Papers 25 (2): 109-120.

The right‐wing Hindu nationalist "Hindutva" movement in India has political control of the world's most populous democracy. To gain insight into the tools of the movement, this paper examines Hindutva framing rhetoric. Social movement framing entails the crafting of movement messages to motivate collective identity and collective action. This paper takes a new approach to studying social movement framing by using the social psychological principle of metacontrast as an organizing theoretical framework. Metacontrast involves minimizing differences within the group (intragroup homogenization) and maximizing differences between groups (intergroup polarization). We argue dual homogenizing‐polarizing frames work in concert to construct a unified collective identity and mobilize concerted collective action. Using qualitative content analysis of two Hindutva organization websites, we find Hindutva framing rhetoric simultaneously homogenizes and polarizes through two framing strategies: a threat‐counter threat frame that portrays an antagonistic outgroup that must be countered with a unified ingroup, and a striking positive‐negative intergroup contrast that paints the ingroup as a moral protector and the outgroup as a vilified adversary. Notably, key to these efforts is the minimization of deeply entrenched, rigid caste differences. Our findings have implications for the study of social movements, nationalism, collective identity, collective action, and intergroup relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The University of the Aegean did not remain unaffected by the overall implementation of austerity policies following the economic crisis of 2008. In this paper, we examine the collective action expressed in Mytilene in 2013, following the cutback on funding for student residences. In particular, we explore the meaning, political significance and limits of this collective action, questioning the notions of collective identity and demand. The latter interpret, at first sight, the outbreak of collective action, but fail to signify its emancipatory aspects. The paper's central thesis is that those categories (demand and collective identity) obstruct the development of its context. In contrast, we support that a concept of form that underlines the fragility of social relation can be the starting point of an emancipatory theory. This study is based on fieldnotes, semi-structured interviews, and on the assemblies and the texts of the collective actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores how the collective identity of a community of practice contributes to the development of innovation capacity. Specifically, we question how members' perception of collective identity influences their perception of individual and collective capacity to innovate, whether different dynamics are at work between collective identity and innovation capacity, and finally how individual factors can explain these different dynamics. Empirically, we studied the communities of practice at Schneider Electric, a world leading company in energy management and automation. We surveyed 672 members of communities of practice in order to understand their relationship to their community. Our findings highlight the relationship between the perception of CoP collective identity and innovation capacity and suggest that (1) the three dimensions of collective identity play a role on members' perception of knowledge sharing and CoP contribution to innovation capacity and also that (2) this influence may act differently depending on members' profiles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although collective action is needed to address many environmental challenges, it cannot proceed in the absence of collective identity, that is, evidence of group belongingness expressed in or via communicative behavior. This study looked for evidence of a collective identity in newspaper articles that referenced the Chesapeake Bay Watershed. The data were drawn from local papers published in municipalities located at the headwaters of the Susquehanna River, midway down the Susquehanna, and where the river meets the Bay. Computerized content analysis assessed the frequency with which the Chesapeake Bay and watershed were mentioned alongside a set of keywords thought to represent different facets of identity (e.g., agriculture, fishing, swimming). The results showed substantial variation in frequency across time and place but low absolute levels of coverage of the Bay and the watershed. Multidimensional scaling revealed different structures to collective identity as a function of place. These differences in content may be attributable to varying demographic and environmental characteristics along with proximity to the Bay. But, to the extent that media contribute to collective identity among residents of the watershed at all, they do so in a complex and heterogeneous manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the pandemic broke out in 2020, China has widely presented the covid crisis in its mass media and actively constructed collective identity thereof to mobilize medical workers, unify political stances, boost domestic solidarity, and promote international support. This paper combines the Discourse-Historical Approach and a multimodal perspective to investigate how the Chinese state-run news agency People's Daily discursively achieves these purposes on TikTok. A combination of qualitative and quantitative methods is used to present the high-frequency topoi of justifying the crisis and referential and predicational strategies of shaping collective identity within, which can fall into four dimensions: positive Self, negative Self, negative Others, and positive Others. The linguistic resources can be intensified/mitigated by visual-aural ensembles, which can draw the audience's attention and arouse their emotional attachments. This study also summarizes the embedded values in the discourses