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The article presents authors' reply to sociologist Mrs. Mary R. Jackman about the effect of social mobility in Italy. The authors say that her paper contains a number of errors. Arguing against what she terms the "cognitive dissonance theory of mobility effects," which allegedly informed authors 1970 work, she claims to find support for the "acculturation theory of mobility non-effects." While acculturation indubitably goes on when people move from one social class to another, not everyone acculturates at the same pace or to an equal degree. Mrs Jackman does not address this core of authors' work; instead she speaks to an almost incidental aspect of it. The authors' measure of mobility and hers are not comparable: where authors use a class dichotomy, she uses a trichotomy. The authors applied a four-class scheme at a crucial point in papers. They deliberately measured mobility across the manual-nonmanual axis. Mrs. Jackman speaks of authors' theory as a "cognitive dissonance theory of mobility effects," despite the fact that in no case they mention this theory.

The article presents author's comments in response to the criticism of his research paper "Social Mobility and Fertility," which contains several useful observations on the study of the relations between social or occupational mobility and fertility. He argues that the critic has biased pretensions and that's why, he has presented his comments in such a way that a reader of his comments might suppose that the purpose of the analysis was to reveal processes or mechanisms which relate mobility to fertility and that the author failed to accomplish that purpose. In reality, there was nothing about processes or mechanisms. It addressed two issues: first, the adequacy of the occupational categories used by researchers as guides to the life-styles, values and other social characteristics; second, the constancy of occupational mobility effects over the occupational scale. The formal assumptions of the mobility models and the social processes behind the phenomena have clearly been distinguished.

This is a study of the political consequences of upward mobility. Beginning with a brief review of major findings and a formal statement coordinating some explanations of those findings, the paper proceeds to examine the "European aspect" of the theory, namely, the relevance of "status discrepancies" to an explanation of political orientation among the upwardly mobile in one European country, Italy. Viewing status discrepancies in terms of consumption patterns and feelings of discrimination, it is found that this factor accounts for the political orientation of the upwardly mobile when it is conceptualized in terms of the latter, but not when conceived in terms of the former. The paper concludes with a few remarks regarding the possible causes of the hereto/ore unexplained ultra-conservatism of American achievers and with an attempt to state a more general theory of upward mobility and political orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This section presents news of sociological interest in the U.S. as of October 1958. The Reverend Joseph H. Fichter, presented a paper on "The City Curate as a Career Man" at the convention of the American Sociological Society held August 27 to 29 in Seattle, Washington. "Parochial School: A Sociological Study," a report of Father Fichter's research while a visiting professor at Notre Dame, will be published this fall by the University of Notre Dame Press. The Reverend Donald R. Campion, S.J., since June 28 assistant editor of "America," addressed the Fourth Annual Institute of Philosophy at Mount Saint Agnes College, Baltimore, June 23, on "The Sociologist and His Work," as part of a week's discussion of "Social Dimensions of the Disciplines." "An Empirical Study of the Relationship of Occupational Mobility to Fertility" by Dr. Hugh E. Brooks of Villanova University, Villanova, Pennsylvania, and "An Empirical Study of the Relationship of Catholic Practice and Fertility" by Doctor Franklin J. Henry of John Carroll University, Cleveland, appeared in the July issue of the "Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly."

The article focuses on mobility in temporary society. In the search for the temporary organization, capable of and eager to innovate and adapt, high rates of personnel mobility may work against organizational change. The article discusses a case analysis which is based upon a paper which the author initially prepared for a reunion of current and past faculty members of the Federal Executive Institute (FEI), held in Charlottesville, Virginia, in February 1973. The main theme of the paper on the relationship between personnel and leadership mobility on the one hand and innovation and adaptiveness on the other scented to me a significant challenge to some of the assumptions in the current and predictive literature about organizations, with implications far beyond that altogether unique institution known as the FEI. Several concepts current among public administrators and organizational theorists set the organizational mold for the FEI. Each of these concepts was selected to neutralize what was perceived as dysfunctional aspects of traditional bureaucratic organizations.

