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This paper analyses how 'criticality' is negotiated in the global policy frameworks on Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) and re-conceptualised in Vietnamese ESD policymaking. Taking the context of Viet Nam, this paper reflects on what constitutes criticality in education in the light of cultural and historical contexts of the education systems. The comparative perspective helps explore whether (1) universal or decontextualised 'criticality' exists or (2) whether 'criticality' is culturally negotiated based on the premise that educational imaginaries of societal formation and transformation are historically and contextually embedded and contingent. In addition, this paper connects the ongoing debate on the critical potential of ESD within the field of environmental education (EE) research to comparative education research by highlighting both what a comparative perspective might offer to EE research and what recent developments in EE research might contribute to comparative education research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

History is a political tool. It is a tool of power either to the exploited or to the exploiters based on the narration of it. Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart witnesses the pre-colonial, under-colonial and post-colonial phases of Igbo society, a territory that represents colonized Africa or to some extent, all the colonized societies. This paper aims at illustrating the tools and the means incorporated to strengthen the base of imperialist interests marginalizing the historical narratives of the local "other" people. Therefore, this study explores the tools, like religion, education and administration, and the means, like the church, missionary and administrative system which are used by the colonial rulers to prevail hegemony in the novel. To this end, Edward Said's Orientalist Discourse and French Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser's article "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses" in which he has discussed discourse of State Apparatuses like Ideological State Apparatus and Repressive State Apparatus which will constitute the cornerstone of this study. Thus, this paper will contribute and enrich the existing African, Caribbean and postcolonial literatures and come up with a new approach - Things Fall Apart: Tracing the Tools and Means of Constructing Colonial Historiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper intends to conduct a spatial reading of civil resistance movements taking Jawaharlal Nehru University’s (JNU) #FeeMustFall in India as the case study. Amidst the penetration of neoliberal politics in public goods like health and education, the pay-per-user principle is not limited to the argument of efficiency of allocation of resources. It can be comprehended as the larger strategy of the ruling dispensation to deplatform dissent and homogenise state space on an ideological singularity catering to majoritarian and hegemonic nationalism. The paper shall focus on the spatial reading of civil resistance movements using Lefebvre’s characterisation of state space and Gramsci’s understanding of hegemony and nationalism in the context of JNU’s #FeeMustFall movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper sets out to dissolve a contrast between traditional coop sectoral enclosure, on the one hand, and platform coop diversity, on the other hand, which often resonates with precariousness, marginalisation, fragmentation, whitewashing and corporatisation. To tackle traditional and platform coop discordance, the paper draws on the model of open cooperativism introduced by Vasilis Kostakis and Michel Bauwens, passed through the lens of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's discourse theory of hegemony, to weave a narrative that seeks to unite and broaden the scope of the cooperative sector. In doing so, the paper reviews CoopCycle as an illustrative case study of platform cooperativism. CoopCycle is a global federation of bike delivery coops that deploys the digital commons to install workplace democracy in the bike delivery sector. The paper aims at contributing to the understanding of platform cooperativism, all the while embedding the model of platform cooperativism into the counter-hegemony of open cooperativism aiming to challenge the current hegemony of neoliberalism. The main argument here is that the model of open cooperativism bears comparative advantages vis-à-vis closed proprietary socio-economic models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1970s and 1980s, white male authors portrayed male rapes with graphic details, and at the end of the twentieth century, certain writers of colour have been writing more oblique representations of the sexual assault of boys. Khaled Hosseini is one such writer who dealt with sexual violence on the male body in his novel The Kite Runner. The documentation of male rape cases is a recent phenomenon. The feminist criticisms have only indulged in scrutinising the interstices of female rape cases previously. This present article aims to decode the gendered rhetoric surrounding rape to stigmatise the axiom that men are 'unrapeable.' With the in-depth reading of the novel The Kite Runner, this paper wants to investigate why male rape cases have mostly remained unreported. Khaled Hosseini, through his novel, demonstrates the difficulties of child bystanders who grapple with their responsibility towards rape survivors and finally focus on their safety rather than assisting the victims. This present paper wishes to investigate how Khaled Hosseini deflects the rape trope as issues of power, race, and national identity rather than the bodily experience of rape. It would also like to testify to the dilemmas of bystanders and the community at large for their silence and inaction and how it leads to the collective responsibility of child survivors of sexual assault in the rape novels of the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Critical African Studies