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Responds to Robert A. Manner's comments on the author's paper in the journal 'Ethnohistory,' about the problems of a general scientific nature posed by Indian claims. History of the U.S. Indian Claims Commission; Reasons why ethnologists have not chosen to accept employment from the government; General difficulties of anthropology in working with the law.

This article focuses on the contributions of professor A. R. Radcliffe-Brown to the study of social organization. What Radcliffe-Brown did was to distinguish between the search for historical and evolutionary origins, the preoccupation of ethnology, and the study of the laws of custom and social organization, the province of social anthropology. Those social scientists other than anthropologists who know Radcliffe-Brown's work, tend to pay attention only to his methodological articles. But the vital theoretical contribution lies in his ethnographically centered papers. It is in them that Radcliffe-Brown's adherence to the view that there are laws of social life which can be established by systematic and empirical investigation, is brilliantly justified. These papers are mainly concerned with problems of social organization, or as Radcliffe-Brown now prefers to call it, social structure. Radcliffe-Brown shows that the merging or identification of alternate generations fits in with the widespread concept of the completion of the cycle of the generations in three successive steps, and with the contrasting roles of grandparent and parent in family systems. It is ethnography based on a theoretical discipline, the discipline of structural analysis as first given shape by Radcliffe-Brown.

Presents books about ethnography and anthropology. Titles of books; Names of authors; 'A Classified Bibliography of the Periodical Literature of the Trans-Mississippi West (1811-1957),' by Oscar Osburn Winther; 'The British Meet the Seminoles: Negotiations Between British Authorities in East Florida and the Indians, 1763-1768,' by James W. Covington.

The article presents news and information from the Department of Social Anthropology, Karnatak University, Dharwar, India. Senor Roberto Etchepareborda, the Argentinian Ambassador to India, on October 18, 1963, read a paper on the Gaucho literature of Argentina. Some excerpts of the paper are as follows. The paper reads that under Spanish rule, Argentina was undivided, and on the broad pampas roamed unnumbered wild horses and cattle, descendants of those brought over by the early settlers. These were the greatest source of wealth and gave rise to a body of fearless riders called Gauchos that made business of hunting wild cattle for their hides and tallow or driving them to "estancias" to be branded and gentled. Gauchos were the backbone of the armies. They fought the Portuguese invaders in 1771 and helped in 1807 to retake Buenos Aires from the British. A list of the visitors to the University has been provided. An acknowledgement from the editor to sociologists who helped in the preparation of notes and news section, has also been given.

The article presents a literature review that discusses the importance of American Indian linguistics. It also presents a summary of the state of description and comparative work for each linguistics family. It presents a classification of American Indian linguistics as well as the role of various language families and the interrelationships among postulated families. Though space limitations have dictated a narrowly linguistic concern in this literature and the ethnographic semantics are omitted, possible wider relationships of the families and classifications were still discussed.

This paper examines the social context in which gang violence occurs in a Mexican American community. We argue that gang violence arises in situations where one party impugns the honor of his adversary. This sort of conduct violates the norms of interpersonal etiquette and constitutes, in Goffman's terminology, a violation of "personal space." Gang members fluctuate uneasily between conventional and honor bound responses to these kinds of insults. The paper outlines a theory of normative ambiguity that deals with this movement between two antithetical codes for conduct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article comments on the paper of professor Max Gluckman titled "Ethnographic Data in British Social Anthropology" on what is happening in the U.S. with reference to the problem of social anthropology published in this issue of the journal "Sociological Review." In certain respects the situation in the U.S. with regard to the development of social anthropology is a sort of mirror image of that in Great Britain. Whereas modern British social anthropology started with anthropologists A.R. Radcliffe-Brown and Bronislaw Malinowski in the early 1920s,with a major emphasis on structural and functional theory, the American development under anthropologist Franz Boaz was in terms of culture and with a strong historical interest. Only since the First World War has there been any considerable shift in the U.S. in the directions of social anthropology. In the U.S. a somewhat different revolution in the collection of ethnographic data was brought about much earlier by Franz Boas, who also worked through the native language and whose documentation of Kwakiutl is at least as detailed as Malinowski's on the Trobriands, though differently distributed.

