Search

The article reports on the cold war between the forces of dictatorship and the independent free press in Argentina. All branches of President Juan Domingo Peron's administration have joined in preparing the necessary popular and legal affirmation of La Prensa's suppression. The newspaper owner, Alberto Gainza Paz, has been charged with personally carrying on activities against the state. The paper has been ordered expropriated by the government and appointed a Peronista intervener to take over the complete management and editorial control of the paper.

Following the example of his teacher Franco, Argentinean Dictator Farrell-Perón tries to repudiate his Nazi connections whenever he needs financial aid from the United States. The personal protection offered by Perón himself to top German industrialists like Fritz Mandi and notorious Hitler agents like Ludwig Freud allegedly one of the key leaders in Nazi underground activities on the South American continent, is well known. In the Argentine capital itself, Robert Kessler, of the German Gestapo, works on the Frele Presse, successor to the Nazi publication which disappeared during the war. Another member of the staff of that paper is the infamous Freisler, one of the Hitler agitators who later worked in Franco's Foreign Ministry and was then passed on by the Caudillo to Perón. Most of the 60,000 Nazis who were in Argentina when the war broke out are still there and their ranks are constantly increased.

The article discusses the political condition in Argentina under the administration of President Arturo Frondizi during the 1962 congressional election. About 2,000,000 workers, whose ballots had been invalidated, had decided to go on strikes during the election in which the terms were determined by Frondizi. Meanwhile, the conservative military men had met to discuss the decision to be made on the nation's chaos and whether or not to depose Frondozi.

Ten years of one of the most arbitrary and personal political regimes in Latin America have converted Argentinean General Juan Domingo Peron into a tired, skeptical man whose chief amusement seems to be watching the internecine struggle of his own henchmen over the question of his successor. The government itself no longer interests him, he works very little, spending the greater part of the day with the students and sportsmen who surround him in his residence, Olivos, fifteen miles from Buenos Aires, Argentina. Of ten audiences which he grants, six are likely to be to drivers of racing cars, boxers, and movie stars. He still appears at political and workers' demonstrations organized by his propaganda apparatus, which are each time smaller and less spontaneous.

Focuses on the arrest of President Arturo Frondizi by the military in Argentina. Assessment of the administration of Frondizi; Expression of betrayal from the leftist supporters of Frondizi; Efforts by Frondizi to make concessions to political groups; Outlook of the slow steady economic progress in the country; Results of the Punta del Este conference; Restoration of the confidence of international capital by Frondizi.

The counterrevolution in Argentina is not new. It dates from 1930, when the rich landowners and their lawyers, supported by the army, overthrew the failing old President, whose Radical Party threatened to break up the big estates, opened farmlands to immigrants, nationalized oil, encouraged home manufactures and trades unions. For fourteen years, during which no President was constitutionally elected, people recognized the government. People were following what became known as the Estrada Doctrine, formulated by Mexico's genial Foreign Minister, Genaro Estrada, which calls for the automatic recognition of de facto American administrations.

The article reports on political turmoil in Argentina. The article author supports democratic governance and restoration of liberty to the people. The author is of the view that it was not the Argentine people who destroyed the good relations between the governors and the governed, nor was it they who sanctioned the laws and practices which ended individual liberty. People are persecuted, jailed, and exiled cannot live in peace. The author demands that the government, if it was sincere and really wanted to pacify the country, could accomplish its aim in twenty-four hours by abrogating the internal war emergency act and all other measures which annul the liberties of individual citizens, political parties, trade unions, press, and radio.