The article examines upward social mobility in England in the eighteenth century with reference to the Whitbread family of Bedfordshire, England. Among those families often cited as notably successful in using wealth from trade to found a landed family are the Whitbreads of Bedfordshire, who in the eighteenth century took the circuitous route from Bedfordshire lesser gentry, to London brewers, and finally back to Bedfordshire as great landowners. The Whitbreads provide a good opportunity for studying upward social mobility in the eighteenth century from the viewpoint of one family's experience over several generations. Their rise is analyzed by applying to eighteenth-century England the five scales of the social hierarchy: the ideological, economic, social status, legal, and political. The article examines both the particular combination of these scales that was important to the rise of the Whitbreads and the height to which they climbed each of them. By the seventeenth century the social status of the Whitbreads was already well advanced.

The Second World Congress of Sociology will be organized by the International Sociological Association (ISA) under the auspices of UNESCO from August 24 to September 1, 1953 in the city of Liege, Belgium. Sociologists of all countries of the world, professors, research workers and students, are cordially invited to take part in this Congress and are asked to contact the ISA Secretariat for registration and detailed information. The Congress will be centered on the presentation and discussion of papers in two major fields including social stratification and social mobility and intergroup conflicts and their mediation. It will also include important discussions of recent development in sociological research and of the problems relating to the professional activities and responsibilities of sociologists. All papers and reports to be prepared for the Congress will be duplicated and distributed in advance and will be presented by general reporters to be followed by prepared discussants for each section or sub-section.

This paper examines the data analysis and conceptual assumptions of some recent work on the political orientation of the socially mobile in Italy. Whereas the previous research relied on separate cross-tabulation analyses of the upwardly and downwardly mobile respectively, this paper (utilizing the same data) specifies additive and interactive models of origin and destination effects for both directions of mobility and concludes, contrary to previous research, that mobility per se does not appear to affect the political affiliation of the socially mobile in Italy. The paper concludes with a discussion of the lack of correspondence between key theoretical concepts and their empirical indicators in the data and suggests that the previous research can be questioned on conceptual grounds alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of the political behavior associated with downward mobility have consistently found skidders in an intermediate position between the class of origin and the class of destination. After a brief review of explanatory statements addressed to this finding, the present paper proceeds to discuss survey data from Italian society which produce an exception to it. A further review of literature reveals a number of speculative statements which anticipate the exception. A series of propositions generated on this basis are tested and upheld by the survey data. The paper closes with an attempt to formalize our knowledge on downward mobility and political behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary concern of this paper is the question of whether or not) and under what conditions, the ascriptive factor of social origins influences career mobility. Effects of social origins, academic achievement, work-place size, and occupational values on post-college career mobility of two samples of engineering graduates are considered. Findings indicate no relationship between social origins and career mobility after adjustment for intervening variables of grade; value; and degree level. Grades, educational level, and work values are related to selected mobility measures- College selectivity is introduced into the analysis to examine its role upon career mobility for a national sample of engineering graduates. In general, grades and school selectivity are directly related to mobility, but social origins are directly related to career mobility only among engineers with high grades from highly selective colleges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past sociologists have argued that high membership turnover is conducive to the breakup of small primary type groups. Others have taken exception to this view. In the resent paper, we point out that the real sociological issue is whether the groups are structured to deal with mobility or not. If they are, mobility is not disruptive. In this regard we suggest several aspects of group structures which minimize the disruptive effects of mobility. These views are illustrated with empirical data on neighborhood cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A common use of the term "social mobility" implies that there exist high intercorrelations among the several dimensions resumed to comprise the concept. A comprehensive statistical analysis of 22 variables presumably measuring various aspects of social movement shows that even when the focus of observation is restricted to the married pair at least eight, and possibly nine, orthogonal dimensions can be isolated. Among other things, the data show that it is erroneous to posit interchangeablities among or between objective and subjective dimensions of mobility; of husband and wife variables; and of intergenerational and intragenerational mobility. Thus the most general implication of this paper is that "social mobility" is a complex multidimensional concept consisting of an indeterminate but considerable number of components. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has examined effects on mobility of education level, social class background, and strength of achievement motive. The attainment of some college education is shown to enhance greatly the likelihood of upward mobility and reduce the likelihood of downward mobility. However, much mobility is not attributable to the factor of education. Strength of achievement motive is shown to exert noticeable influence, on upward mobility especially, among persons who lack any college training. An analysis of the interaction of factors associated with social class background, strength of achievement motive, and level of education in the determination of mobility is offered; the analysis rationalizes both the absence of expected relationships between strength of achievement motive and mobility among persons from upper middle-class backgrounds, and the presence of such relationships among persons from the other social class groups. The correctness of this latter analysis will, of course, turn upon the results of future research in which more refined measures of social class variables are used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a social service model-opportunity-centered social services-aimed at helping the poor achieve upward social mobility by facilitating their use of existing opportunities in employment, housing, and education. The model is discussed in terms of its content, method of delivery, and social service outcomes obtained from a study conducted in a demonstration project at Community Progress-an antipoverty program in New Haven, Connecticut. It was found that social services located in existing opportunity systems and the combined use of professionals and nonprofessionals help the poor cope with the bureaucratic institutions with which they must deal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Wisconsin model is a concise and seemingly effective system of antecedent and intervening variables in status attainment. Founded upon research in the U.S.A., it holds that occupational status is largely a function of educational status and is substantially influenced by intellectual capacity and socioeconomic status. Effects of these variables appear to be transmitted through a number of intervening social psychological and performance variables. This paper provides a test of the adequacy of the Wisconsin model in another culture. It was found that the model had to be altered to provide a parsimonious explanation of attainment for a sample of middle-class, small-town Costa Rican males. Reasons for the alteration are discussed. Suggestions are made regarding several of the more vexing research problems in studying the attainment process in other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at an area, which has proved very attractive to the stochastic modeler, that of social mobility. The author wants to survey it, not so much from the point of view of the mathematician striving to achieve the best fit he can to the data available, but more from the point of view of the sociologist who needs models which provide him with a theoretic framework which is readily translated into sociological concepts, and which contain assumptions to which the subject matter of the process, the individual actors, may reasonably be expected to adhere. This paper surveys a number of approaches to the finding of an appropriate mathematical model of social mobility. The author compares them with respect to the sociological theory of mobility, and concludes that the last model discussed is by far the most satisfactory from this point of view. One can anticipate a considerable gain in knowledge of social mobility when empirical research puts such a model to the test.