This paper may be regarded as a first short step into a scheme of systematic geography, since it deals with an island off a young coastal plain that is Shriharikota, Madras, India. The island is probably the simplest part of the simplest type of land form. Moreover, its inhabitants, simple jungle folk, are in the most elemental stage of evolution. The island has the monsoon type of climate. The East Coast of India presents to the Bay of Bengal a shoreline backed. except in a few places, with a monotonously low relief. If one braves the tulmultous shallow inshore waters of the bay from the city Calcutta to Cape Comorin his typical view is of a silver strand surmounted by jungle growth.

This paper presents summary statistics of immigration into the West Indies, under indenture or government sponsorship, during the period 1834-1918. The sources reveal a few discrepancies, but are sufficiently consistent to permit the construction of a series for each of the ethnic groups introduced. Most of the problems involved in constructing these series centre around the fact that a variety of sources have to be utilised. Immigration figures of East Indians, Portuguese, Chinese, Europeans and others into the several West Indian colonies have been prepared for each calendar year or season, but to conserve space are presented here in summary form. In the case of African immigration it is possible to give their country of origin. The only group of immigrants who were involved in return movements of any consequence are the East Indians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the research on the Indian family is an attempt to establish the presence or absence of the joint family. The present paper deviates from the usual joint family controversy and focuses on the nature of the kinship and family ties among the 287 migrant lower-class and lower-caste gold miners in Kolar Gold Fields in Mysore State, India. The data suggest that the geographic mobility has caused the breakdown of the localistic patrilineal kinship system. However, the kinship ties are maintained despite the spatial distance. The nature of the kinship ties among the respondents is predominantly expressive and instrumental in character. In the city the modal family is the nuclear family. The respondents have adapted to the industrial setting despite the breakdown of their face-to-face extended kinship system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a comparison of racial stereotypes of 1935 and 1942. In December of 1935, a group of 160 Negro students at Howard University were given a list of 84 words for the study of stereotypes. The subjects were asked to describe 10 racial groups with appropriate adjectives from the list and then to go back over their descriptions and to mark with an X the five words which seemed most aptly to characterize each race. Shortly after Pearl Harbor, in February of 1942, the same list was given to another group of 137 students at Howard University and the same procedure was again followed. In an effort to avoid discarding such a large portion of the results, the papers of the 1942 subjects were first scored by counting each adjective mentioned by each subject and secondly by counting only the starred adjectives. The second method of scoring is the only one presented in this article. The scoring of starred adjectives only, necessitates the discard of 47 papers but gives the same weight to each subject and makes possible a comparison of results obtained in 1942 with those of 1935.

The object of this paper is to deal with only two important uses. First, the material throws considerable light on the processes of acculturation and the first part of this paper discusses such processes with two basic objectives in view. One is a critical assessment of the main body of hypotheses and generalizations which have so far been made in this field and the presentation of a more useful theoretical framework within which the subject may be discussed; the other will be an application of this new framework to the available historical data relating to one of the islands, Jamaica, on which the author has recently done extensive research. For what is most striking about the West Indies is that they present one of the few cases in world history where groups of peoples were deliberately thrown together, forcefully deculturated or detribalized as the case may be and new societies consciously created for the achievement of specifically defined goals. Thus, there emerged in the post-emancipation period a dual culture, or two Jamaica's: one was the Afro-Jamaican cultural system, which was largely a consolidation and revitalization of patterns developed during slavery; the other was the European-oriented cultural system which was the revival of British civilization in the island after its disintegration during slavery.

Within the last two decades social anthropologists and sociologists have turned to the study of informal groups. Among the first empirical evidence of the interest were the famous Hawthorne research studies of researchers George Elton Mayo and Fritz J. Roethlisberger. Since these studies many others have been made of informal groups in community and institutional life. All of them, however, have lacked concern with individuals who are not bona fide members of cliques, but who interact with them. The focus of the paper is on these persons. In the article, they are called "fringers." The concept "fringer" should not be confused with that of the "marginal man," for the two are distinct concepts implying different categories of behavior. The "marginal man" shares the cultural life of two distinct people, whereas the "fringer" defines his own goals of behavior and disregards those of the group in favor of his own. Specifically, the paper proposes to analyze and describe the role of "fringers" in a state prison for women. Data used are from observations and personal interviews secured during the author's employment at the prison as director of religion, education and recreation from June through October 1930.

