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The article presents information about several journals. The International Journal of Psychology, which started publication in 1966, is devoted to cross-cultural comparative and co-operative research in general, genetic and social psychology throughout the world. It reports on comparative field or laboratory studies, inquiries, experimental replications, critical reviews, theoretical or methodological papers in relationship with cross-cultural research, projects or cross-cultural studies are also published. Sociological Studies will be international in scope and will offer a professional, coordinated and disciplined review and appraisal of research trends in different areas of sociology. Each issue will consist of a collection of papers integrated around a particular theme. In particular it is hoped to provide an avenue for the publication of longer working papers which are at present too extensive for most journals. Sociological Studies will be published annually in English by the Cambridge University Press. The first issue will appear in 1968.

Considerable attention has been given recently to the perplexing problem of the relationship between attitudes and behavior (Ehrlich, 1969; Deutscher, 1969; Warner and DeFleur, 1969; Ajzen et al., 1970; Lastrucci, 1970; Tarter, 1970). Methodological issues have been debated, the lack of congruence between attitudes and behavior has been examined, and a variety of solutions have been offered. We are told, for example, that the continuing poor correlation between measured attitudes and overt behavior requires us to search for the intervening variable or variables which apparently obtain (Ehrlich, 1969); or to employ the "direct observation" of the phenomenon under investigation rather than try to extrapolate from paper-and-pencil tests to behavior (Deutscher, 1969); or to develop theories that, in turn, enable us to find indicators that are more valid than the paper-and-pencil type (Lastrueci, 1970); or to simply admit that attitudes as "presently conceptualized play no real role in behavior" (Tarter, 1970). A number of important aspects of attitude research, however, have been obscured or omitted in these discussions. For the surprising aspect of the situation is not, as has often been implied, the lack of congruence between attitudes and behavior, but the persistent use of research designs that are inappropriate for the complexity of the subject under investigation. Further, it is surprising that researchers have failed to draw out other important implications of their research. That is, the fact that an attitude does not lead directly to a behavior does not justify the assertion that attitudes play no role in behavior, or that attitude research lacks significant implications for social life. The basis for this latter statement will be shown below in a discussion of the values of attitude research. It may be that inadequate research designs, valued for their simplicity rather than their appropriateness, are a manifestation of the "publish or perish" syndrome. In any ease, this paper attempts to outline the problems and the values of attitude research, and to demonstrate thereby that such research is of great significance for the understanding of social phenomena. If that significance seems minimized by those studies that have found poor correlation between attitudes and behavior, the fault lies both in the failure to create research designs that reflect the complexity of the problem and in the tendency to exalt the importance of the proximate causes of overt behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of the Cornell Study of Occupational Retirement, introducing some papers which are progress reports of a longitudinal project in the area of aging and retirement. The Project, which was initiated in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Cornell University, began in 1951 with pilot studies, a review of literature and other research reconnaissance. During 1952 and 1953 the original phase of data gathering was completed at the site of participating organizations throughout the country. The social aspects of aging have become the focus of increasing interest from the standpoints of basic research and social action programs. This growth of research activities and social concern with the process of aging is closely related to three fundamental demographic and social changes which have occurred over a fifty year period: (1) the life span of persons has been extended appreciably; (2) the absolute numbers and the relative proportion of the aged in the general population has been steadily increasing; (3) there has been a marked increase in the number of older persons who retire. Overall, the notions of personal and social adjustment, when carefully used, are useful research tools, and it is in this sense that the concepts are employed in the project's analyses and, presumably, in other analyses which seek clearer understandings of social, psychological and biological processes associated with aging and retirement.

In this article, the author describes how Leo Pfeffer, the author of the paper entitled, "Issues That Divide," has contributed among other things a unique, highly useful, and systematic cataloguing of the principal issues around which Catholic-non-Catholic tensions and conflicts have developed and exist in America today. This brief postscript to his paper is intended to highlight some of the sociological and social psychological implications of what he has to say on this subject. As it is implied, the essential nature of Catholic-non-Catholic conflict makes it unlikely that such conflict will disappear in the natural course of events in the foreseeable future. Its control requires a more adequate understanding of its process than the social sciences can supply at present.