This paper explores certain goals and nines held by poor youth, and identifies some of the factors that appear to aid or block the goal attainment process From a sample of 1,327 male adolescents (Caucasian and Negro) between the ages of 16 and 18 who were enrolled in the Job Corps, data were obtained that suggest that these youth aspire to a style of life that resembles that of the middle class. Perceptions and comment of these youth do not tend to support the proposition that the lower class culture has a built-in set of values that discourage social mobility. Bather it would appear that lower class parents, while having the desire to have their children succeed, lack the abilities important to facilitate movement into more advantageous social positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim in this paper is to bring together, review and, as far as possible, to synthesize the research findings on inter-generation occupational mobility in Britain. Deficiencies in the empirical research carried out to date, and problems for further research, are indicated. On the basis of 13 empirical studies and other relevant work, the pattern and rates of inter-generation occupational mobility in Britain are described. They are then viewed against a cross-national perspective. The determinants of inter-generation mobility are considered. Social structural, demographic and psychological factors are all shown to be important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the effect of the hierarchical position of an individual's group on his or her relations with the various groups in the hierarchy and whether the effect is similar in different hierarchies. Four of the most familiar types of aspiration have been chosen: wishes, maximum expectations, minimum expectations and actual expectations. There are also restraints that serve to keep positive relations close to the membership group. Furthermore, not only may entry into a higher group be difficult, but departure from the membership group may be checked by the insistence of fellow-members on loyalty. Actual expectations, if directed above the membership group at all, are likely to focus on the proximate group. Of course, the nearer the membership group is to the bottom of the hierarchy, the lower the degree to which the need is from complete fulfillment. Since satisfaction is apparently greater in high-level groups than in low-level groups, high-level people should be more inclined to direct negative relations to groups beneath the membership group. Because of its nature, a hierarchy of abstract classes can readily be constructed artificially and mobility can be controlled and manipulated with relative ease.