The article presents the author's work on documentation of certain traits of the rural Latin American culture. This documentation is necessarily preliminary. For the reason that modern Latin American communities have not been subject to anthropological study on a large scale and the number of sources is therefore limited. Also, this article is intended more as a demonstration of a type of work which may be carried on intensively for the purpose of analyzing the content and organization of what is postulated as a new and emergent culture throughout Latin America. This study will be limited to the rural phase of culture. And, it is stressed that this paper represents a tentative study that cannot in any way be considered complete. The Latin American community is almost invariably situated about a central plaza. Facing this plaza are the church, the government buildings, and the homes of the more prominent members of the community. The basic land unit in rural communities is a small plot usually having irregular boundaries. These are generally individually owned and also are worked by their owners. The existence of ceremonial kinship is common to most all groups. In some areas it is more highly developed than in others. As far as the religious organizations are concerned, each community has its own group of images representing various saints. Each saint has special powers that cover some particular field of needs. Furthermore, this study is pushed further many elements of acculturation process, culture development, and the psychology of culture.

In this article the author comments about the criticism from physical anthropologists about his attempt to explain the disjunct distribution of Australoids, Negroids and Negroes. The criticism was grouped into four categories. For three of these the author, along with many sources quoted in his paper, disagree with his critics. Granted that race is hard to define, racial aggregations, types or characters have been accepted, even by these critics, so that criticisms of his thesis ought to be addressed to the disproof of the distinctions that author have accepted.

This article presents a study, discusses the trends in fertility of Mexican Americans. The present paper will examine trends in Mexican American fertility in comparison to Anglo American fertility from 1950 to 1970 in the southwestern states. Attention will be devoted primarily to cumulative fertility rather than current fertility since the former measure is the only one available for all the time periods and areas studied. The principal obstacle to investigation of the dynamics of the Mexican American population is the inconsistency in definition and identification of the population over a substantial time span. The Mexican American population has been variously defined operationally by race in the 1930 Census, by Spanish mother tongue in the 1940 Census, by Spanish surname in the 1950 and 1960 Censuses, and by questions on origin or descent in the November 1969 Current Population Survey. Information compiled in the 1970 Census will allow tabulations of data according to varying combinations of mother tongue, Spanish surname and Spanish origin or descent. At the time this paper went to press, the materials published from the 1970 Census relating to the Mexican American population consisted only of data for the population of Spanish language or Spanish surname.

This is a second and comparison paper on the continuance and functioning of a kin family network in contemporary industrial society. The concept of the kin network is proposed as a replacement for the one which posits that a nuclear family unit is most suited functionally for the exigencies of modern life. The kin family network is composed of nuclear families bound together by affectional ties and choice. The lifelines of the network are help and service exchanged among members of nuclear families related by blood and affinal ties. Help, service and social interaction characterize the activities of this interdependent kin family system identified as the kin family network. Help and service among kin members take many forms. The principal form of help among parents and their married offspring is financial aid. One purpose of this paper is to examine how much aid binds together nuclear related families along generational lines. In this paper the term parental aid for married children is limited to financial assistance which may be in the form of cash, gifts, or services.

The article focuses on the Emile Durkheim, a theorist, views on kinship and relationship systems. It is the contention of this paper that some of what he wrote has been undeservedly neglected. Anthropologists have comparatively recently been given credit for ideas which he had already set out in columns of various sociological journals in France. The concept of consanguinity is a good example. Durkheim laid considerable stress on a point which is fundamental to the study of relationship systems, viz. that relationship systems are not the same thing as kinship systems, or even as systems of consanguinity and affinity. Admittedly he was by no means the first person to have perceived the distinction between the biological facts of consanguinity and the sociological facts of relationship. He noted that in certain societies a man's kinsmen were not necessarily consanguineally related to him and that clanship might similarly have little to do with actual consanguinity. Though, once Durkheim had clarified the concept of matriliny, he resorted to it as a sort of universal solution to all puzzles in the study of relationship systems. His explanations