As the name suggests, social-psychology is a bastard field. It consists of such a variety of peoples doing so many different things in different ways, that it defies definition—at least for me. In spite of the neat delineations which are made in textbooks and the scholarly historical treatments which appear in encyclopediae and symposia, I find it difficult to grasp a concept of "social-psychology" which is anything more than the operational definition: "Social psychology is what people who call themselves social-psychologists, do." That is not much help, but it is all we have got. I mention my own confusion in this matter, not with the aim of confusing others, but by way of explanation: some of the issues I will touch upon in this paper may infringe upon what readers consider to be other areas of sociology. I regret such territorial invasions. But in my own quest for understanding why people act as they do, I have increasingly found that the traditional "fields" in the discipline and the traditional courses in the catalogue do not provide appropriate categories with which I can explain to colleagues and students what it is I am discovering. Having said all of this, let us get down to business. It is a decade since Dennis Wrong published the paper in which he challenged "The oversocialized conception of man in modern society" (1961). Reacting to a determinism which pervaded the social sciences and which seemed to be seeping into popular currency, Wrong asked if man were in fact as constrained by a monolithic culture as we social scientists would have it. A few years later Harold Garfinkel referred more bluntly to the models of men constructed by the various social sciences: he called them "judgmental dopes." The cultural dope and the psychological dope are, respectively, the man in the sociologist's society and the man in the psychologist's society (1967:67-68). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades limited research attention has been given to those smallest population centers, beyond the individual farmstead, commonly referred to as hamlets. Alluding to this fact, the following statement made in 1943 by the geographer, Glenn T. Trewartha, is still indicative of the situation: "… one of the most numerous and widespread settlement types in the United States, the unincorporated hamlet, does not deserve the near oblivion that has been accorded it by geographers and other workers in the social sciences." The lack of research interest may be attributed partially to the dimunition of the farm population and rural institutions and the increasing significance of industrialization and urban development. Because of these and other changes, students of society may share the opinion that hamlets are rapidly disappearing and consequently not worthy of study. Various studies, however, are not in agreement concerning whether or not hamlets have increased or decreased in size and numbers. According to Fuguitt, the contradictory findings stem from the fact that previous researchers have not made "a clear distinction between (1) changes in population size categories over time, and (2) changes in individual places over time." In a study based on Census data, Fuguitt examined Wisconsin's incorporated small towns for the period 1880-1960. He simultaneously analyzed the two analytical components indicated above through the use of the Markov model. His general conclusion was: "While fewer small towns are being 'born' these days, they aren't 'dying,' but are growing up to be big towns, in some cases." Although it is possible, as Fuguitt also suggests, that small unincorporated places are declining in size and number, there is little reported data to suggest they are rapidly diminishing as a rural collectivity or settlement center in contemporary society. In general, the purpose of this paper is to make a contribution to our descriptive knowledge of hamlets. Initially, an effort is made to determine the main activity pursued by the principal family supporters within or near the hamlet area. Secondly, based on the major activity pursued by each resident family's primary income recipient, a statistically derived typology of hamlets is described. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociologists and social psychologists, perhaps more than some of their fellow social scientists, have striven for what is in many respects one of the most elusive aims of science—valid generalizations. Examination of the results of the past thirty years of research are, however, far from encouraging. Arnold Hose, in addressing himself to the problem of generalization in the social sciences, is tempted to raise the question as to whether or not there has been considerably more striving than achieving. Certainly it is apparent that the replications often do not verify the original study. The data presented in this paper are drawn from a study of delinquent behavior which I conducted in New Zealand. My research in this field constituted in part a replication of research conducted by Nye and Short in the United States. The data from these two studies provided an opportunity for fruitful cross-cultural comparisons in the area of delinquent behavior. The rationale presented in this paper may be interpreted as a modest attempt to pursue what Rose has called "generalizability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is designed to introduce caution in the use of arbitrary techniques for the classification of non-scale response patterns in the use of Guttman scales. Political scientist Andrew F. Henry disposes of the middle-weighting and extreme-weighting techniques for the classification of non-scale response patterns in a Guttman scale by showing four empirical cases in which an alternate procedure more frequently places the non-scale response patterns in accordance with latent distance placement by modal contribution. An argument based on the algebra of the latent distance model demonstrates that Henry's conclusions with respect to middle and extreme weighting are correct except in certain special cases. Henry concludes that in cases where the minimum error criterion assigns the pattern to more than one scale type, the pattern should be classified with the perfect scale type having the greater number of cases, provided that there is a significant difference between the frequencies of the two perfect scale types.