is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the hegemonic pedagogical-cultures-based narratives that I experienced in my science teaching and learning journey. Furthermore, in this paper, I also envisage different methods for deconstructing the overwhelming influence of hegemony in the science classroom. I focus on two research questions: (1) In what ways could I explore the deep-seated, hegemonic-science, pedagogical culture in my science teaching and learning? (2) How could I envisage the possible ways for deconstructing hegemony in science education? In this autoethnographic inquiry, I used the 'knowledge-constitutive interests' theory as a referent in data text generation and meaning-making. This theoretical lens helped unfold the deep-rooted, hegemony-like singular and absolute scientific knowledge consumption practice. While engaging in reflection-on-/in-/for-actions, I realized the need for curious, contextual and cultural selves and communication as a dance rather than a war for reforming and transforming these deep-seated, hegemonic, pedagogical cultures and identities. Moreover, I also attempt to practise the transdisciplinary STEAM (science, technology, engineering, arts and mathematics) approach for connecting classroom science learning with learners' lives. I believe that it could support reforming/transforming my sit-and-get science teaching. Therefore, I also offer to be involved in a transdisciplinary pedagogy (like STEAM), research and academic writing for transformative curricular praxis and inclusive science learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the diverse multiethnic setting of colonial New Spain, women faced challenges in separating themselves from marriages they considered unendurable. The Catholic Church, which exercised hegemony over definitions of marriage in the colony, controlled access to permanent, formal separation or "ecclesiastical divorce", while secular courts offered shorter-term separations generally aimed at reunifying couples. Outside of these options, flight, concealment, and bigamy, or "self-divorce," offered the only recourse for women seeking to leave an untenable relationship. While it is well known that few women sought (and even fewer were granted) ecclesiastical divorce, it is clear that many women sought separation through formal and informal means. Using ecclesiastical petitions for divorce, this paper investigates the experience of deposit (depósito) for New Spain's separated women. Deposit was likely a primary goal of women's divorce petitions. Moreover, the hegemony of marriage was less complete in reality than in ideology; the number of single women in the colony is now known to be vast, and their networks substantial. Building on Bird's and Megged's insights on separation and singleness, this paper argues that studying deposit reveals a custom that offered women of all classes a substantial degree of respite and agency in separation, particularly in the early colony, when institutional options were less formalized. Sometimes, depósito permitted lengthy separations that blurred into permanency, while at other times it served as a crucial safety valve. Nonetheless, the practice was a contested terrain on which husbands also sought to exercise power and control. Deposit, therefore, was a highly ambivalent form of "separation" in Latin America. This was undoubtedly true both in the early-colonial period and thereafter, but as colonial society matured and institutional deposit became more possible and common, men's power was enhanced. Studying the practice before the late seventeenth century therefore reveals some of the ways that early colonial societal flux authorized female agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's ascendant position in International Relations has sparked a debate over the future of the US-led liberal international order. As China's military, economic, ideological, and institutional influence continues to expand, apprehensions about its challenges to the existing global order and the evolution of China's role in international governance have intensified. This research is qualitative and consults both primary and secondary recourses. From the neo-Gramscian school of thought perspective, this research explores the core relationship between China and the global order, delving deep into the historical context. Unlike traditional international relations theories, this research presents a historical and relational interpretation to present an alternative perspective on China's rise. Elucidating this dynamic historical progression, this paper posits that China's relationship with the world order has evolved significantly, moving from animosity and refutation in the post-independence period to compliance with Western ideals and institutions, integration into the international system and, more recently, to the pursuit of independent institution-building, global governance, and promotion of alternative world order. This paper concludes that while China has adopted a predominant role in shaping the rules of the international system, it is far from being a disruptive reformist. Thus, despite its global outreach, China does not seek to build a power centre that counters explicitly the Western liberal order but signals a gradual transition towards a multipolar order. Bibliography Entry Munir, Maheera and Faiza Abid. 2024. "China, Global Governance and Liberal International Order: A Neo-Gramscian Analysis." Margalla Papers 28 (1): 93-108.

