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The article presents a list of various books related to sociology received by the editorial department of the journal. Various books included in this list are "The Mind of Africa," by W.E. Abraham, "Piritim A. Sorokin in Review," edited by Philip J. Allen, "Economic Development: Objectives and Methods," by Paul Alpert, "Proceedings of the Social Statistics Section, 1962," "Eichmann in Jerusalem," by Hannah Arendt, "On Revolution," by Hannah Arendt, "I Giovani Nella Societa Industriale," Guido Baglioni, "Expanding Population in a Shrinking World," by Marston Bates, "Leadership and Dynamic Group Action," by George M. Beal, Joe M. Bohlen and J. Neil Raudabaugh, "The Structure and Dynamics of Organizations and Groups," by Eric Berne, "Learning Your Way Through College," by Elton S. Carter and Iline Fife, "Homes, School and Work: A Study of the Education and Employment of Young People in Britain," by M.P. Carter, "Conflict and Conformity: A Probability Model and Its Application," by Bernard P. Cohen, "The Cutteslowe Walls: A Study in Social Class," by Peter Collison, etc.

The article presents information about various conferences and academic activities in the field of sociology that appeared in the 1965 issue of the "International Journal of Comparative Sociology." The International Association of French-Speaking Sociologists had its Fifth Symposium from September 29 to October 4, 1964. The symposium was held near Quebec, Canada, under the chairmanship of professor Georges Gurvitch. The theme of the symposium was "Social Classes in Present-day Sociology." A series of papers were on social classes in tropical Africa. The Sixtieth Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association was held at Chicago, Illinois, from August 30 to September 2, 1965. One came from this conference of American sociologists, with many Canadians present, a little confused, certainly so if he went with the purpose of taking it all in. For this anonymous reporter the impression was one of bigness, of complexity, and of a great bureaucracy emerging. The Sixth World Congress of Sociology will be held in Evian, France, during September 4 to 11, 1966. Communications by prospective participants are of two types official and individual. Specialists interested in an official presentation are required to contact the president of the working group in which they are interested.

The article presents comments of the author on his article "Profiting from a Comprehensive School," published in the "British Journal of Sociology," to draw attention to the sociological study of comprehensive schools. Author defends his article on two grounds presentation and analysis, and conclusions. Any inadequacies on presentation are probably determined by the limitations of the article-intended as a research note and not a fully developed paper. The criticism in conclusions seems largely directed at presentation. The conclusions are in fact valid on the basis of the findings of the research itself. The same applies to statistical techniques employed. In short it would seem that no valid critique of the conclusions themselves is presented. However, here is a point-by-point reply. The tables present the most outstanding deviations in keeping with the summary nature of the article. They are condensations of tables in the thesis. Thus class categories are included or omitted in accordance with the importance of variations.

IN A RECENT paper Mr. Runciman concludes by inviting replies to his argument that it is logically and conceptually useful to employ the tripartite distinction between `class' `status' and `power' in the analysis of social stratification. Mr. Runciman does not, of course, deny the existence of links between these three dimensions, but suggests that such links must be seen contingent empirical relationships and not necessary logical ones. I hope that the following paper will provide such a reply. It must be clear that the following criticism is directed, in the main, to those parts of the paper in which Mr. Runciman is concerned with the logical and conceptual problem. The essay in question also contains a clear and valuable assessment of the problems encountered in any attempt to measure the three types of inequality. In the first part of the paper I propose to give a critical assessment of certain central aspects of Mr. Runciman's argument and, in the second part, I will put forward a very brief formulation of what I consider to be a more meaningful alternative view of the relationships between class, status, and power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is intended as a contribution to the formal theory of stratification systems. The paper has five sections. In Section I, a method for analytically inducing an order over a multi-dimensional status is discussed. It is believed that such a technique can aid in the specification of conceptual tasks within stratification theory, as well as serve as a baseline in actual measurements. It is subsequently employed in the axiomatic work of Sections 3 and 4. In Section 2, there is a brief discussion of the axiomatic method as a prelude to the system developed in the following two sections. In Section 3, the axioms are stated. In Section 4, various elementary consequences of the axioms are shown; most importantly, various concepts which are intuitively important in stratification theory are shown to be definable (e.g., a class system with a determinate number of classes). Finally, in Section s, there is a concluding discussion of the picture of stratification which emerges within this work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fact is that the lower classes are not more likely than the middle class to have a disease or condition but they do react more violently to it and are more concerned about it. Nonetheless, neither sociologists nor public health researchers have for the most part taken proper note of the split between getting sick and reacting to it. For example in a recent general review of chronic illness the author does not even mentions his own study which shows no relationship between class and the prevalence of illness. Rather, he shows that some few chronic illnesses diagnosed in hospitals are related to living in lower class neighborhoods. Yet, he avoids making an overall statement about chronic illness and social class. There are obviously sonic problems here in the sociology of Sociology. First, there is a serious problem in the interpretation of tables which is caused by a lack of satisfactory non-parametric measures of association and analyses of variance. Second, there is a fallacy of forgetting why it is thought that social class was related to illness in the first place. The present paper concludes that social factors are important in the experience of ill health, although not in the gross fashion that had been imagined.