This article presents Peter M. Hall's response to Rosabeth Moss Kanter's comments toward his article "A Symbolic Interactionist Analysis of Politics," published in the 1972 issue of "Sociological Inquiry." The author concludes that Kanter misunderstands his perspective by subsuming it under American liberalism. If there is anything that he is not, it is an American liberal, and if there is anything he is criticizing in American sociology, political sociology, and symbolic interaction, it is consensual, pluralistic, and liberal bias. Hall also does not deny the need to see the totality of the society, its interdependencies, feedbacks, and impacts, in short, society as a system. To settle misconceptions, Hall emphasized that his paper had a special focus and set limits as to its goals and coverage. It was not intended to be a complete analysis of politics nor a complete analysis of American politics.

A sample of 23 traits of city life which constitute the main part of Thorndike's composite measure of "goodness of life" in American cities has been factorized. Four factors have been isolated which seem to parallel some of the most important factors previously obtained in Cattell's comparative study of nations and also in the present writer's comparative study of states. They may thus be assumed to represent syntality-dimensions of a very general nature which apply not only to substructures within a single nation but also to different cultures. Thorndike's composite measure of "goodness of life" becomes thus an unwarranted generalization which neglects the independent variation in at least four dimensions of group life. The designation of an individual city as either "good" (high in G) or "bad" (low in G) is not feasible. The primary goal of this paper has been to bring a statistical method to the attention of the social scientist which has been originally developed in the psychology of individual differences. The present writer feels very strongly that factor analysis will be of great usefulness in the study of social patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author comments on methodologies in social psychological work proposed by participants of the roundtable discussion conducted by the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issue in the U.S. The techniques of surveying, has had exceptional use in solving the practical problems encountered in administrative work. With regards to the dynamics of face-to-face human groups, the clinical approach to social psychological problems was appropriate in that the former isolation between social psychologists and clinicians has been breaking down. The author suggested that there are no really unique methods in the field.

The author of this article presents a rebuttal to comments on his paper entitled, "How Scientific Are the Social Sciences?" He particularly refers to the brief observations on social engineering at the end of the paper. The commentator's pessimistic view of the present situation refers to the situation in Canada and the U.S. where, for somewhat different reasons, there is an institutional inertia that is not to the same extent present in some other countries.

This article provides information on the sixth annual meeting of the Southwestern Political and Social Science Association, which was held at the Jefferson Hotel in Dallas, Texas, from Match 30 to April 1, 1925. A total of 110 registered for the various sessions, this being at least 30 per cent more than any previous meeting. Included in this number were representatives of practically all the colleges and universities of the Southwest, of several high schools, of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, of the Texas Farm Bureau, and of civic clubs and organizations. The appeal of the various sections on sociology, social psychology, economics, history, government, and international relations is attested by the fact that the average attendance upon the sectional meetings averaged between thirty and forty. At the Social Psychology Section, presided over by professor M. S. Handman of the University of Texas, four papers were presented. Professor D. B. Klein of the University of Teas, read a paper on the Instinct Controversy. The second paper, by H. I. Gosline of Child Guidance Clinic, was entitles the Content of Social Psychology. The third was a discussion by professor Handman of Psychological Technique as Applied to the Social Sciences, and the fourth, by professor B. Clyde White of Agricultural and Medical College of Texas, was on the relation of psychology to the social sciences.

This paper is addressed to a neglected aspect of that social psychology, namely, the "meaning" for individuals and groups of the nature of the stratification system and of their particular place in it. More specifically, in this paper researchers intend to explore ways in which groups perceive the dynamics of their social class system as measured by their opinions about interests of the participating classes and ways in which those interests lead to social harmony or conflict. This is, then, a study which in the classical literature of sociology would be called an investigation into "class consciousness" but which, because of the ambiguity in the meaning of that term, prefer to speak of as a study of "images of class relations." The setting to which this data relates is the Soviet Union. Although official dogma holds that class relations in the U.S.S.R. are profoundly different from those in "capitalist" countries and that the nation is approaching a classless society, there is ample evidence that Soviet social structure includes a fully elaborated social class system.

The article presents a cross-cultural study of the behavioral aspects of the concept of religion. The problem with which this study was concerned was the dynamic connotation of the concept of religion for individuals and groups. The best index of the meaning of any concept to a person would be his behavioral responses to the incarnation of that concept. Such a response would be structured by the person's expectations concerning the impact of the structured stimulus on him. A meaning which retains some of the vitality of that index and has the virtue of being much more accessible is to ask people to describe the behavior which they suppose is structured by the concept. This was the mode of operation adopted for the present study. In the light of the nature of the actions ascribed to the religious person it seems reasonable to suppose that the guesses of the subjects regarding the percentage of people in such countries who so act reflect or even help determine the attitude of the subjects toward the country. It should not be supposed, however, that this belief is the total determinant of the attitude.