This paper explores the ascent of English as a global lingua franca within the context of linguistic hegemony, following Phillipson's 1992 framework. It scrutinizes English's role in the rapidly globalizing world, emphasizing its dominance across economic, governance, and scientific sectors and its impact on non-native English-speaking countries. Utilizing a sociolinguistic approach, combined with historical and interdisciplinary analysis, the study evaluates the influence of English hegemony in cultural, educational, and technological domains, with a focus on post-colonial and expanding circle nations. Additionally, the paper provides critical insights for developing language policies in these areas, considering the intricate role of English in the global linguistic landscape. It concludes by considering the prospects of English language hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from neo-Gramscian theory, the paper explores how urban austerity governance mediates crises of neoliberal hegemony. Focusing on the decade after the Global Economic Crisis of 2008–2009, it compares four European cities disclosing five intersecting characteristics of urban political economy that contributed to sustaining and disrupting austere neoliberalism. Austere neoliberalism was sustained through three characteristics: economic rationalism, state revanchism and weak counter-hegemony, but undermined by both weakening hegemony and the combustibility and generativity of urban struggles. Hence, although state revanchism is a prominent feature of urban politics, and novel counter-hegemonic forms are elusive, struggles for equality and solidarity remain contagious, tenacious and vibrant. Urban governance is a crucial arena for studying the interregnum, signposting multiple ways in which neoliberalism survives, mutates and dies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we respond to this special issue's critical focus on mental health in education by considering the medicalised and homogenising approaches to the mental health of young people and the severely negative consequences for young people. Our argument is underpinned by the need to destabilise the hegemony of the current dominant discourses and practices of mental health used in education. The problem with these discourses and practices, informed by particular forms of psychiatry and psychology, is precisely their dominance and their popularised proxy take-up of these. We firstly outline this problem, explore the emergence and saturation of a 'damaged self' in education and consider the impact on young people. We offer counter-narratives that involve a reframing of the self in relation to ethics, politics, capability and the arts and can assist in countering the psy-dominance in education. The paper concludes with some reflections on how teachers might work against the damaging effects of the psy-disciplines and instead support young people in finding their counter-narrative selves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent developments in technology have intensified the totalizing potential of surveillance within the workplace. Our paper proposes a theory of hegemonic surveillance to enhance our understanding of these processes. We argue that it is necessary to theorize surveillance as a multilevel phenomenon. Accordingly, we propose a model of hegemonic surveillance that starts from the outer socio/political level, characterized by neoliberalism. This sees workers in wholly economic terms, as units of productive capacity, rather than fully fledged human beings. It is an ideological context that underpins the growth of surveillance within the workplace. We employ Gramsci's ideas of hegemony to theorize the normalization of surveillance that is thus produced. Surveillance is increasingly inescapable (performance is monitored and measured at all times, in all spaces) and pervasive (it encompasses all aspects of human performance, including emotions, health and lifestyle). Extending Burawoy's ideas of consent, we argue that the performance of consent is central to the perpetuation of hegemony. Such performances, while seemingly voluntary, are becoming mandatory in ever more work contexts. At an individual level, we articulate the risk of totally surveilled employees becoming cyberized, totalized and thespianized. While acknowledging resistance, and ourselves seeking to resist technological determinism, the purpose of this paper is to theorize a dystopian future of work that could come to pass if present trends remain unchecked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Linguistic Anthropology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How does India navigate contested regional multilateral frameworks in the Asia‐Pacific? This question has important implications for India's multilateral foreign policy and diplomacy that seeks to emerge from regional to global power. The authors argue that India's foreign policy involves seeking institutional balancing and avoiding rising power dilemmas. Based on the conceptual framework of institutional balancing and rising power dilemma, the paper examines how seeking institutional balancing helps India advance its diplomatic prowess vis‐à‐vis rising China while simultaneously leveraging its multi‐alignment strategy against the United States. Furthermore, the paper discusses India's key priorities for avoiding the rising power dilemma, thus exhibiting its reluctance to conform to the US hegemony and addressing its internal and external dilemma concerning China. The evaluation suggests that India's foreign policy rationality navigates between obtaining comprehensive security and economic gains in dealing with contested regional multilateralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the twelfth century, certain thinkers in the north of Europe were exalting human reason in a manner that had not been seen since the time of the ancient philosophers. Adelard of Bath, William of Conches, Thierry of Chartres and Peter Abelard all championed ratio in a way that seemed to challenge the hegemony of learning that rested securely with the authority of scripture, the testament of the Fathers and the canons of the established councils. In so doing, it represented a significantly different approach from the firmly established 'authors' (auctores) as certain scholars pursued their learning, and indeed even divine ascent, via other avenues. Even the visionary Hildegard von Bingen set enormous stock in rationality. This paper will discuss the use of reason for the anagogic ascent to the divine in order to trace its roots to a Platonic understanding of the universe in tandem with a highly positive anthropology that allowed for a bold