The article presents a text of a research paper about the elite and the social system presented at the Fifth Nordic Sociological Meeting in Stockholm in 1967. A social system will be defined as a set of interacting social units, where the units in general may be either organisms or set of organisms, or sets of sets of organisms, etc. The state variables used in the research to describe the social system are as follows: size, or number of members; energy, or the amount expended or controlled; differentiation, or the division of labor; and permeability, or the relative openness of a system or subsystem. At least eight major specific elites may be identified in industrial social systems. A ninth category called general elite may be added to refer to the top categories that result from formal or informal multidimensional status measurements. The following list of elites is suggested: charismatic elite, or the popular heroes, the saints, the gods; power elite, or those that excel in power or influence; wealth elite, or the very rich, the millionaires; ascriptive elite, or the old families, the aristocracy of birth; artistic elite, or the most recognized art producers; physical elite, or the top people in sport and beauty contests; prestige elite, or the holders of top positions; scholastic elite, or the holders of academic certificates or persons of similar standing; and the general elite, or the multidimensional top people, the who is who group.

This paper explores two related problems, which have grown out of a concern with dynamic aspects of Swedish voting behavior. In trying to apply a model of voting behavior primarily designed to analyze American data to the Swedish multiparty system have raised some descriptive questions, which at least partly can be answered on the basis of some recent survey work in Sweden. The first topic concerns the relationship between social mobility and political preference. The Center Party has traditionally had its strongest support among the farmers and other rural voters but has lately made some inroads among urban voters. Now there is in Sweden, as in other industrial nations, a fair amount of intergenerational mobility. The white collar class has been growing fast during the last decades and can be expected to grow further. Many members of the new middle class come from homes where the father was a worker. These upwardly mobile people have a Socialist heritage but now belong to a class where the norm is rather anti-Socialistic.

The article presents information on castes, outcastes and the sociology of stratification. In this paper an attempt will be made to explore in necessarily preliminary terms the reasons for the occurrence of caste structures and their most extreme manifestations, untouchable groups, in so many different places and in so many different socio-cultural contexts. Obviously, unless one is to believe in multiple cases of unique social causation, societies displaying caste characteristics may be suspected of having structural properties in common which predispose them to develop along such lines once the right combination of historical events takes place. The study of caste groups is but a particular aspect of the study of social stratification and social stratification is to be found is one form or another in almost all human societies. Outcastes are, of course, simply a variety of caste group, despite the misleading implications of the word used to designate them, their presence in a society announces that caste in one of its more rigid manifestations is to be found there. Their presence also announces in the case of Asia, that a mingling has occurred between certain indigenous social institutions of the society and what the author refers to as the 'Hindu Ethic' which have been introduced by the process of historical diffusion.

The Index of Class Position (ICP) described in this article was developed to provide an easily applied intercommunity measure of stratification that would improve upon the accuracy of estimating an individual's position in the class structure. The need for such a measure arose from research being done in the college setting, which often makes existing stratification procedures--impracticable. Hollingshead's two-factor Index of Social Position (ISP) remains the only procedure in common use possibly exempt from these deficiencies. Nevertheless, the utility of ISP is seriously reduced for purposes by its inclusion of education as a component. One consequence is that the effect of education can no longer be analyzed independently of social class. This poses a serious limitation in the study of college students. A second consequence is to exacerbate the tendency of most indices to elevate the prestige of the professional. For instance, the weight given education means that all college professors are operationally defined as class I. The result is a confounding of the upper and upper-middle classes which can be a source of significant measurement error, especially in those more selective institutions where a substantial proportion of the students are from the upper class. This paper has introduced an improved intercommunity measure of social stratification, offered a rationale for its development, and presented evidence confirming the validity of its use.