The article presents longitudinal data on internal migration collected in various censuses or surveys. In this paper, the authors are concerned with additional details on residential history. From, either a complete residential history or front direct questions, they can obtain such items as the residences at three or more points in time or the number of changes of residence. When longitudinal data on employment status, occupation, marital status, and so forth, arc obtained as parts of life histories or at dates for which residence is also obtained, they can measure the association between changes of residence and changes of job or mobility propensities for the population at risk in various economic and social groups. From such kinds of longitudinal data on mobility, authors could measure the distribution of the population by number of moves and determine how this distribution develops with chronological age or with key events in the life cycle. The author's interest, however, is not in the levels of mobility rates but in the patterns of mobility for successive periods.

A major drawback to the traditional Markov formulation of social mobility is that it assumes homogeneity of transition behavior among persons in an origin state. This requirement has detracted from considering the ways in which the transition Probabilities vary among individuals. This paper introduces a regression procedure which allows a heterogeneous population to be examined within a Markov framework. The advantages of this formulation are threefold: (a) it facilitates determining the sources of variation in the population transition probabilities; (b) it permits over-time change in the transition probabilities resulting from population shifts on particular attributes to be distinguished from structural change, in which the rules governing transitions have altered; (c) it enables construction of individual-level transition matrices, which are necessary for projecting to the k-step population matrix in the presence of heterogeneity. These techniques are applied to an analysis of geographic migration data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to ascertain whether a recently proposed recursive model of the, educational and occupational attainment process that had been evaluated for farm boys is applicable for youth from more diverse residential backgrounds. The basic question asked in the study is how well the model fits data for young men from communities of differing size. A related aim is to present a model which adequately explains the attainment process for boys from all residential backgrounds. Using data for five community-size categories the Sewell-Holler-Portes model is extended to include three additional paths of influence. The revised model is shown to be quite adequate for the total sample as well as for all sizes of community categories. Suggestions for theory and future research are offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering a cross-classification table that describes an aspect of social mobility (the relation between origin status and destination status) for a population of individuals, this paper shows that the usual indices of mobility (or immobility), which are based upon a comparison of the observed frequencies in the mobility table with the corresponding expected frequencies estimated under the assumption of "perfect mobility," are defective in an important respect. A different index is introduced which is not defective in this respect. For those individuals whose origins are in a given status category, the new index measures the degree to which an individual's status of origin "persists" from his origin to his destination. This index can be used to compare the different status categories of origin with respect to their degree of status persistence, and it can also be used for other comparative purposes. Calculating this index of persistence for the data in the classical studies of inter generation social mobility in Britain and in Denmark, we find, for example, that (1) its magnitude is negative for those whose origins are in the middle (M) status category (i.e., there is, in a certain sense, an "exodus" from the middle status category); (2) its magnitude is positive for those whose origins are in the upper (U) or lower (L) status categories; (3) it is greater for those whose origins are in the U status category than for those whose origins are in the L status category; and (4) the magnitudes of the index for the different status categories of origin differ from each other in statistically significant ways. The index of persistence introduced here can serve to supplement and extend some of the methods developed in the author's earlier work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the analysis of social mobility in an open class system, three analytically distinct and empirically discernible variants should be noted. The first of these, mobility resources, refers to those qualities and conditions conducive to upward mobility that are either ascribed to or inherent in the individual, such as economic resources or basic capacities and abilities. The second, mobility skills, refers to learned patterns of behavior and acquired attitudes and values that are instrumental to mobility, such as the deferred ratification pattern, manners, and modes of communication. The third, mobility orientation, refers to aspiration levels within the stratification system that may serve as points of motivation in competition for position in the social structure. This paper is concerned primarily with the mobility orientation variable. There are two alternative interpretations of mobility orientation in American society. One assumes that mobility orientation roughly follows class lines, so that the middle and upper classes are the strivers while the lower classes set a level of aspiration that is largely satisfied within the limits of their own stratum.