reassessment of human capabilities, as well as a new appreciation of nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the research on the symbiotic relationship between religion and the market by examining the nature and implications of the marketization of religion in a contemporary Christendom in which religion and the market are hegemonic. Based on our analysis of 3741 church advertisements in Ghana over a 6-year period, we conceptualize three symbiotic relationships that coexist between the market and religion—commensalism, mutualism, and competition. We argue that these symbiotic relationships mirror how religion hegemonizes popular imagination and members' consumption through marketization in contemporary Christendom. This study extends our understanding of the dialectical relationship between religion and the market by showing that religion can use marketization to perpetuate its hegemony within and beyond the market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on feminist and critical theories of politics and emotions, this paper attends to the hegemony of Social Emotional Learning (SEL) for multiply-marginalized students and explores what exemplary Young Adult (YA) novels can teach scholars, educators, and students about the productive use of anger in the face of injustice. Two acclaimed young adult novels are examined using Critical Content Analysis to illustrate the potential for using such books to critically discuss what anger does in the face of injustice related to race and gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how neoliberalism impedes the emergence of alternative organizations. Via a mix of (auto‐)ethnography and memory work, it explains how neoliberal values replacing more traditional ones eroded the collective capacity to bring solutions to scarcity problems in today's Lebanon. It points to the stigmatization of the role of mothers, who once were the "guardians" of organizing around commons, and the alternative values necessary for that. It shows how neoliberal values undermined relationships and decisions based on affect, and promoted individualization and market‐based expertise, thereby destroying the authority of traditional motherhood. Also, neoliberalism introduced the importance of branding and accumulation in a manner that made sharing very difficult. These changes in values prevented people who embraced neoliberal culture from benefiting from commoning practices in a context of scarcity. This happens at a time where scholars predict the end of the age of abundance and the importance of commoning as a social arrangement capable of ensuring overall well‐being. The paper concludes with a discussion of the necessity of de‐stigmatizing values that are not compatible with the neoliberal ideology for the sake of leaving open the possibility of organizing differently and adapting to a changing environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why and when do today's Far‐Right groups cooperate across national boundaries? This paper seeks to provide answers to these questions by examining a deviant rather than representative case: the transnational connections between right‐wing intellectuals in South Korea and Japan. Analysing the recent publication of a highly controversial and provocative book and the transnational politics around it, we emphasise the roles of right‐wing intellectuals and the processes by which divergent political interests converge in changing geopolitical and domestic political contexts. By situating Far Right activities in its broader context of shaping—colonial history, American hegemony and the confrontation with socialist regimes such as China and North Korea—this paper develops a contextual account of the transnational Far Right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Thai author Prabda Yoon's Basement Moon , a 2018 science fictional novel that embodies the belief that art and science can play a vital role in triggering critical consciousness that keeps alive the spirit of dissent. A close reading of the novel also reveals that it mirrors several key concepts and ideas promoted by Gramsci pertaining to power relations between the ruling class and those under them and the educational roles of art and science. Of great significance is that this novel is exemplary of an innovative mode of political fiction in its employment of key posthumanist ideas that challenge human aspiration for absolute power and control. In discussing Basement Moon , I draw on Antonio Gramsci's theory of hegemony as well as relevant literature in dystopia, posthumanism and metafiction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines South Korean conglomerates’ strategies used to convey their interests as the interests of all. Their hegemonic strategy was one factor in overcoming the authority crisis triggered by bribery scandals in 2016–2017. They adopted strategies such as social contribution activities and implemented hegemonic strategies, involving (1) social movements and non-governmental organizations, (2) the media and publishing sectors, and (3) academia and the educational community. They funded pro-chaebol social movements and controlled the media through advertising and journalists. Conglomerates also used publishing companies to spread their ideas and developed think tanks. They advocated for owner management rights, tax cuts, deregulation, labour flexibility, and managed academics. They engaged in educating teachers, creating economics textbooks, and building university student networks. Although the strategies have yielded results, the resistance has not vanished. Through this study we can consider the significance of the authority crisis, hegemonic strategies, and capital-civil society relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses a rhizomic authoritarianism that generally operates through a complex network of connections. It provides a genealogical reading of the authoritarian rule in Cameroon, with a particular focus on the roles of France and China, using both primary and secondary sources. Specifically, it seeks to enlighten the complex