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Scholars of disaster politics debate how far natural hazards cause or catalyse political change. This paper builds on recent scholarship on tipping points and social contracts to argue that two case studies of historical earthquakes in 1930s British‐colonised India invite a focus on the dynamics of cooperation and conflict between state and non‐state actors. Officials of the colonial state and its nationalist rivals cooperated after one earthquake even though they otherwise bitterly opposed each other. Cooperation broke down after the second event, just one year later. Yet, in both cases, officials and nationalist leaders shared a broad vision for Indian society, which pushed both sides actively to seek to recover the social and economic status quo ante, preventing potential tipping points from crystallising. These case studies reveal how and why highly fraught social contracts can survive major disasters. The colonial state's transient and reactive approach to disaster governance continued to impact on post‐independence India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to illustrate the relevance and importance of integrated deterrence in one of the most unpredictable regions of the world where India and Pakistan, have inched closer to crossing the nuclear threshold amid crises. Conventional asymmetry, offensive doctrines and the changing character of war impact South Asia's strategic stability. India’s existing doctrinal thinking, technological developments in the military domain and its temptation for a pre-emptive military strike demands a corresponding review of Pakistan’s doctrinal thinking. In this regard, Pakistan's shift towards integrating nuclear and conventional forces, effective diplomacy, and a quest for strong economy are integral for eradicating the probability of limited war in the region. The future of South Asian strategic stability lies in the practical implementation and adaptation of integrated deterrence by Pakistan into its doctrinal thinking and force posture, as this policy shift will help Pakistan develop a more cohesive, robust, and effective conventional response against offensive Indian military posturing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The independence from the British rule was accompanied with partition of the Indian subcontinent on religious lines. Since partition in 1947, the two nation-states India and Pakistan have been hostile toward each other. Communalism has also been a major challenge in both these countries. The current study locates this continued hostility or the "enemy" narrative that the countries harbor not just of each other, but which also shapes the experience of a religious community within their territory. Limiting the inquiry to the Indian side, this paper explores the production of the "enemy" narrative through the discursive knowledge around partition and how it locates Muslims. The paper analyzes textbooks of two education boards in India and argues that the narrative excludes the contribution of Muslims in the nationalist movement, charts out an uncritical history of the demand for partition, and stigmatizes the Muslim community as "communal" and "unpatriotic." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assists in understanding contesting technological capabilities and doctrinal modification between India and Pakistan that are drifting South Asia towards instability, leaving the nuclear deterrence in a dark abyss. Hawks on both sides of the nuclear armed rivals are unprecedentedly chanting threats of nuclear war. More bothersome is the indications of shifting the Indian policy of No First Use (NFU), calls for doctrinal modifications and counterforce temptations. An Indian quest for escalation dominance and Pakistani quest for stability against India is in fact a mutual struggle beyond 'minimum credible' to 'assured second strike' capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Asia has been a unique geographical region where all member states share commonality of interests in history, politics, economics and socio-cultural aspects due to close geographical proximity. Because of this uniqueness, South Asia is considered a single geographical unit where security issue has a cross border dimension. For Sikh community, Pakistan has opened the Kartar Pur border between India and Pakistan. It is a step forward to bring peace across the region. Though it has also raised many questions on the security of South Asia; would tension between Pakistan and India be diluted or escalated? Would it trigger peace or security threat across the region? What would be behavior of India and Sikh community in the new scenario? How a sovereign state can establish relations with a community group (religious community) of neighboring sovereign state by passing later? How it would affect the pattern of state relations at regional level as well as at international level? The research paper is mainly based on an attempt to answer these queries. The descriptive and analytical method is used along with the primary sources in the form of in-depth interviews and focus group activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Hydroxyurea and blood transfusion therapies remain the main therapeutic strategies for Sickle cell disease. Preliminary data suggest substantial variation and inconsistencies in practice of these two therapeutic modalities in South Asia. In this systematic review we searched Medline, Cochrane library and Scopus for articles on usage of hydroxyurea and blood transfusion therapies for sickle cell disease in South Asia published in English between October 2005 and October 2020.Results: We selected 41 papers: 33 from India, 3 from Sri Lanka, 2 each from Pakistan and Bangladesh and one from Nepal. Only 14 prospective trials focused on hydroxyurea therapy from which majority (n = 10; 71.4%) adopted fixed low dose (10 mg/kg/day) regimen. With hydroxyurea therapy, 12 and 9 studies reported significant reductions in vaso-occlusive crises and transfusion requirement respectively. Severe anaemia (haemoglobin level < 6-7 g/dl) was the commonest indicator (n = 8) for transfusion therapy followed by vaso-occlusive crisis.Conclusions: Published data on the hydroxyurea and transfusion therapies in South Asia are limited and heterogeneous. A clear gap of knowledge exists about the nature of the sickle cell disease in the Indian subcontinent particularly from countries outside India