The article focuses on the effects of different degrees of knowledge of an audience on the content of communication. The experiment reported in this paper grows out of those reviewed above with one exception. The author has attempted to study perception as one step in the general process of communication and not as an isolated problem. The experiment concluded that the content of a communication is affected by the degree of knowledge which the communicator has of his audience. However, these effects seem to be minimal. It was found that the change of one word in briefing a subject does not seem to usually alter the content of his communication significantly. The major variables affecting the content of a communication are: (a) the nature of the communicator (b) the nature of the objects to be communicated (c) the nature of the audience (d) the degree of briefing about the audience. The method used in this experiment offers a way to measure these variables and to predict the relationships among them for a specific situation.

This paper is critical of some uses made of the "ideal type" and of the fruitless efforts to grasp the significance of this basic tool of science through the work of Max Wetter. Weber, a genius in many respects, did not have a scientifically mature grasp of the class of logical devices to which the ideal type belongs, namely, idealizations, which in the older sciences represent an inevitable, almost commonplace, research strategy. idealization; we suggest, may conveniently be thought of as falling along a continuum between the propaedeatic and the theoretical. Most of Weber's types and most others used in sociology either do violence to the basic strategy of idealizations or fall close to the propoedeutic extreme of the continuum. However, a few idealizations which remarkably approximate the purely theoretical ones found in physical science are available in the discipline, although they are not recognised as such. Several of these are herein singled out and briefly discussed. Sociology, we plead, must snake a special effort to recognize the theoretically fertile strategy of the idealization. A roper and deliberate use of this device helps avoid fruitless squabbles about extra-scientific aspects of theories and enhances our chance of getting down to the serious business of theory construction with a focused sense of purpose and a cumulative orientation. Finally, in order to avoid past difficulties, we suggest that the term "ideal type" be dropped altogether from our vocabulary in favor of its less troublesome relation, idealization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I explore the ramifications of charismatic sensitivity, i.e., the propensity to impute charismatic qualities to actions, persons, institutions and cultural objects. My analysis takes its point of departure in Max Weber's analysis of charismatic authority, in trying to analyze charismatic authority more systematically than Weber was able to do, I have concluded that he was dealing with one particular variant of the charismatic propensity, which has more far-reaching, more permeative manifestations than his analysis has hitherto led us to believe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problem of alienation is a pervasive theme in the classics of sociology, and the concept has a prominent place in contemporary work. This paper seeks to accomplish two tasks: to present an organized view of the uses that have been made of this concept; and to provide an approach that ties the historical interest in alienation to the modern empirical effort. Five alternative meanings of alienation are identified: powerlessness, meaninglessness, normlessness, isolation, and self-estrangement. The derivation of these meanings from traditional sociological analysis is sketched, and the necessity for making the indicated distinctions is specified. In each case, an effort is made to provide a viable research formulation of these five alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of systems of simultaneous equations to describe social behavior, extensive in econometrics, appears to have promise for explaining behavior in other social sciences as well. Two problems that may arise with the use of such equations are (1) identification, and (2) estimation. This paper considers the problem of identification and extends the methodology to include a description of the Theil-Basmann method of estimation. A specific model concerning the diffusion of technical innovations is formulated and tested. The results suggest that variables in the model represent an interdependent system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social interaction of any kind requires some degree of consensus. This is true only if the word consensus sheds its connotation of empathy, of emotional rap- port, and is confined to meaning agreement on the terms of which interaction takes place. Consensus may thus be defined as the tacit delineation of mutually accepted norms of behavior. Since it takes two to make a quarrel, a quarrel requires consensus in this sense. The examination of certain situations in which consensus is purposefully manipulated may illuminate its significance in inter- action; the primary object of this paper, however, is to relate the analysis of interaction to more general sociological categories, and thereby to develop further insights into the processes of social interaction. The roles that an individual plays in different social situations may sometimes be present as possible alternatives in the same situation. A man may invite workmates or colleagues into his home and meet them in the same situation as that in which he enacts the role of husband and parent. The roles of husband and of parent may themselves over-lap in this way in different situations within the home.