processes through which a transnational authoritarianism has been established in Cameroon over the past six decades, as well as how the formation of strategic alliances between local political actors and international institutions has contributed to the normalization of authoritarian policies and practices that sometimes occur in transregional contexts. The paper's main argument is that the authoritarian system Cameroon has experienced since the late 1950s is rhizomatic in nature and is partially the result of the hegemonic interventions of international powers such as France and China in the country's politics and economy, as well as its development and modernization processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the hegemony of developmentalism in early childhood education and care, this article uses a poetic juxtapositional approach to bewilder Piaget's theory of cognitive development. Critical consideration of how the theory of cognitive development has contributed to the imagining of a universal, ahistorical child and childhood(s) are discussed and analysed whilst providing a rationale for a more complex and nuanced understanding of how children develop, drawing on the theoretical concept of clocking practices. This paper analyses data from Piaget's writing in 'The Origins of Intelligence in Children' and micro-ethical events from research with children, teachers, families from an affirmative diffractive stance through the lens of bewilderment. Creative poetic vignettes are included which encourage readers to unsettle dominant and deficit assumptions made about children and their abilities, framed by Piagetian theory. The insights are shared via three propositions: following learning experiences of and with children requires openness, forms of resistance to linear understandings of time are generative, and resist the desire to chase secure meanings and intentions. These propositions and the corresponding questions offer possibilities for seeing children's ideas and contributions through a capability-oriented lens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of pluriversal politics, which encompasses the vast array of alternatives to ecologically destructive and colonial capitalism, is crucial for envisioning emancipatory futures. However, the diversity of the initiatives composing the pluriverse poses obstacles to the unity necessary to dismantle interconnected systems of oppression, thus creating an intrinsic dilemma between diversity and unity. This paper explores the navigation of this challenge within emancipatory and pluriversal projects, drawing on material from ethnographic research on the Neapolitan Commons movement. The case study illuminates how social movement actors achieve simultaneous unity and diversity through the grassroots-developed concept of ‘hegemony of non-hegemony.’ In the Neapolitan context, this framework allows diversity to thrive while maintaining essential unity, crucial for confronting economic and political powers. The findings underscore how grassroots, autonomous, and pluriversal degrowth practices can challenge capitalist growth dynamics through unity in diversity, hence suggesting the unnecessary nature of state-led, top-down, or uniformizing approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Singapore has displayed a continued ability to confound the assumed symbiotic relationships between democratization, economic growth, and liberalism. This paper historicizes the development, use, and understanding of a popular idiom frequently employed in Singaporean electoral discourse – “bread-and-butter” – to explore the relationship between hegemonic discourses, social attitudes, and political contestation in Singapore. Doing so reveals a complex pattern of the People’s Action Party’s (PAP) ideological-discursive legwork: bread-and-butter issues are discursively constituted around a set of core economic issues and demarcated as the key political concerns of voters, while calls for more liberal or progressive changes in society are bracketed within the sphere of postmaterialist values. By seeking to maintain the hegemonic notion of the party as the guarantor of basic material goods, PAP sets the terms of competition in electoral politics to issues that are its perceived strengths. The party’s continued ability to provide economic goods contributes to its political success, stalling the growth of liberalization and a more competitive political landscape in Singapore. Bread-and-butter discourse therefore reflects and reproduces the preeminence of materialism in Singapore’s politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The image of the tribal woman in movies is inextricably linked to patriarchal biases and pleasure aesthetics. What counts in representation here is the depiction of the alienated subject as an eroticized object with show-girl connotations. Even as progressive film makers valorize the sexuality of tribal women, movies like Ayyappanum Koshiyum offer a totally different and subversive perspective. Tribal woman as portrayed in the movie is displayed not as a spectacle but as a woman who defines her own power equations. This paper critically analyses the visual nuances that subvert the hegemonic subaltern female discourse using the example of the Malayalam movie Ayyappanum Koshiyum and attempts to decode the politics of representation that continuously engages in redefining identities through various art forms especially films. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenization has been an important nationalist project undertaken by various colonized countries seeking to liberate the existing knowledge systems from colonial hegemony. In India too, one witnesses serious efforts at indigenization that began during the colonial rule as part of the anti-colonial nationalist struggle. This continued after independence with new vigour. It found resonance in the domain of social sciences and the Indian social scientists have been engaged in debates around decolonizing the extant knowledge texts in their respective domains. An essential part of indigenization of social science in the Indian context is their vernacularization, which implies a process of translation and adaptation of the knowledge texts in its diverse local/regional languages. Underscoring the importance of both the processes in decolonizing the social sciences, the paper also highlights the existing and the emerging challenges to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Republic of Korea's (ROK) Indo-Pacific strategy is widely interpreted as mimicking the language, tone, and agendas of the US Indo-Pacific strategy. Drawing upon existing theoretical work on hierarchy and international relations, this paper challenges simplistic views of the ROK strategy as a pro-US document by presenting a new model of intra-hierarchical messaging to explain how demonstrations of solidarity with a hegemonic order (compliance narratives) can also contain attempts to reassign responsibilities and privileges within this order (distinction narratives). Applying this framework to the ROK strategy reveals how a strong compliance narrative supporting the US hegemonic system exists alongside a distinction narrative articulating a more profitable role for the ROK that deviates from US expectations. Although this strategy has partly elevated Korean status in the US world order, tensions between these narratives may lead to potential negative outcomes for the ROK, such as empty solidarity or reined in leadership. Nevertheless, the article concludes that it may be in US interests to continue this renegotiation of the hegemonic contract. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western modernity has systematically made ancestral and indigenous knowledge invisible through their use of scientific logic, making school a space of hegemonic control through the western knowledge taught in the official curriculum. Despite that, in Chile advances in matters of constitutional recognition and cultural value are rare. Ten years ago, on the country's southern coast, the first mapuce bafkehce school was erected with a curriculum designed to reflect and benefit its own territory. The Kom Pu Lof Ñi Kimeltuwe is an institution that, through mapuce bafkehce pedagogy and insurgent education, challenges and reframes kimeltuwun/kimkantun (teaching-learning) practices. This paper provides an account of the insurgent education which took place in Jaqepvjv lof1 while also exploring the central elements that constitute the educational project present in this Lof, known as Kom Pu Lof Ñi Kimeltuwe, located in the Araucanía Region, Teodoro Smith commune, Chile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the role of Islamic jurisprudence in creating and sustaining forms of social dependency in the oases of Tuwāt (in present-day southern Algeria). Drawing upon a series of fatwā s collections compiled between 1750 and 1850, I examine how Saharan legal scholars reinforced the structural hegemony of local elites and ensured their control over servile and semi-servile groups, particularly the Haratin population. The materials reveal that jurisprudential techniques and arguments were instrumental in fostering practices of subordination, most notably through the defense of exploitative sharecropping arrangements. The tendency of local jurists to uphold individual property rights de facto worked in favor of descent groups claiming genealogical and cultural superiority. It significantly contributed to the maintenance of unequal relationships between individuals and social groups in a society profoundly shaped by the trans-Saharan slave trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this paper is to deconstruct the Trias Politica Doctrine in the South African context, with specific reference to the influence and power of the judiciary over the other two arms of government (legislature and executive).Through utilising case study design, qualitative methods, and document analysis as data collection technique, we argue that the judiciary, through its various courts, has in numerous cases influenced the legislative and executive activities and programmes of government. We conclude that, while John Locke and Charles De Montesquieu offered, great contribution in explaining the concept of separation of powers, the judicial power and influence in South Africa over the activities of the legislature and executive suggest that separation of powers does not fully hold water in the context of this sub-Saharan African state. However, there is what should be understood as judicial Hegemony informed by the principle of constitutional supremacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Karma is a short story by Indian author Khushwant Singh. In this short story the writer has deftly mastered the skills of criticizing the Indians who hate or demean their own culture, especially the diaspora ones. Diasporas are the people who migrate from their motherland to other countries for various purposes. (Bill Ashcroft et. al. 2013) Exposure to multiple cultures make them ambivalent. They feel themselves lost in diverse cultural encounters. They suffer in inferiority complex. Being in different high cultural atmosphere they tend to hide their own selffelt low cultural identity. This cultural hegemony leads them to dilemma- a state of ambivalence in them. This identity crisis results in seer mimicry of the western culture. Mimicry is the process of reproducing as the almost same but not the quite. (Homi Bhabha, 1994) Through mimicking they alienate themselves from their own culture. The protagonist Mohan Lal is the exemplary instance of all the matters of discussion. This paper will investigate that the central character Sir Mohan Lal is an anglophile and a mimic man who through showing positive attitude towards British culture drives himself far from his own Indian culture. This cultural hybridity and alienation bring untold miseries and troubles to him at the end. Mohan Lal, a hybrid, lost his identity in the long run and was thrown away for despising his own culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decades, ecofeminist thought has moved into a 'fourth