necessitating further evidence-based assessments and interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How quickly can displaced peoples develop meaningful ties to new locations and what material forms facilitate such connections? In this paper, we provide a discussion of post-displacement topophilia (attachment to place). As a case study, we focus on the migration of the Sharif family who fled from India to Pakistan during the 1947 Partition. The Sharif family fundamentally lost their home and faced threats as they migrated past socio-politically opposed migrant groups moving in the opposite direction. They then resettled into the places abandoned by these "enemies" while these "enemies" resettled within the village they left behind. Through this example, we consider the effects of propinquity though dwelling—a closeness and empathy born from a shared familiarity with a dwelling place. We acknowledge that when multiple groups have ties to the same location, contention often ensues. However, we argue that when peoples become intimately familiar with one another's dwelling spaces, the result is often mutual respect and understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Asia as a region remains one of the most vulnerable to any potential conflict which can involve the use of weapons of mass destruction. The situation aggravates further when irresponsible measures of weapons build up is undertaken by the states such as India which disturbs the delicate strategic stability of the region. The possibility of large-scale conflict involving use of nuclear weapons remains probable and cannot be ruled out because of the uncertain nature of relationship between the two states. The research method employed in this article is exploratory in nature gauging the cause and effect relationship and subsequent responses which can be catered in deterrence stability. The paper aims to focus on three main areas. First, to analyse as how the Indian Army plans to make itself technologically and materially advanced according to modern needs? Second, to evaluate the strategic environment vis-à-vis the effects of the force/capacity multipliers in Indian Army with respect to Pakistan and the last part discusses some recommendations for Pakistan to overcome this imminent threat. India had allocated over US$ 52.2 billion for defence purchases for the year 2016-2017 and it is expected to increase in the near future to keep up the pace of modernization and overcome the operational gaps in its overall military machine. It has allocated huge funds for the development of its Army, Air Force, Navy, Network Centric Warfare and Electronic Warfare capabilities. The induction of Spy Satellite Risaat-II and UAVs from Israel would keep 24/7 check on the strategic sites, LoC and deployment of Pakistani troops close to the border. India has inked deals with the European firms to induct latest Aircraft for air superiority. Its naval capabilities may undermine Pakistan's long-term maritime interests in the Indian Ocean. The Indian military modernization reveals that it is on course to achieve regional hegemony. Pakistan is not in a position to establish parity with India in the conventional arms realm, which compels the former to increase its reliance on tactical nukes and improve the quality and quantity of its nuclear weapons to achieve credible deterrence against the aggressive manoeuvres of India in South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Asia as a region remains one of the most vulnerable to any potential conflict which can involve the use of weapons of mass destruction. The situation aggravates further when irresponsible measures of weapons build up is undertaken by the states such as India which disturbs the delicate strategic stability of the region. The possibility of large-scale conflict involving use of nuclear weapons remains probable and cannot be ruled out because of the uncertain nature of relationship between the two states. The research method employed in this article is exploratory in nature gauging the cause and effect relationship and subsequent responses which can be catered in deterrence stability. The paper aims to focus on three main areas. First, to analyse as how the Indian Army plans to make itself technologically and materially advanced according to modern needs? Second, to evaluate the strategic environment vis-à-vis the effects of the force/capacity multipliers in Indian Army with respect to Pakistan and the last part discusses some recommendations for Pakistan to overcome this imminent threat. India had allocated over US$ 52.2 billion for defence purchases for the year 2016-2017 and it is expected to increase in the near future to keep up the pace of modernization and overcome the operational gaps in its overall military machine. It has allocated huge funds for the development of its Army, Air Force, Navy, Network Centric Warfare and Electronic Warfare capabilities. The induction of Spy Satellite Risaat-II and UAVs from Israel would keep 24/7 check on the strategic sites, LoC and deployment of Pakistani troops close to the border. India has inked deals with the European firms to induct latest Aircraft for air superiority. Its naval capabilities may undermine Pakistan's long-term maritime interests in the Indian Ocean. The Indian military modernization reveals that it is on course to achieve regional hegemony. Pakistan is not in a position to establish parity with India in the conventional arms realm, which compels the former to increase its reliance on tactical nukes and improve the quality and quantity of its nuclear weapons to achieve credible deterrence against the aggressive manoeuvres of India in South Asia. Introduction [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indus River is one of the largest river basins in the world and is a lifeline for regional economies. Owing to its essential economic value and potential, the sharing of Indus river water remained a chronic source of disputes between its users for decade. In 1947 after the partition of British India was the prelude for the water dispute between newly created India and Pakistan. It was finally mediated by the World Bank through the instrument of Indus Water Treaty in 1960. The enactment of the Indus Water Treaty brought peace and benefited two countries to expand their agriculture around areas of Indus River system. The paper analyzes the key issues and conciliation process, which led to the successful Treaty, its