The article presents various developments related to social sciences. The District of Columbia Chapter of the American Sociological Society concluded a successful year under the leadership of Clyde W. Hart on Monday, April 1. At the meeting on that date the following were elected as officers for the 1946-47 term: Margaret Jarman Hagood, president; Raymond V. Bowers, vice-president; Ruth Reed, secretary-treasurer; Harry Alpert, alternate representative on the Executive Committee. The Board of Missions, the Board of Evangelism and the Crusade for Christ of the Methodist Church will distribute among their workers 1,000 copies of The World's Need of Christ by Dr. Charles A. Eliwood, Emeritus Professor of Sociology of Duke University. This book was first published in 1940. This new edition, now in press, will be bound in paper covers, and will not be put on sale. Dr. Eliwood will represent the American Sociological Society as its official representative at the Sesquicentennial celebration at the University of North Carolina April 12 and 13.

Since its first systematic treatment by Max Weber in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft in the early twenties, the concept of charisma has been of only limited use to the social sciences. This is so because of fundamental disagreement concerning its meaning and application. In response to this, the present paper offers (1) a brief examination of Weber's contribution, (2) a critical analysis of this position based in part on the recent literature, and (3) a final formulation of the concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an invitation to sociologists to take seriously the topic of fashion. Only a handful of scholars, such as Simmel (1904), Sapir (1931), and the Langs (1961), have given more than casual concern to the topic. Their individual analyses of it, while illuminating in several respects, have been limited in scope, and within the chosen limits very sketchy. The treatment of the topic by sociologists in general, such as we find it in textbooks and in occasional pieces of scholarly writing, is even more lacking in substance. The major deficiencies in the conventional sociological treatment are easily noted—a failure to observe and appreciate the wide range of operation of fashion; a false assumption that fashion has only trivial or peripheral significance; a mistaken idea that fashion falls in the area of the abnormal and irrational and thus is out of the mainstream of human group life; and, finally, a misunderstanding of the nature of fashion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professor William I. Thomas, formerly of the University of Chicago, Illinois, is regarded by many as the most original and erudite of American psychological sociologists. Certainly no one excels him for mastery of the subject or for a firm command of the auxiliary sciences essential to the successful exploitation of the field of psychological sociology. It is generally conceded that no other American sociologist approaches him with respect to knowledge of the facts and literature of ethnography and primitive culture. Unfortunately, Thomas has confined his systematic exposition of psychological sociology to his university lectures, which have not yet been published. His written contributions to this subject are, then, few and relatively fragmentary. In a notable paper read before the Congress of Arts and Sciences at St. Louis, Missouri, in 1904, he presented his views on the province of social psychology, indicating its importance to the social scientist. He held that social psychology is "an extension of individual psychology to the phenomena of collective life," and suggested some of the chief problems with which it should concern itself.

A number of techniques have been suggested for determining the merit of a given method of questioning by several social scientists. Apparently with few exceptions the techniques and suggestions can be abstracted to a general principle. Merit is reflected in the extent of agreement between the response to a question and some behavior on the part of the respondent. The emphasis has been on a relation between the response and the respondent. The present paper suggests that there may be another concern in establishing the merit of a method of questioning. The value of any set of questions may be based upon relations with the questioner rather than with the questionee. A final test for any question may become, does the response, as obtained in this form, lead to information for the questioner which is not biased by the method of questioning. A pattern of questioning is initiated when one or more persons requires information upon which partially to base decisions. Information may be obtained through many channels of communication, including verbal and written questioning.

This paper focuses on industrialization, development or modernization. The author will start with the division of individual societies into functional sub-systems evolved by various researchers. This is an attempt to categorize aspects of social interaction in terms of the four functional imperatives which, it is postulated, all viable social systems must cater for. In sum, the decade after the end of World War II may be taken as a peak in the prestige-standing of economics. Economists were accorded considerable deference, largely because of the functional emphasis on economic problems in the post-war world; whilst at the same time the strategic status of the economist helped to sustain the narrow economic perspectives of national elites. Some of the most significant early inroads into the domination of economics can be located not so much in existing dissatisfaction with the policy tools of governments as in the academic sphere. The priority of changing emphasis was to a large extent in the hands of academic critics. Notable breaks with the dominance of almost exclusively economic interpretations of the problems of deprived nations occurred during the 1950's.