This paper proposes a theoretical framework for reconciling several contradictory findings on the relationship between social class and ambition. It is suggested that any given success goal has both an absolute and a relative value, the first reflecting its cultural desirability, the second, its social-class accessibility. The "relative distance" of a social class from a given goal thus determines the saliency of that goal for its members, and this saliency in turn constitutes an intervening variable between individual ambition and social achievement. We can thus anticipate differences in the frequencies of certain educational or occupational aspirations in various social classes without postulating differences in extent of individual ambitiousness among their members. The concept of a "class hierarchy of success goal" wilt help reinterpret empirical evidence about actual levels of aspiration by social class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to determine whether the Hollingshead Index of Social Position (I.S.P.) is correlated with class awareness and class identification, two principal components of class consciousness. Comparative data are introduced from the Hollingshead and Redlich (1958) community study of New Haven, Connecticut, and an investigation by this writer (1963) of an urban Pennsylvania community, hereafter referred to as Twin City. Both studies use an objective index (I.S.P.) to estimate positions individuals occupy in the status structure of the community, and both correlate class awareness and class identification with class placement by this index. The interviews for the present study were conducted in a middle-sized Pennsylvania city, with a population of approximately 75,000, in the summer of 1961. The number of completed interview schedules, from which data analyses were derived, was set at 1,811. The social position which individuals and families occupy in the Twin City status structure was determined according to the modification of Hollingshead's three-factor I.S.P. All of the sample households enumerated in the interview schedule were stratified by class through use of this index. The collected data used to determine the I.S.P. for each household consisted of the education and occupation of the head of the household plus the ecological location of the dwelling unit in which the respondent resided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an invitation to sociologists to take seriously the topic of fashion. Only a handful of scholars, such as Simmel (1904), Sapir (1931), and the Langs (1961), have given more than casual concern to the topic. Their individual analyses of it, while illuminating in several respects, have been limited in scope, and within the chosen limits very sketchy. The treatment of the topic by sociologists in general, such as we find it in textbooks and in occasional pieces of scholarly writing, is even more lacking in substance. The major deficiencies in the conventional sociological treatment are easily noted—a failure to observe and appreciate the wide range of operation of fashion; a false assumption that fashion has only trivial or peripheral significance; a mistaken idea that fashion falls in the area of the abnormal and irrational and thus is out of the mainstream of human group life; and, finally, a misunderstanding of the nature of fashion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to deal directly—in an exploratory fashion—with certain variables which might be considered basic to any verification of the intellectual subsociety hypothesis, focusing primarily upon the ethnic dimension and secondarily upon the class factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to explore the usefulness of Weber's city typology in relation to the Russian urban experience and to attempt to locate the Russian city within Weber's celebrated Oriental-Occidental dichotomy. The failure of various intellectual and revolutionary groups before and in 1917 to liberalize a traditionalistic societal system is correlated to the absence of a middle class in the Russian cultural context. Kiev, Novgorod, and Pskov existed long before the Mongol conquest of Russia in the thirteenth century and were exposed to certain Western influences due to the political connections with the neighboring Western countries. Unknown before the Mongols arrived, Moskva "still in the nineteenth century before the liberation of the peasants from slavery retained all the characteristics of a great Oriental city of about the time of Diocletian of the second century A.D." In addition to being the seat of the patrimonial ruler, Moskva was a "locality where rents from possessions in land and slaves as well as income from office holding were spent." Elsewhere Weber said that the cities in Russia "never arrived at freedom in the Western sense. Everywhere the military, judicial, and industrial authority was taken from the cities." This act of taking away autonomous-autocephalous authority is probably Weber's reference to the total destruction of Novgorod and Pskov by the Russian rulers as soon as they emerged from the shadow of Mongol dependence as well as to the Russian colonial conquest of the non-Russian cities and countries in the more recent centuries including the twentieth. Seven major characteristics basic to Weber's Oriental vs. Occidental typology of urban behavior, as tentatively modified in view of the needs and the contribution of recent research, will be utilized in examining the Russian experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been almost twenty years since Davis and Moore published their famed theory of stratification. During this period, the discussions which it has engendered have been numerous and highly instructive. It is now time to address ourselves to problems which concern the testability of the theory and its experimental validity. This paper reports the results of an empirical study of one of the basic issues raised by Davis and Moore. A major proposition of their theory argues that in the final analysis, social stratification arises in a society because of differential rewards for performance in the social positions therein. These rewards can be of several types. For our purposes, two are of major importance: symbolic and economic rewards, hereafter referred to as "prestige" and "reward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author of this paper seeks to explain the consistently conservative record of Southern Democrats in Congress. V. O. Key attributed this conservatism to the low level of voting by the more liberal working class in the South and the much higher voting rate of the more conservative middle class. The present author offers two additional explanations: the unusual distribution of attitudes in the South as compared to the rest of the nation, and the conservatism of the Southerners most likely to communicate with Congressmen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A review of ten studies related to the Jamaican family indicates that all of the samples tended to come primarily from rural-lower-class Jamaicans. The studies were completed during the 1951–1959 period and were conducted mostly by non-West Indian investigators. The findings of the studies are examined, and some critical analysis is made, which includes some historical background of Jamaican society. References are made to present-day, middle-class Jamaican families, and the many gaps in research in this area are noted. A comprehensive analysis of the lower-class family by Raymond Smith is included in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a paper on the theory of working-class Conservatism. In any study of voting behavior in industrial society, social class would figure prominently as a predictor of party choice and political loyalty. Whilst it is obvious that other influences are brought to bear upon individuals which help to shape their political commitments, such as religious, historical, ethnic, regional factors, and so forth, social class membership has proved to be one of the most reliable single indices of voting behavior. This theory of working-class conservatism would make the notions of deference and class perception unnecessary, in so far as it seeks to encompass both of these within its explanatory orbit. These two concepts differ from the ones employed here in that they are essentially socio-psychological in character, in the sense that they focus upon individual attitudes and perceptions as a means of explaining political behavior.