stage critical ecofeminism' (Gaard 2017, xvi), based on an understanding that humans are unavoidably part of a multifaceted and interconnected global ecosystem. This paper suggests that ecofeminist theory and practice can now grow further into a fifth stage: an era of expanded intersectionality that moves beyond the dualisms and hegemonies of neo-liberal patriarchal and colonial capitalist structures that can limit ecofeminist theorizing and material practice. This fifth stage must be based on an amalgamation of engaged theory, education, and activism, grounded in ancient wisdom and with the understanding that all material-discursive phenomena are interconnected. For this next era of ecofeminism, the terms intraconnectivism and intraconnective education (Siegel 2022) are proposed. Intraconnectivism offers a bridge that connects past theoretical frameworks with ecofeminist presents. It can build a helpful theoretical pathway through and amongst the non-dualistic educational pedagogies that are needed at this time, as well as expand understanding of the role that gender and other identities can play in education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines dance reviews of transnational performances of Indian male dancers Uday Shankar and Ram Gopal from the 1930s to the 1950s. Throughout, this research seeks to contribute to methods for decolonizing dance criticism by advocating for embodied spectatorship as well as evaluation that challenges hegemony by validating classical traditions and innovative artistry. Western and Indian critics savored the rasa, meaning the flavor of the performances, and criticism reactivated the felt or sensorial experience in what I term post-performance performative. In India, anti-Orientalist criticism reclaimed traditions that critics in Europe and the United States had dismissed as irrational and unprogressive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the representations of U.S. statesmen, Bolívar, and San Martín during the centenaries of the Monroe Doctrine (1923) and the Congress of Panama (1926). On the one hand, it examines the characterizations of U.S. leaders and Bolívar, as well as the connections established between them, in the public interventions of various agents and articulators of U.S. Pan-American policy in the Americas during both commemorations. On the other hand, it explores the tensions and exchanges that these operations generated with "Bolivarian" political and literary referents, who insisted on presenting the Liberator as the unique father of Pan-Americanism. Finally, this article focuses on the efforts of some important politicians and intellectuals of Argentine and Chilean origin who tried to attribute to San Martín and other historical figures of the time a significant role in the birth of continental solidarity and cooperation. Ultimately, I argue that these centenaries triggered a series of complex political-ideological interactions among numerous diplomats, politicians, and intellectuals from across the continent, proving that the 1920s was a time of strong hegemonic expectations in which history became a powerful and effective resource in the attempt to reorganize and/or secure the hierarchies of the inter-American order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The close scrutiny of social movements in Morocco during the last decade shows that contentious politics changed dramatically from overt high-risk acts of indignation and public defiance in the streets during the Arab Spring to low-risk, tactical boycott campaigns on Facebook and single-issue movements during the last four years. The purpose of this paper is to suggest how we might read, interpret and understand the politics of contention in Morocco in terms of political opportunities. This article argues that political opportunities can be best apprehended using some context-dependent variables and showing the causal correlation between claims as an independent variable and outcomes represented by three dependent variables, namely recognition, policy change and repression. The aim is to map the field and study the political opportunities available to social movements through their contingent antagonistic interactions with the state. The study of variables revealed how structural features of the state and its conjunctural aspects shape political opportunities in Morocco. Though tactical variations were at play, the article delineated relatively constant mechanisms in these interactions. The article analysed data collected from social media and state television using a mixed method approach (netnography, grounded theory and critical discourse analysis). The results show that the Moroccan regime has been reluctant to respond positively to the social movements' claims and to implement any qualitative changes in policy, and reacted in most cases by smear campaigns, discrediting counter-narratives before using coercive means. The Moroccan state is more preoccupied with promoting its image internationally, though. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines how the policies of international cultural exchange of socialist Yugoslavia are reflected at the level of biennial crossroads, using the example of the Ljubljana International Biennial of Graphic Arts (IBGA). Our research is based on the analysis of archival materials, existing literature, and interviews with the participants of the Biennial in the studied period. The Cuban example is highlighted in this paper to examine the example of the renowned designer and graphic artist Félix Beltrán to show that there was no firm international cultural policy on the Yugoslavian institutional level. With the transition to market socialism and the liberalization with which Yugoslavia began to approach the Western capitalist economy, something similar happened at the level of international cultural policy. The West held the leading position in global cultural politics, which managed to preserve capitalism and make it part of the culture with its hegemonic cultural code. This also announced the beginning of the decline of international