In the first section of this article the writer presented a previously unpublished theory of meaning and thinking, invented, and made available for use here, by Professor Floyd H. Allport. This theory of meaning as closure in an intra-organismic series of events depends upon the Allportian theories of, and in connection with, (a) explicit denotation, (b) an act, and (c) closure in an external series of acts or events dealing with explicitly denotable objects. Two types of closure (i.e., meaning) were described and illustrated: (a) implicit, non-testable, and non-predictively employable; (b) implicit, testable, and predictively employable. In the remaining sections of the paper the methodological principles set forth in the first section were used in analyzing statements by Arnold J. Toynbee, Harold J. Laski, James Truslow Adams, Stuart Chase, and Adolph Hitler. Each was found to have employed implicit language usage instead of language with testable meanings. The following summarizing statements were made regarding this implicit language usage: (a) It is frequently meaningless as applied to human affairs; (b) the attempt to make it seem to apply to human affairs usually results in ambiguity; (c) in some cases in which it can be applied to individuals it is not only ambiguous, but inadequate or false. It was also pointed out that, consciously or unconsciously, all these men have employed--in place of language descriptive of anything explicitly denotable or testable--language such as leaders find effective as a means of (a) inducing many persons to make their energies available in event-system situations; (A) raising the levels of energy of these persons until "desired" volumes of end-events occur. It may be well to note in passing that while the energy expended in reacting to language with non-testable or affective meanings is quantitative, and so may vary in different situations, language meaning itself seems to have a qualitative aspect, e.g., it is either testable or non-testable. In this qualitative sense, the non-testable meanings of the implicit language usage of Toynbee, Laski, Adams, Chase, and Hitler seem indistinguishable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review sketches some strengths and weaknesses in the subfield and its potential for generating and testing theoretical frameworks. The analysis includes research on sport from the following perspectives: interinstitutional relationships, social stratification, small groups, and social psychology. In recent years, the sociology of sport has become more sophisticated in terms of research questions posed, research design, quantitative analysis, and cross-cultural comparisons. As one dimension of leisure, sports represent a serious topic for scholarly research to round out our understanding of the human person as a social being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on several forthcoming meetings of the Sociological Society and the Regional Association. On Friday, April 22, 1921 "The Saffron Walden Survey," illustrated by lantern slides would be organized by George Morris. On Thursday, May 122 "Co-operation in Social Studies," would be organized by Patrick Geddes. The exhibition of "Civic Surveys," would be followed during the summer term. The next meeting of the Social Psychology Group will be held on April 18, at which Miss Maud Bodkin will read a paper on psychotherapy in relation to social psychology.

The article presents information on the book "The Social Sciences: An Outline for the Intending Student," edited by David C. Marsh. This book is a collection of carefully written papers on economics, sociology, general and social psychology, politics and social administration, together with suggested reading and a note on degree and other courses in the social sciences. It should be required reading for careers masters in grammar schools.

In this paper reference will be made consistently to constructive typology. In order to avoid confusion—to use McKinney's words— "the term 'constructed' type is used here in preference to the designations 'ideal' and 'pure' types. The terms ideal and pure have been misinterpreted so frequently that it seems advisable to follow Howard Becker's usage and refer to these types as 'constructed types. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a report on the Fourth Interprofessional Conference held in the U.S. as of July 1961. According to the author, a conference of sociologist may be studied as a social process. The conference papers, including that of the rapporteur then become data to be interpreted together with the observations of the social processes observed during the conference. The subject matter of the conference was the role of social sciences, sociology and social psychology, in the training of students of education and social work. In a review of the problem before the conference, it is useful to consider how the task of those concerned with students of education and social work differs in degree, if not in kind, from those who teach in other disciplines. There is much evidence in the literature of general and educational social psychology about the influence of the person on the performance of the group of which he is a member, and particularly of the person who has the high status, age difference and the leadership role of the teacher.

The discussion which Talcott Parsons offers to what he calls with suitable reservations utilitarianism and claims that his doctrine defined as one taking ends as given, necessarily holds the ends of action to be random. This is then argued to be an untenable assumption for sociological theory. Utilitarians held to the doctrine by which Parsons defines the position. This would be a question of historical fact. Since it is one which Parsons explicitly does not presume to answer, it is one of which this paper need not treat. The important problem is not whether Parsons criterion of a type of theory is properly named. It is whether any theory that takes ends to be given, as Parsons says of his notion of utilitarianism, necessarily must conclude that ends vary at random. For the abiding import of his critique is that, if correct, it applies to several types of theory active in sociology today. It would, for example, hold as untenable every theory which presumes to take the ends of action to be given at a beginning point In the analysis of some subject, yet which concludes that the ends of action, after the operation of the process of which the theory treats, are not random at all. For an example we may consider a hypothetical theory of collective behavior.