The article focuses on the book "Education, Economy, and Society: A Reader in the Sociology of Education," by A.H. Halsey, Jean Floud and C. Arnold Anderson. This volume is a collection of 41 previously published papers by sociologists, economists and policy makers, concerning the relation of education in modern society to the economy and class structure. The papers are divided into six sections, The Consequence of Economic Change: Education, Social Mobility, and the Labour Market, The Selection Process in Education, Social Factors in Educational Achievement, The Changing Social Functions of Schools and Universities, and Teachers in Schools and Universities.

Analytical methodologies assume 'resolution into simple elements' as a necessary preliminary stage of scholarly investigation. They explicitly, or more often implicitly accept, therefore, that the conclusions reached reflect not only the phenomena analysed, but also the applied system of analytical subdivision. The paper explores and compares the main systems of analysis in current sociology: institutional, class and communal. It suggests a taxonomy of analytical systems and a cross-classification which is introduced to throw light on their conceptual properties at the societal as well as the individual level. It proceeds by discussing the issues of: (A) The societal roots of selection of analytical schemes in sociology; (B) The advantages and blind spots of the specific analytical systems; and (C) Attempts at the integration and reduction of analytical systems in contemporary sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the influence of the policy of local education authorities upon educational attainment. We suggest that the influence of local policy has been neglected in the sociology of education and hypothesize that policy variables are likely to be of major importance as determinants of attainment. Evidence drawn from correlations of policy, provision and social-class variables with each other and with various measures of attainment tends to validate this suggestion, and indicates that two `policy- models' of local authority activity may be appropriate: viz, the elite-orientated authority model, in which resources are differentially concentrated on a sponsored elite with consequent high attainment of this elite; and the egalitarian authority model where resources are more evenly spread throughout the school system with consequent `inferior' attainment of an elitist kind, but where the evidence suggests there is higher overall attainment of the total school system product. It would also appear that the determinant of the policy set pursued by an LEA. is the social class background of the area it covers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Negro class structure and the technicways. One of the promising developments in modern sociology is the conceptualization of analytically distinctive behavior patterns in the "technicways." These have been characterized as socially disruptive patterns which are important in understanding and detailing the process of social change. However, the generalized mechanisms of social change are not yet comprehended by sociological theory and consequently the relation between social change and the technicways remains disturbingly vague and accountably tenuous. It seems expedient, therefore, to select one critical aspect of social change - class structuring in this case - in an attempt to test the validity of this relationship and, if possible, to clarify the processes through which it is manifested. Before presenting the hypotheses which form the bases of this paper and an illustrative application to Negro class structure in the United States, the conceptual elements to be employed in their exposition has been defined. The technicways refer to the behavior patterns, usages, and associated patterns of thought which arise as transitional adjustments to developments in science and technology.