understanding, development in economies and political atmosphere the two countries. The paper also attempts to highlight the new issues and claims put forward by the shareholders of Indus Rivers system, which is the cause of new areas of concern. Lastly, the paper suggests ideas for resolving the dispute and relations viz-a-viz water in the light of past experience, knowledge and successful history of Indus Water Treaty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's political involvement in the Kashmir crisis of the 1930s under its second and most influential khalīfat al-masīh, Mirza Bashir al-Din Mahmud Ahmad, who took over the movement in 1914, six years after the death of his father, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad. Communal tensions springing from the Kashmir riots of 1931 provided Mirza Mahmud Ahmad with an opportunity to display the ability of his Jama'at to manage an international crisis and to lead the Muslim mainstream towards independence from Britain. Mahmud Ahmad's relations with influential Muslim community leaders, such as Iqbal, Fazl-i Husain, Zafrulla Khan, and Sheikh Abdullah (Sher-i Kashmīr), enabled him to further both his religious and political objectives in the subcontinent. This paper examines Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's role in establishing a major political lobby, the All-India Kashmir Committee. It also shows how the political involvement of Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya in Kashmir during the 1930s left Ahmadis susceptible to criticism from opposition groups, like the Majlis-i Ahrar, amongst others, in later years. Ultimately, this paper will demonstrate how Mahmud Ahmad's skilful use of religion, publicity, and political activism during the Kashmir crisis instantly legitimized a political platform for Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's entrance into the mainstream political framework of modern South Asia, which thereby has facilitated the development of the Ahmadi controversy since India's partition. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Historically, the development of cooperation among Bangladesh, India, Nepal and Pakistan with respect to the Indus and the Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna river basins, South Asia's major transboundary rivers, has been a cause of tension, apprehension and ongoing disputes. This paper draws attention to the hydro-politics on transference and allocation, along with the diverging positions and unique concerns of the riparians on bilateral, multilateral, national as well as regional fronts. While examining the official water discourses and the evolution of different international legal instruments applicable to the governance of water relations among the riparians, the paper also sketches the emerging concerns in their relationships, as well as their efforts to cooperate and collaborate to avert disputes and manage water sharing and governance. Citation Uprety, K. & Salman, S. M. A. (2011) Legal aspects of sharing and management of transboundary waters in South Asia: preventing conflicts and promoting cooperation. Hydrol. Sci. J. 56(4), 641-661. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the emergence of so-called "New Wars" in contemporary South Asia during the post-Cold War period. According to the author, the post-Cold War era has witnessed the emergence of a new group of conflicts in different parts of Asia. The author notes that a set of case studies related to the concept of "New Wars" has become available to both students and the academic community in Pakistan and the Afghanistan-Pakistan (AF-PAK) region, Indian Kashmir, and the Indian northeast. The author focuses on India as the primary case study subject of the paper because it is one of the emerging economic giants in Asia.

In the aftermath of the 1971 war, nearly 250,000 people found themselves stranded in various parts of the subcontinent. These 'trapped minorities' became hostages in a complex negotiation process that highlighted how questions of citizenship and belonging remained unresolved in post-Partition South Asia. By studying three groups - the non-Bengalis, the Bengalis and the prisoners of war in a comparative perspective, this paper re-visits the question of who was welcome within certain borders and on what terms. It argues that these decisions depended not just on the state's policies towards 'outsiders' but also upon its own relationship with its minority communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a conflict ridden region, the significance of confidence building measures can not be over emphasized. These can be very useful in lessening tensions, avoiding conflicts and can even lead to cooperation and peace between antagonist states. South Asia with Pakistan and India, the two traditional foes are in need of serious efforts to contain and control tensions. The urgency for CBMs has grown especially after the nuclearisation of South Asia. The volatile situation in the region calls for non military and military CBMs. Even though no dramatic results are to be expected but atleast CBMs between Pakistan and India may help in building a requisite level of trust among them for a more peaceful region and avoidance of explosive situations like that of Kargil when both were at the brink of a nuclear war. The history of CBMs in South Asia is not very impressive as there are a number of limitations over CBMs, these constraints have to be looked into and dealt with as to have a more conducive atmosphere for negotiating and implementing CBMs. To bring about the true spirit of CBMs, the policy makers have to deal with the limitations first. Some of these constraints do not have a local origin and more seriously are prompted and propelled by international events and actors. This paper examines the history of CBMs in South Asia, the various limitations and their effects on the chances and probabilities of success of CBMs and the required bilateral and international cooperation so as to bring peace in nuclear South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents abstracts of papers on international relations. "International Relations Theory and the India-Pakistan Conflict," by E. Sridhara; "International Relations Theory and Minimum Deterrence," by Rajesh M. Basrur; "Conceptualizing Nuclear Deterrence: Pakistan's Posture," by Rasul Bakhsh Rais; "South Asia: The Irrelevance of Classical Nuclear Deterrence Theory," by Bharat Karnad.