This paper reports an attempt to formulate a working hypothesis aimed at synthesizing the empirical knowledge of crime causation. As ground work for the theory, the logic of crime causation is first examined and restated. The sociopsychological theory outlined here is designed as a framework, within which to organize and relate the observed data of criminology, and also to indicate the gaps for further investigation. The implications of the theory for criminology and crime control are then briefly set forth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the concept and meaning of social processes in context with rural areas. The achievements of any science are determined in large part by the comprehensiveness of the problem the scientist sets for himself. In rural sociology people have asked many questions such as, "What?", "When?", and "Where?", questions which involve no essential problem and the answers to which are usually in terms of simple factual statements. The question immediately arises as to the importance of processes in any complete scheme of sociological analysis. The answer binges on the importance of change and action in the analysis being made. If the problem is one of explaining how a given social situation came to be, there is no possibility of generalization except in terms of process. The same is true if one is dealing with function: i.e., how a given system works.

In the present paper, inmate social roles and social organization in a women's prison will be described in some detail, comparisons of this is informal social structure will be made with relevant literature on the social roles assumed by male prisoners and the social structure inside the prison setting will be viewed in relation to the external environment. The study of deviance in the prison setting has typically been concerned with male forms of deviation. Indeed, with the exception of analysis of the "fringer" role and the recently reported study of a women's prison which describes the homosexual adaptation of female inmates, scientific description and analysis of the informal organization of the adult female prison have been overlooked. This formulation derives from case studies of single institutions and therefore, it is extremely difficult to ascertain the validity of conclusions drawn as previous writers have not explored systematically the interaction of the external culture with the conditions for survival faced by the prison aggregate.

We have argued that to understand cooperation we must study the co-operative process rather than input-output correlation. We suggested that the techniques developed by Barker and Wright for obtaining behavior records of children can be applied to the study of a small group. We described how we used these techniques in research on five three-man crews and indicated how the records obtained by these techniques could be analyzed. The initial, most general analysis of these records suggests very strongly a four-stage process leading to the development of cooperation. The stages are: (a) formulating an individual model; (b) formulating a homologous model; (c) the emergence of trust; and (d) learning to cooperate. Finally, we discussed some individual differences among the crews, differences which may indicate factors which facilitate and/or hamper the progress of this process. We realize that we have barely scratched the surface of this fascinating and most important area of human behavior. Our data in the form of behavior records are very rich and we hope to be able to submit them to an analysis worthy of that name. This, unfortunately, we have as yet been unable to do. What we have presented here should be viewed more as an example of a potential rather than of an accomplished fact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Weber's earliest involvement in empirical social research included three investigation of agricultural and industrial labor conditions, workers' attitudes and work histories, using both questionnaires and direct observation. Weber used a relatively modem statistical approach in his fourth study, concerning psychological aspects of factory work, and in a fifth episode, a critique of another person's study of workers' attitudes, he advocated a quantitative or typological approach to qualitative data. In all his work Weber was explicitly concerned with quantitative techniques and with the notion that the meaning of social relationships can be expressed only in probabilistic terms. Nevertheless he was ambivalent about the value of quantitative methods and about the role of empirical research in sociology. The sources of this ambivalence include two contemporary issues that Weber never resolved in his own work: the debate as to whether sociology and psychology should be sharply distinguished, and the "action-language" then current in German social science as a conceptual device, to be used deductively without reference to empirical research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The names of twelve hundred and twenty-six concepts used in reports of research on human behavior under stress are classified according to whether, on the one hand, they are ethically neutral, or, on the other hand, are negatively or positively value- loaded. The proportion of value- neutral terms used by a researcher is responsive to the theological- philosophical position of his religious group on the possibility and desirability of scientific "ethical neutrality? The greater the social-psychological engagement of the world by the researcher (as measured by a scale of introversion-extroversion), the less likely is he to be ethically neutral. Among professions represented, social scientists are the most ethically neutral, and psychiatrists and psychologists the most likely to use negative value terms. A researcher tends to use negative terms in his research report when he is the dominant partner in the researcher- audience and in the researcher-research subject roles, and to report in positive terms when he is the relatively subordinate role. Some arguments about the possibility and desirability of ethical neutrality in social science are reviewed in the light of the findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents author's narrative of social reality and social process. R.M. MacIver in his 'Society' states that "Society is a web of social relationships." Others give similar definitions which are merely verbal circumscriptions of the term society. but do not carry the concept beyond what is already implied in the word society itself. It might be objected that any definition of society other than a purely verbal enlargement on the term is impossible. Furthermore, it might be said that such a definition is not necessary because sociology assumes society as its prime data which as such does not need further analysis. This view, however, is superficial and leaves sociology without firm foundation. We think we can show that "society" is subject to a substantive definition in other than merely synonymous terms. Once we have established such a definition of society, we have a clear view of the background configuration of all social data. This would establish the existential framework for the understanding of social facts.