The article discusses the impact of social class factors on the professional performance of technologists, such as scientists and engineers. Data present in the article are drawn from a sample of graduates in engineering and science from three technical universities representing the spectrum of types of institutions of higher education training technologists. In order to avoid the pitfalls of intertime comparisons that stem from the rapid transformations of occupational and career structures and make suspect generalizations based on age-heterogeneous population samples, the authors surveyed only alumni of one specific graduation year-the class of 1954. That year was selected in order to allow sufficient time to elapse following graduation for career patterns to take definite form. The ten-year-out period would seem to serve this purpose. It is suggested that studies be designed to analyze the ways in which factors of the kind mentioned, as well as factors of the chronological type examined in the earlier part of the paper, interplay to produce different effects in different circumstances.

The theoretical problem of the relation between class attitudes and ethnic attitudes has been largely ignored. In the field of social action, however, this problem has had relevance, and theories that are at least implicit are apparent. There are two major positions, each with its minor variations. One of these assumes that attitudes toward ethnic groups are positively correlated with attitudes toward the lower class, the other, that attitudes toward minorities are a function of some universally applicable standard of ethical morality and are unrelated to class attitudes. Out of the great complexity of the interrelations among class and ethnic attitudes revealed in the study presented in this article, several points emerge. Basic patterns of attitudes run through three divergent samples to the point that the first seventy percent of variation within the matrix is explained. Specific patterns of attitudes toward minorities, which vary from group to group seem to make up very small part of the basic antagonism.

American sociology is distinguished from British and continental European sociology by, among other things, a lack of interest in identifying and measuring social class, as distinct from social status. Indices of occupational prestige ratings have served as indices of social status. This article explicates the most popular American scale of occupational prestige ratings, and concludes that this index is not a plausible index either of the relative prestige of occupations or of social status, and furthermore, that such an index in principle is not obtainable. The errors of proponents of the scale lie in an idealistic theory of the social order and repetition of the classic mistake once committed, but now long avoided, by economists: aggregation of subjective evaluations. A well-known characteristic feature of American sociology, in contrast to British and continental European sociology, has been the absence of serious attempts to establish numerical indices of social class. Yet there have been a number of attempts to establish indices of what is variously known as social status or socio-economic status, mainly by means of polled verbal evaluations of occupations.

In this article, the author comments on political scientists addicted to philosophy. The political scientist sees little sense in measuring interrelations between variables. It is more important to estimate the importance of variables. The recent study by sociologist Richard Centers on the psychology of social classes is an example of measuring interrelations. These measurements are all very well as far as they go, but they mean very little to political scientists when it comes to understanding those conditions under which group consciousness develops and becomes politically significant. In short, opinion research should be designed to test categories of interpretation that fit the political process, not simply to measure the distribution of opinion on political subjects. As a political scientist, the author asked certain questions which, have not been answered by the social psychological and sociological approach to opinion research. Social psychologists seem to be saying that individual motivations can be carried over to group behavior.

The article focuses on transformations of class structure and social stratification in Poland. The structure of classes and strata has undergone major transformations in People's Poland. The individual classes and social strata are internally diversified and divided into various social groups, each with different socially significant traits. Although both workers and peasants are formally co-owners of the nation's property, the former, unlike the latter, work predominantly in the socialized sector of the economy, where they hold a dual position as both hired labor and collective owners at the same time. An intermediate position in the working class is occupied by so-called peasant workers, a category of people who live on private farms and work chiefly or exclusively outside agriculture either in town or country. The intelligentsia in Poland does not basically differ from the workers as regards its relation to the means of production, although certain segments of the intelligentsia (managerial groups) have a larger direct influence on the administration of means of production.

The militancy of youth in the late 1960's has occasioned much comment on the reasons for age conflict in political life. This essay suggests that full understanding of such conflict requires a theory about the processes operating to stratify society by age. Application to political life of the emerging theory of age stratification reveals both a socially structured potential for political conflict between young and old and age-related mechanisms for reducing such conflict. These two possibilities, and the political context which may favor one or the other are explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An association between doctrinal beliefs and positions on social issues is posited. This study of the clergy in an industrial city demonstrated that doctrinal orthodoxy had an independent effect on positions taken on issues related to social control, personal morality, use of power by the elite, civil liberties, minority rights, and welfare support. Absolutist clergymen with a doctrinally conservative other-worldly focus were reluctant to change society: they supported social control, personal morality, and considerable use of force by the power elite. Evolutionist, this-worldly clergymen who were more doctrinally liberal were open to change and focused more on issues such as civil liberty, minority rights. and welfare support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