Neither of the two previous papers in this series devoted any attention to the question of discrepancies between scores on St and on the various conventional indices of status which were employed. A set of personality items was previously derived each of which reliably predicted scores on objective status inventories, and which, when considered as a scale, correlated approximately .50 with such inventories in test samples. Because of the nature of these items, in distinction to the content of conventional status inventories, it was felt that all deviations between personality status and objective status measurements were not merely errors, but were, on the contrary, to some extent meaningful deviations predictive of potential changes in status position. A number of comparisons and inquiries did tend to substantiate this hypothesis. The relationship of objective-subjective status discrepancy scores, obtained by subtracting personality status from objective status T-scores, to a number of other variables was also investigated.

The paper focuses on major research areas and needs in the field of social stratification, with special reference to rural society. Problem areas treated are (1) criteria of stratification and their interrelationships, (2) procedures employed in an operational definition of social strata, (3) the social unit in which a given system of stratification is operative, (4) cultural and group expressions of stratification, (5) vertical social mobility, and (6) stratification and social change. Major methodological problems concern (1) discovering rationales for selecting and relating criteria of stratification, (2) perfecting socio-economic scales and prestige rating procedures, and (3) bridging the gap between the community and mass society approaches. Considerable interest has been shown in describing the cultural aspects of stratification as seen in patterns or styles of life, but much more attention is needed on group expressions of class interests, the channels and personality correlates of vertical social mobility, and social forces which produce change in systems of stratification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While survey data on social mobility have become available for a good range of industrial societies, there is a conspicuous lack of sound quantitative data on what can be roughly characterized as primitive societies. A further gap in our knowledge of social mobility stems from the relative paucity of data on the effects of major changes in the economic system on patterns of mobility. This paper reports preliminary results bearing on these issues derived from a study of Toro, a rapidly changing society in western Uganda. The main issues addressed concern the means by which status is preserved from one generation to the next, the resultant patterns of mobility and the effects of social and economic change on these patterns. These data are particularly useful in that Toro has, well within this century, undergone a fundamental economic change—from a subsistence to a dual economy in which both the subsistence and the money sectors are important. Since Toro was relatively untouched by the money economy before the 1930s, we have been able to collect quantitative data on patterns of mobility in a period when Toro had a subsistence economy, in a subsequent period of transition, and in the modern period when the money sector of the dual economy is gradually becoming more important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To discuss the merits of this last hypothesis is beyond the scope of this paper, which has the much more limited aim of examining the empirical support for Lipset and Bendix's original argument. How firmly can we rely on their empirical generalization that the overall pattern of social mobility appears to be much the same in industrial societies? To answer this requires a reanalysis of their data. Although a complete assessment of this generalization would require the examination of all the available material, I have made here no attempt to incorporate more recent findings than they consider. Needless to say, this review is not meant to be negative but, rather, reopens an issue which may have been prematurely closed. Indeed it may even be that readers of Lipset and Bendix have imbued their findings with greater finality than was indicated, since in their original monograph they stress the tentative nature of their interpretation. As an interpretation their study remains masterful, and this critique should be seen in this context. One final qualification is that since the chapter in which this analysis appears was in fact written by Lipset and Zetterberg, it may be more proper to refer to this thesis as the Lipset-Zetterberg thesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports a more systematic study of the relationship between fraternity membership and mobility aspirations. Controls for relevant social background variables (income, education, and religious identification) are added so that a better indication of the true relationship between aspirations and fraternity membership can be made. Based on the findings of Levine and Sussmann and those of Jackson and Winkler, it is hypothesized that the higher one's mobility aspirations, the more likely one is to join a fraternity. A caveat must be interjected here. It is not assumed that only social mobility aspirations determine whether or not one joins a fraternity. Related research by the author indicates that other variables, especially peer and familial pressures, are very important in determining membership in fraternities. What is attempted here is an analysis which focuses on one small part of the membership process so as to shed some light on a hitherto neglected research area, viz., the relationship between mobility aspirations and fraternity membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the family strategy in middle class suburbia. The middle class family has a set of responsibilities that may or may not be shared with families from other social classes. Like the others, it is concerned with broad aspects of education; but uniquely, it strives to inculcate a sense of responsibility and worth in the individual members, habits of work and the peculiarly identifiable middle class attitude towards work. It strives to develop an ability to control one's own world, and one's self. In a society characterized by change and social mobility, the individual performer has a critical problem of identity. The family must work out programs for the relief of these tensions; unless this is done, the family is failing to present its members adequately to society. This paper reports on a small study done in a middle class suburb of Saint Paul, Minnesota, in the fall of 1962. The survey was proposed at PTA meeting after a stand-up comedy routine on parental-child conflicts.