Shifts in the structure of sentiments, taking place in two stages, underlie the emergence of existential sociology to its present significance, A challenge to Parsonian structuralfunctionalism initiated the first shift which was in turn followed by a period containing the development of the basis for a possible synthesis of existential sociology. This position is developed as are some of the characteristic features of an existential perspective on social life. Research based upon existential view and employing the concepts sentiments, body, self, situation, structure, massification and levelling, is presented. Some of the implications of these ideas are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most so-called "theories" and "explanations" in the behavioral sciences tend to be formulated in qualitative terms which are often ill-defined. Hence, consequences can seldom be rigorously deduced from them, and those consequences that are extracted can seldom be conclusively tested. This paper reports the results of using a specifically designed research methodology to obtain and generalize a quantitative explanation of human behavior in multi-person, interactive games. The games are interactive in the sense that the payoff to one individual resulting from the selection of a particular strategy depends on the strategy selections of the other participants. In the early stages of this work the relevant independent variables were estimated by use of the subject's responses to a series of questions asked before his choice was made. Although these questions were formulated using operational definitions of the concepts, what they yielded were subjective measurements. The objective of the research, of which what is reported here is only a part, was to explain choices of individuals and groups in conflict situations.

This article presents Sidney R. Waldman's comments to David Easton's article "Some Limits of Exchange Theory in Politics," published in the 1972 issue of "Sociological Inquiry." In rebuttal to Easton's suggestion that the author is not clear as to the nature of the five propositions that form the core of exchange theory, Waldman emphasizes that exchange theory does not imply that men consciously calculate costs or benefits, that they consciously try to satisfice, or that they consciously calculate the probable outcomes of the various actions they see open to them. Also, Easton argues that exchange theory, despite its claims, is only a special theory which attempts to explain variation in support for political institutions and practices. However, in the author's opinion, a reading of the basic propositions should readily convince the reader that the theory is intended to explain all behavior, not merely behavior that involves support for regime, government, political party, or other institutions.

This article reports a portion of an ongoing study of the social implications attributed by British architects to their work, and attempts to sketch some relevant aspects of the education of recruits to the profession. An analysis of this type presents two major problems: how is the vast body of professional literature to be sampled, and what method of analysis is suited to the material selected and the aims of the study? Although the analysis did not reveal explicitly bow architectural education could convey values to students, it did indicate a consensus about one feature of socialization for this purpose. Tuition in the social sciences-primarily sociology, social anthropology and social psychology-was thought the most likely means of clarifying the methods of reaching the profession's social responsibilities, and of delineating the extent to which this could be done. In addition to regarding social science instruction as a vehicle for formalizing student expectations about the profession's socially orientated goals, architectural educationists appear to consider it necessary to reinforce this process by informal measures.

This article reviews the empirical research of dialect perception, a branch of person perception. Person perception is an area in social psychology that deals with the perception of human social attributes. The author re-evaluates the concept of dialect perception as defined by some professors in communication. He also re-examines the dependent measures used in dialect perception experiments and seeks to establish that the scales used are not accompanied by evidence of validity and reliability.

Marketing has reached a stage in its development as a discipline where critical evaluation of research findings and theories from other fields can add new dimensions to the field of marketing. More materials of other disciplines are likely to be incorporated in marketing in the future. This article surveys some of the present and potential contributions of behavioral science findings and quantitative measurement methods to marketing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The frictions which frequently appear in human relations within industry do not necessarily arise solely from the work situation. In many cases, such conflicts may reflect the group memberships of the industrial participants and the relative positions of their groups in the total society. In this analysis of industrial relations in an African community, the interpersonal relations of Europeans, Asians, and Africans at work are seen as a counterpart of the relations of these groups in community life as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]