central basis of social order. The former view maintains (and requires) that a value consensus exist in the empirical world; the latter assumes the existence of a ruling class which dominates the ideational institutions of the society. A preliminary scrutiny of available evidence suggests that: (1) a value consensus does not exist, and (2) there is a high concentration of wealth and economic control which appears to extend into vital political and ideological areas, thereby implying the existence of a dominant or ruling class. Based upon these conclusions, the concept of ideological hegemony is introduced as a significant component of a Marxist view of social order. The hegemonic process is described and available evidence is examined in the areas of political socialization and mass media. A pattern in which debate and discussion are circumscribed while alternative values and world views are ignored or suppressed was found to characterize these two areas. This pattern was seen to provide further support for the Marxist view that an ideological hegemony imposed by the dominant class is the ideational manifestation of a social order based upon coercion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a research note on differential perceptions of life chances. It reports an attempt to test one aspect of a theory which is currently prominent in sociology and which also has been applied to the study of juvenile delinquency. For present discussion the theory will be labeled differential life chances. In the area of crime and delinquency, Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin have best exemplified the life chances approach. They state that delinquent behavior is related to the inequity between level of aspiration and life chances in the opportunity structure. Apart from objective indicators of differential life chances, such as total income during one's working years, grade completed in school, life expectancy, etc., there is the subjective component of life chances namely the awareness or the perception of them. It seems to be accepted that the objective indicators of life chances are class linked, which makes them differentials by class. Assuming that life chances are internalized and can be identified in terms of awareness or perceptions of the possibilities in store for a person, the best starting point might be to see whether such internalizations are evident among 12 year old lower and middle class children.

Rural-urban differences are frequently discussed in a misleading way by contemporary commentators on the American scene. It is true that real differences are declining, but many writers imply that they have practically disappeared in urban-industrial societies. Nothing could be further from the truth. Whether one examines current data for areas or for individuals, observable differences persist. Moreover, one's place of origin-rural or urban-appears to exercise a continuing influence on behavior later in life. In fact, many differences between social classes in urban areas may merely reflect more basic rural-urban differences. Both rural and urban sociology would benefit from a sustained dialogue focussed on issues of common concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that if a family of items is divided into two mutually exclusive classes it is economical to define the more complex class in terms of the less complex one. For the purpose of this experiment the 'complexity' of a class is defined in terms of the number of discriminably different members included within it. The 'relative class complexity,' or ratio, of two classes is the number of members in the smaller class to the number of members in the larger class. As the ratio of the complexity of two classes approaches unity any advantages of definition by exclusion should diminish; At some ratio less than unity the advantages of definition in terms of the less complex class should be balanced by the disadvantages of definition by exclusion. These considerations only apply when a response is to be made to the members of one class but not to members of the other since if both classes are associated with their own response the instructions can always be transformed in such a way as to allow the subject to work in terms of the least complex class defined by inclusion.

This article reviews the impress of the American ideology in the American sociological literature on social stratification. Social stratification is defined as the institutionalization of power arrangements that perpetuate intergenerational economic, political, and social inequality among collectivities. The ideology of students of American stratification has remained optimistic, individualistic, and evolutionary. Belief that the stratification system selects for mobility those who are biologically and socially most fit has generally prevailed since the inception of the discipline. Sociologists have also believed that rates of occupational mobility have tended to verify the dominant ideology because the relatively high rates have reduced extremes of economic, social, and political inequality and have created a middle-class society. A corollary of this basic functional argument suggests that status differences become increasingly important as economic equality and political enfranchisement become more widespread. The dominant American ideology has generally permeated most sociological thinking about social stratification, and advances in stratification theory have tended to be systematically ignored in research.

The most important recent trends in the recruitment of sociologists, according to our data, are (1) a decline in the proportion from the Midwest and an increase in the proportion from the Northeast; (2) a steep decline in the proportion with rural backgrounds; (3) an increase in the proportion from Jewish families; and (4) an increase in the proportion who are Negro. Perhaps as important as these trends is the lack of evidence for some trends that might be expected for one reason or another. For instance, there apparently has been no re- cent tendency for a larger percentage of sociologists to come from the higher social levels, the South, politically liberal families of orientation, or undergraduate sociology majors. Segments of the population that have not contributed their proportional share of sociologists include Negroes, Catholics, Southerners, the working class, and the rural population. On the other hand, Jews, Westerners, the "lower-middle class;' and families headed by clergymen have contributed considerably more than their proportional share. Our data indicate that a sizable proportion of the people who later become sociologists reject conventional religion and the conservative or moderate political views of their fathers by the time they reach late adolescence. This proportion is almost certainly larger than among other late adolescents, considered as a whole, although we have no strictly comparable data on the others. Therefore, it seems that the liberalism and apostasy prevalent among sociologists result to a large extent from selective recruitment rather than from socialization within the discipline or exposure to sociological perspectives and information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The comprehensive evaluation of graduate education by the American Council on Education raises issues of particular concern to the sociologist. The report interests sociologists not only for its subjective evaluation of sociology departments, but also for its assessment of quality, a problem quite similar to that found in the methodology in social stratification. The sociologist wants to know if the subjective evaluations closely corresponds to objective indicators. One objective index of academic quality is the departmental publication record. While such a measure has some obvious limitations, publication of articles and books would seem to represent the primary avenue by which any department attains national visibility and recognition. Graduate programs may be judged for their effectiveness by the same measures that have been applied to graduate faculties. A department is evaluated not only in terms of its faculty but also in terms of the publications of its recent degree products. In terms of publication measures, however, there is much greater disparity between quality of faculty and quality of graduate program.