socialist history, which was very noticeable in the field of cultural crossings, such as biennials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interdisciplinary movement artists and educators Rob Kitsos and Meagan Woods share the process behind Moving Matter: material-led collaborative choreographies, a research-creation project that offers a methodology for rethinking the dynamism between raw materials, garments, and the body. Moving Matter steers the locus of choreography and wearable design away from human hierarchy to instead support truer collaboration amongst all moving materials, both human and non-human. In a challenge to normative structures where costumery operates 'in service' of dance, the textile designs for Moving Matter do not support the complete autonomy and freedom of moving humans; the wearables have striking characteristics of their own that limit what the human body can do. In establishing parameters, we intend not to reverse the hegemony of human-led design to human-suppressed design, but to re-recognize the agency of all matter through material-led collaborations that support distributed power and collective, innovative approaches to making. This paper details the artists' studio process and their methodology template for material-led collaborative process that can be adapted for practices within and beyond performance and art disciplines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does it take to belong to a region and exert power over it? The scholarship on regional powers has elaborated sophisticated indicators to establish nuances of power, but the depiction of the region has remained vague. Most approaches are characterised by a narrow territorial interpretation that does not properly take into account power wielded by geographically distant actors. Using the case of France in Central Africa this article argues that a distant state can a) hold a dominant share of military, economic and soft power, b) use this power for hegemonic behaviour and c) be recognised as a leader in the region by both internal and external actors. The main specificity of distant actors as regional powers is the greater necessity for a legitimising narrative. France tackles this hurdle with the help of regional organisations that reproduce imperial structures. By holding the informal status of a quasi-member in regional governance structures, France participates in region-building processes from the inside rather than the outside. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, U.S. government agencies have defined the Chinese presence in Latin America as a challenge, which has organized foreign policy towards the region. Departing from a neo-Gramscian approach, this paper investigates the bibliographical production of U.S. think tanks and seeks to understand the construction of consensus about the Chinese presence in Latin America. The methodology is based on content analysis and we identified two main narratives: in the first, the Chinese presence is presented as a threat to U.S. regional hegemony; in the second, the Chinese adaptation to liberal precepts is sought. There are therefore nuances in how the Chinese power is perceived, although the discourses remain restricted to the promotion of capitalism and neoliberalism under U.S. leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1980s, an era in the wake of opening-up policy after the cultural revolution, witnessed an unprecedented passion for Chinese critics to read, embrace and import Western theories, among which French narrative theory deserves a particular mention. To a large extent, it is French narrative theory that has led to the upsurge and explosion of Chinese narrative studies, which prevails in the 21st century. This paper, first of all, connects the boom of Chinese narrative studies with French narrative theory which was translated and warmly received in Chinese academia in the 1980s. Second, it attempts to examine the travelling, the impact and the after-life of French narrative theory in China, arguing that inspired by their French predecessors, Chinese narrative theorists have cultivated their increasing interest in the narrative form of literary works and developed Chinese narratology with special reference to Chinese narrative traditions. Third, it investigates how Chinese narratologists foster theoretical dialogues with their French colleagues by challenging and revising some narratological concepts. Finally, it calls for a narratology beyond French structuralism by proposing comparative and transcultural perspectives on narrative studies with the aim to draw scholarly attention to those neglected and peripheral narratives and to subvert the hegemony of Anglo-American narrative theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this paper we develop a relational understanding of populism informed by urban political ecology. We argue that an urban political ecology of populism is necessary for a popular-democratic denunciation of the environmental claims of the far right. This article thereby aims to further develop a critique of liberal environmentalism and right-wing populism. We do so by first staging a dialogue between literatures in urban political ecology and Gramscian inflected readings of populism. Both have sought to interpret how spatial – and ecological – claim making becomes central to struggles over hegemony. The second half of the paper analyses these tensions in the Dutch farmers movement, which has become one of the most important political forces in the Netherlands since 2019. Abstracting "the local", "the rural" or "the farm" out of the broader processes of urbanisation is central to struggles over the representation of farmers. Right-wing movements thus seek to further a broader disillusionment with formal politics, while effectively deploying spatial and ecological abstractions that pit the "rural" against the "urban". We conclude by instead emphasising the crucial connections between populism and ecology, and call for a popular-democratic political ecology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]