The article presents classified and annotated bibliography of the March 1, 1960 issue of the journal Current Sociology. The following bibliography does not attempt an exhaustive reporting of the vast literature social mobility. It lists references of the text, other works that have influenced the author but not specifically cited, and a number of articles, monographs and books not generally known that may be of use to students of mobility. Extensive bibliographies can be found in "Social Mobility in Industrial Society," by S.M. Lipset and R. Bendix and "Social Mobility: Thirty Years of Research and Theory," by R.W. Mack, L. Freeman and S. Yellin. "Transactions of the Second and Third World Congresses of Sociology," contain many important articles and references. "Centro Latin-Americano de Pesquisas en Ciencas Socialis," has issued a variety of bibliographies on Latin America. Department of Sociology, University of Buenos Aires, has issued a variety of bibliographies. The book "Social Stratification in Latin America," by R.L. Beals has an important discussion of trends for all of Latin America.

This paper analyzes trends of social mobility in England and Wales. Speculations about trends of social mobility have been prominent in contemporary commentaries on the condition of England, and on the changing structures of highly industrialized societies. Empirical research has given little support to expectations that definite changes would be observable when rates of social mobility were compared over time. The theory that in the U.S. the closing of the frontier and the consolidation of corporate capitalism must have reduced movement up and down the social scale has been questioned by recent research. And the contrasting notion, common in Western Europe, that economic, political and educational changes must have increased chances of social ascent and descent has also been empirically challenged. These studies have made little impact on the general debate about contemporary social stratification. But such evidence has also been only partly relevant to some major issues of the debate. For while the data relate to patterns of social mobility prevailing yesterday, the debate has often in effect centered on those patterns which may prevail tomorrow. It is possible that the occupational experience of those who are still only children or adolescents today will follow new lines–in consequence particularly, it has been suggested, of recent changes in educational policy.

The article discusses social status and electoral choice in two constituencies in Great Britain in 1952. The statement that social class membership is of outstanding importance as a determining factor in political behavior would probably be regarded by most contemporary social scientists as little more than a truism. And it is perhaps for the very reason that the gross outlines of the relationship are so clearly perceptible that so few systematic attempts have yet been made to analyze its structure in any detail. The material presented in this paper forms part of the results of an inquiry into certain subjective aspects of English social stratification, carried out in September-October 1950. To study social class differences in voting behavior was only one of its aims: the inquiry was designed also to study, inter alia, varying conceptions of the nature of social classes and of the criteria of class membership, the social class placement of various occupations and attitudes to social mobility. An account of the design of the survey and of some of its findings will appear elsewhere; it may be useful, however, to include here some brief notes on the sample, and on the method employed of classifying respondents.