The article analyzes the social class structure in two villages in the South-West of Finland, with special reference to the interaction between the classes. The study of social classes forms an important and topical branch of modern sociology. The choice of the most important characteristic of a class has, however, largely depended on the investigator's prejudices and research methods. Sometimes a class has denoted an occupational group, sometimes a set of individuals with the same socio-economic status, and sometimes a group of people who are treated in the same way or who have closer connections with each other than with outsiders. But it has been found that most of the variables used in defining social class are correlative. The members of the same occupational group have the same socio-economic status and hold the same opinions; they come into contact with each other more easily. On the other hand, interaction adds to the feeling of solidarity and standardizes norms and values; thus it is likely to increase the cohesiveness of the group.

This article analyzes the dynamics of social stratification systems. It is assumed that both structural and cultural variables are essential for the sociological approach to stratification and that it is necessary to find some way of relating these two categories of variable. The fundamental characteristic of the concept stratification is that it involves ranking ordering units in a hierarchy. The sociologist can impose any criterion of ranking onto society and thus divide the units up into classes.

A baseline model is developed to show that, when other variables are held constant, Mosca's proposition on the relationship bet ween the relative size of ruling elites and the sizes of the systems they govern follows from the definitions of the variables. The model provides a baseline against which empirical trends may be assessed. The implications of this model for the much studied relationship between administrative ratios and organizational size are discussed. While the model cannot be applied to this relation on a purely definitional basis, it can be applied in conjunction with Michels' prediction of minority rule. If Michels' prediction holds, the observed results from most studies can be deduced from the baseline model. Michels' expectation is sufficient to account for the general nature of the relationship between the relative size of the administrative component and organizational size. Some specific models are illustrated to indicate the effects of observing various maximum relative sizes of administrative components. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

That upward social mobility has a different effect on the political orientations of Europeans than of Americans Is commonly accepted. Several scholars have concluded that upwardly mobile Europeans are less conservative than middle-class stables. The contrasting conclusion that in the United States upwardly mobile people become even more conservative than middle-class stables is based on a single study completed some years ago. Here, this relationship is re-examined by analyzing data from five nationally-representative American samples over .14 years. In these samples, the upward mobiles are consistently less likely to be conservative than the middle-class stables and more likely to be conservative than the working-class stables. However, analysis of the joint effects of sex and social mobility indicates that American upwardly mobile males are more likely to approximate the politics 0/the class to which they have risen than are upwardly mobile females. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The integration of sociological and genetic principles in the study of intelligence has been held in limbo as sociologists have sought first to articulate an environmental theory of human behavior. Their reluctance to compromise, however, is no longer justified, in part because the evidence from genetics, anthropology, and psychometrics on mental growth no longer can be refuted, and in part because heredity and culture can be shown to interact in the evolution of human societies. Genetic principles are explained and their relevance to sociological issues illustrated, with special reference to population genetics, the family, education, and social mobility. In a final note, a resolution is offered to the apparent contradiction that observed variations in intelligence between social classes, to some extent, are due to assortative mating and heredity, but that the same differences observed between races probably are not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The segregation of research in work and family life has paralleled the functional differentiation that occurred following the industrial revolution. Where the relations between work and family have been considered, relative salience, isomorphic tendencies, and the life cycle have been emphasized in explaining why a particular pattern prevails. To some extent a given pattern is explicable in terms of such antecedent individual attributes as social class, religion, or personality needs, but we argue that explanation of structured patterns in work-family relations is enhanced by the concept of "task." Tasks implicitly presented to individuals during critical role transitions are dealt with according to the particular combination of personal, cultural and social determinants mobilized by the individuals concerned. Where critical transitions occur simultaneously in both work and family spheres, their mutual interdependence is highlighted, allowing the greatest freedom to choose an integrative pattern. A case study is presented to illustrate the efficacy of the task accomplishment frame of reference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to clarify a problem in stratification theory through an investigation of social mobility. Any given social class contains within itself elements that differ in terms of measures of rank. Occupational strata, for example, are internally differentiated and socially heterogeneous. The general hypothesis considered here is that occupationally mobile persons differ from non-mobile persons in the same occupational stratum in terms of other rank systems. In this sense, intergenerational mobility in an urban community accounts, in the statistical meaning of the word, for part of the internal differentiation of strata. The crucial rank systems in contemporary American society, namely, income, occupation, and education are related but not, of course, perfectly correlated. The problem of this study is to determine whether or not the incomes of mobile men are, in fact, different from those of stable men. Comparison between the incomes of men born into a given occupational stratum and those of men who have reached that stratum through upward or downward intergenerational mobility cannot, of course, tell us why given differences exist.