and situates them in socio-political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers how the anti-immigrant organization Americans for Legal Immigration PAC (ALIPAC) uses discourse about immigrants and immigration to construct and maintain its collective identity. Although previous approaches to collective identity within organizations primarily center the organizations themselves, studies concerned with anti-immigrant discourse instead emphasize how the organizations that use such discourse racialize members of non-white (especially Latinx) groups as "illegal" residents of the United States who threaten the safety and economic well-being of Americans. Drawing from these two literatures to consider how anti-immigrant organizations construct collective identity, this study investigates how ALIPAC uses presentations its opposition and its membership together to shape the collective identity associated with the organization itself. Using a content analysis, 153 documents released by ALIPAC during 2005 and 2018, the study finds that ALIPAC uses a dual racialization process to racialize immigrants as criminal outsiders who, with assistance from political elites, have overwhelmed the United States and white Americans as victims of these criminal outsiders. From this dual racialization, ALIPAC identifies itself as a defender of American citizens against an immigrant invasion. These results illustrate how racialization and collective identity construction are relational processes understood through a group's presentations of itself and its opposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collective identity is important for the cohesion of social movements, yet there is an inherent tension between group unity and heterogeneity when multiple groups are motivated to come together to work for change. Through a three-year investigation of the early stages of a women's rights movement following the Libyan revolution, we explore the dynamics of collective identity development. Our findings capture how two heterogeneous groups, Libyan locals and Libyan diaspora, interact to negotiate and re-negotiate the boundaries of collective identity. We find that this process unfolds through an ongoing struggle where the point of difference between the groups—their uncommon past —is the mechanism first used to ensure inclusion of insiders, and then to exclude outsiders from the collective identity. Our paper contributes to our understanding of the relational process through which collective identity co-evolves, and the challenges faced by heterogeneous groups engaging in collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on Jan Assmann's interpretation of cultural memory as devoid of any racial/biological component, as well as James Clifford's repudiation of the notion of cultural purity, the paper redefines memory as a mentally configured cultural institution, claiming that any reconfiguration of group identity is an act of symbolic violence. By emphasizing the crucial role that identity plays in understanding the fundamental themes tackled by Chicana literature--patriarchal oppression, racial terror, domestic abuse, sexism, homophobia--, the paper illustrates the extent to which the ethnic-gender binomial, i.e. belonging to a group that faces bias on various levels (femininity, Mexican American genealogy and, sporadically, sexual minority status), stands at the very core of the desire to redefine identity that largely fuels contemporary Chicana prose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The aim of this paper is to discuss the emotional plane in the context of the formation of leadership asymmetry, especially the instrumental use of grudge and resentment by a leader in the process of political leadership. The starting point to explaining the instrumentalisation of the affective sphere in politics, interpreted as a source of political leadership, will be the critical argumentation in relation to the assumptions of the theory of rational choice about the stability and predictability of political process. This article attempts a critical look at the rationality of leadership practices in politics, where it is emphasized that the individual and collective structures – including collective identities – of beliefs on which the leadership process is formed, consolidated and based, are not permanent, but increasingly dependent on irrational manipulative strategies. Hence, this paper will analyse the mechanism of creating or reactivating negative emotions by the leader in a given cultural and structural environment as the reasons for the emergence and legitimacy of supra-individual resentment or the functioning of class resentment, which translates into the escalation of hostility in a stratified society, as well as into followers’ receptivity; more broadly – into the form and shape of effective political leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of the Jiu Valley has gone through multiple stages that have polished the identity of the communities. The development of mine exploitation has attracted immigrants from all over the country and from abroad. This has led to the emergence of two types of local identity communities: the natives and the newcomers. The relations between them have influenced the strategies used in building their constitution of identity. This paper focuses on the idea that these two types of identity are directly responsible for the degree of community homogeneity. In this respect, the natives belonged to a homogeneous community, with one dominant source of collective identity, while the arrival of the newcomers transformed the community into a heterogeneous one, with pluralistic sources of identity. These aspects reflect in the identity narratives which can be found in the Jiu Valley nowadays. The analysis of these narratives shows a common history, filled with tension, negation, disappointment and acceptance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)