Seymour Lipset summarized some evidence suggesting that upwardly mobile individuals in some Northern European countries, including Sweden, retained the working class loyalties characteristic of their stations of origin to much greater extent than upwardly mobile individuals in some other countries. This paper presents findings from a study designed to test some of the assumptions of Lipset's interpretation of this evidence, and also offers a number of alternative interpretations taking account of macro conditions of Swedish political history and social structure as well as micro processes of ideological conviction through "cognitive vigilance". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A new aspect of intergenerational occupational mobility is investigated in this paper: the occupations of all sons in a sample of families, rather than the occupation of only one son per family. Taking all sons whose fathers' occupations are the same, do these sons disperse individually over a range of occupations, or do they tend to cluster in family groups, so that one group of brothers is concentrated around one occupational level while other groups are at other levels? The same investigation was made of daughters' husbands. The data were obtained from interviews with a probability sample of Helsinki residents. A familial influence on occupations, which is independent of father's occupation,, is called "sibling group differentiation". The presence of this factor was investigated by means of analysis of variance, applied separately at each level of father's occupation. Sibling group differentiation was found to be present in the occupations of groups of brothers at all levels of father's occupation except the lowest and to be present, although less consistently, in the occupations of sisters' husbands. These findings were unaffected when type of origin of the family, whether or not the father was a farmer, age, and size of the family were investigated. Of the total variance in occupations of children whose fathers' occupations were alike, about one quarter was explained by sibling group differentiation. The causal interpretation offered is that the variable is due to the effect of the home environment on aspirations, and that a necessary condition for its occurrence is a certain minimum level of mobility opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main goal of this paper is to describe general trends of social mobility in Yugoslavia. In so far as available sources allow, the vertical aspect of mobility will be stressed and more attention will be paid to intergenerational movements than to intragenerational ones. The description of the main lines of mobility is based on the data collected by the Pilot census of the Yugoslav population which was carried out in April 1960. This source has been combined with and checked by, wherever it was possible, the data of an investigation of the Institute of Social Sciences into the structure and mobility of the Yugoslav working class. Researchers tried to utilize some other sources of Yugoslav official statistics in the discussion of particular mobility problems. As mentioned before, the main source for the analysis of gross intergenerational mobility was the 1960 Pilot census of population. It had a subsample wherein all inhabitants above the age of 14 years were requested to give the information about the occupation and school attainment of their father and mother. In order to be able to measure the distance of intergenerational movements, respondents were asked to state parental occupations at the time when their parents had supported them. In cases when someone other than their parents supported them, respondents were asked to state the latter's occupation and education.

The present paper extends the analysis in two ways, it investigates a complex of possible economic, social and political determinants of social mobility and it employs techniques of multiple regression and partial correlation analysis. Unfortunately, the analytical study of comparative social mobility is still in the infant stages of development and no reasonably well-developed hypotheses exist which specify the "crucial" intersocietal determinants of mobility. Consequently, several economic, political and social variables have been selected from the ponderous mobility literature for the statistical analysis. Inadequacies of much basic data, the tortuous realigning of occupational categories to achieve some semblance of comparability and distortions of the statistical techniques require the recognition that the analysis can only be regarded at best as suggestive. With these limitations in mind, it will be seen that five mobility determinants, gross national product, per capita, education, political stability, urbanization, achievement motivation in concert account for more than 80 percent of the manual and nonmanual outflow mobility variance among twelve nations.

In this paper it is intended to present some relevant data about the military establishment in Burma which might offer some light on one kind of pattern of interaction between the military and the civil society, The phenomenon primarily dealt with is the military assumption of unorthodox roles and its relation to the problem of social change and social mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents information regarding social immobility and inequality measurement. Starting from the probably best instrument devised up to now to analyze a mobility table from this point of view, i.e. Yasuda's Y, the article shows that the given index in the article could be considered as a particular element of a family of indices. In this family, a particularly important other member is X, which have been called an index of inequality. An illustrative example shows that X and Y may lead to different conclusions on the meaning of a mobility table or of a set of mobility tables. At a more general level, the present paper shows that the idea of a best mobility measure is probably a false and also dangerous idea. The problem is rather to make explicit the implicit ideas or assumptions used in the construction of any index. The article ignores the numerous methodological difficulties raised by a table. In general, intergenerational mobility tables are drawn from reports of a sample of sons on the occupation of their father. This procedure leads of course to all kinds of biases. In particular, the differential fertility of the social. classes will introduce a bias in the occupational distribution of the group of "fathers."