This article presents a study in which the differences between certain ethnic groups and between social classes are investigated with regard to the degree of independence from parental control granted the adolescent. Members of Southern Italian and Eastern European Jewish ethnic groups in New Haven, Connecticut were selected for study. These groups were similar in their time of arrival and place of settlement in this country but had different cultural backgrounds. Differences could reasonably be attributed to ethnicity only if the groups compared had an approximately equal time in which to become acculturated and assimilated. When social class was controlled, no significant differences between the scores of Italian and Jewish adolescents on any of the dimensions of independence were observed. When social classes were compared, adding other ethnic groups to the comparison, significant differences were observed for three of the four dimensions of independence. Lower class families appear to be more permissive as evidenced by the adolescents' higher scores on permissiveness in outside activities and permissiveness in age-related activities. Adolescents in the middle classes score higher on parental regard for judgment but are nevertheless carefully supervised in other activities.

The dependence of modern science on technology is a rational matter. From the simplest retort to the cyclotron, science is integrally dependent on the tools and equipment available. There is, then, a certain rationale in the history of science; concept succeeds concept; science generates science, in an orderly way. But it is not necessarily the only orderly way. For there are certain non-rational factors involved in the growth of science also. In sociology, it is often found textbooks repeating the statement that divorce is a middle-class phenomenon, in spite of the evidence to the effect that it is more characteristic of the lower-middle and lower socio-economic classes. The influence of fashion in both subject and method is an intriguing one. Subjects and methods wax and wane in the interest they evoke. The impact of textbooks seems to the author especially important in the growth of science. Many research scientists look with undisguised contempt on the "mere" textbook writer. The role of the scientific society in the development of the physical sciences has been recognized and documented historically. A similar task has been begun in the social sciences also.

Victims of a real social revolution, the middle classes of the U.S. are passing away. The plutocratic ideal that rules this land judges wealth only by those things that can be purchased and displayed and the men and women who believe that privacy and intellectual recreation and some measure of personal service are necessities, while automobiles and jewelry and fine clothes are luxuries, find themselves becoming yearly a smaller and more contemptible minority. This is "The Plight of the Genteel," as depicted in tragi-comic paragraphs by Katherine Fullerton Gerould in "Harper's" for February 1926. The poverty and threatened extinction of those people who in the past have furnished the country its leaders alarms none but themselves. And their only salvation lies in definitely renouncing the standards of the mob, cultivating a Spartan simplicity of life and holding grimly to those intangible distinctions they consider of most genuine worth. Under the educated, civilized exterior of the grown man or woman lies a deep substratum of infantile traits and tendencies.

The article focuses on sociological measurement of religiosity. Writer Charles Y. Glock suggested that religiousness as a concept must be seen in four dimensions, namely, experiential, ritualistic, ideological, and consequential. Later he added a fifth dimension, the intellectual. Quite aside from the interest of churchmen and organized religion, the curiosity of behavioral scientists is almost interminable in seeking to relate degrees of religiosity with numerous other variables. One of the favorite correlations is with prejudice, others are social class and occupational aspiration. Religiosity is somehow connected with sex, age, marital status, and education. It is the modest stance of the present article that the four-fold dimensions of religiosity--creed, code, cult, and communion--employed in the Southern Parish in 1948, are as serviceable today as they were then. The resultant construction of categories of religiosity in an organized church--nuclear, modal, marginal, and dormant--demonstrates that the religious phenomena under scrutiny must be both measurable and relevant.