James C. Davies proposed a "rise and drop" hypothesis to explain the origin of revolutions. The present paper attempts to place this in the more general context of analyzing conditions which produce both social movements and revolutions. Three additional temporal hypotheses ("rising expectations," "relative deprivation," and "downward mobility") and one nontemporal hypothesis ("status inconsistency") are suggested. These five hypotheses are subsumed under the Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. This provides a general social psychological -theory of motivation which could account for individual predispositions toward participation in social movements and revolutions. Predictions are made regarding the direction and intensity of such movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recent study hypothesizes that manual workers have limited career mobility expectations and thus evaluate their own positions in reference to the positions of fathers, brothers, and/or peers. The present paper presents a test of this hypothesis. It is found that middle-class persons do not use these social references. It is possible that manual workers with limited expectations do use their brothers as a reference point whereas those with high expectations do not. However, although workers' positions relative to their fathers' positions are associated with evaluation, this is true regardless of mobility expectations. Positions of workers in relation to their peers is not associated with evaluation regardless of mobility expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the formal theory of social mobility, based upon Markov chain theory, is applied to comparison of intergenerational mobility data. It is noted that summary indices based upon equilibrium occupational distributions are independent of the occupational distributions of the populations studied and are associated only with the observed mobility patterns. The formal theory of social mobility represents a direct approach to investigation of consequences of occupational mobility for the occupational distribution itself, and it may be extended and applied to problems of assessment of consequences of occupational mobility for other variables.

This paper discusses the problems of industrial development in Asian countries which show high densities of rural population and contrasts their probable pattern of industrialization with that of economically more highly advanced European countries. When an approximately equal proportion of the population of western European countries was dependent upon primary production, as is the case now in agriculture in most Asian countries, agricultural densities were only roughly a fourth as great as in Asia to-day. Yet in western Europe despite emigration of "surplus" labour and relatively large capital supplies, industrialization proceeded only fast enough to skim off the net addition to population in primary production. In Asia population press tire is higher than in Europe in the past arid capital is scarcer. Hence it is not probable that industrialization will proceed to the same degree arid in the same form as in. Europe. In place of generally large-scale production, many small and cottage industries are likely to develop These have lower productivity and hence lower wages than large industry, and the persistence of small-scale industry will impose the need to maintain separate labour markets for large and small industry. The maintenance of existing harriers or the introduction of new impediments to social mobility can be expected to provide a mechanism for an imperfectly "universalist" labour market in Asian countries and the continued existence of non-competing groups ha the industrial labour force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essence of freedom consists in the absence of restraint and an election or any other concrete instance of choosing is generally deemed to have been free if each voter had an unrestricted choice between several alternatives, of which not casting a vote may have been one. This approach is objective because it is based on "post factum" data reflecting actual behaviour in a given situation and it is statistical in so far as the analysis embraces the decisions taken by the full membership of the selected group. But diversity alone does not necessarily indicate the absence of restraint, because variety can be enforced just as effectively as uniformity. If, for example, the actual statistical spread of the choices can be traced back to the definite orders of an authority, the actual freedom displaced is nil. There are also instances where, though the factor itself is unavoidable, its consequences are not. Take sex, for instance, as a determinant of choice of profession. Whereas it is hardly a practical proposition to alter the sex of a girl who wants to pursue a profession at present reserved to males, it would not be impossible to throw all professions open to both sexes.

This article contains an analysis of part of the results of an inquiry into social mobility undertaken jointly by the Nuffield Research Unit of the London School of Economics and the Population Investigation Committee, in collaboration with the Ministry of Labour, based on nation-wide sample material collected by the Social Survey in England and Wales in 1949. Grateful acknowledgment is made to the Inter-Departmental Committee on Economic and Social Research for facilitating the collaboration with these government departments. In this paper, the relationship between fertility defined in terms of average family size of marriages of at least twenty years duration and social mobility is discussed. Two aspects of the latter phenomenon are discussed, namely, the position of sons on the social scale in relation to that of their fathers, and the change in the social status of a family in the period between the date of marriage and the date of the inquiry. The conclusions reached stand in apparent contradiction to R. A. Fisher's `Theory of Infertility Selection`. It is shown that socially promoted families tend on the one hand to carry with them the family-building habits of the class of their origin, and, on the other, to acquire to some extent the fertility characteristics of the class into which they move. The study of `personal' social mobility throws some light on the question of the choice of the time-basis of socioeconomic status allocation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]