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The study of global governance often entails a far too unitary reading of the concepts involved. In order to better theorise the field, empirical studies of different forms of governance in their context are sorely needed. This paper turns to the area stretching from Turkey, via Iran and Central Asia to Pakistan and Afghanistan. While these are now, at least nominally, sovereign Westphalian states with a uniform exercise of rule within, the Westphalian model did not arrive in a political vacuum. The introduction of a new set of political concepts is always negotiated against those already in place. The paper argues that only by turning to the tradition of governance existing prior to the introduction of a Westphalian model can we understand the exercise of political power in these states. Before the introduction of Westphalian concepts of governance, these states were a symbiosis of Turko-Mongolian nomadic dynasties and Persian sedentary bureaucracies. This created a particular way of governing subjects and relating to other states. By drawing on existing anthropological and historical literature, the paper explores the concepts of "global governance" that held the ground in Eurasia for 1000 years, and that may hold the key to understanding these states and their place in contemporary global governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'War babies' (Carpenter 2004), the children born as a result of wartime rape and sexual exploitation, are among the least visible of vulnerable children in warzones. The development of a human rights culture is a central aspiration of the academic and practitioner communities involved in human rights advocacy, peacebuilding work and transitional justice scholarship (see Borer ed., Forthcoming). The central focus of the paper is on what 'war babies' can teach us about the problems of developing a human rights culture in post-war situations. To that end, the paper asks four questions: How is human rights culture conventionally conceptualized and theorized? If we employ 'war babies' as a lens to examine the notion of human rights culture and the challenges of its creation what do we learn? How is the concept of human rights culture clarified or complicated by a 'war babies' focus? Can theorizing about 'war babies' contribute to building practical measures for human rights culture ? The paper draws on academic literature on human rights, peacebuilding and anthropology (literatures that are often in deep tension) in addition to the texts of peace accords, truth commission reports, human rights declarations, and the fact-finding missions of local and international NGOs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perhaps the most significant event in Cypriot politics since the war of 1974 has been the partial lifting of restrictions on the movement of Cypriots between the north and south parts of the island in April 2003 ?commonly referred to as the ‘opening of the border’. This event came only a month after the breakdown of UN-sponsored negotiations to solve ‘the Cyprus problem’ and a week after the Republic of Cyprus (in control of the southern part of the island) signed the EU accession treaty. Whereas political rhetoric on both sides of the island continues to employ a terminology now considered ‘outdated’, the daily crossings of thousands of Cypriots suggest a shift in popular discourse. This disjuncture points to questions regarding some of the premises on which analyses of the Cyprus conflict have been based ?e.g. the extent to which nationalist rhetoric can indicate future popular action, the rigidity with which individuals espouse such rhetoric, and the simplistic understandings of coexistence on the island. This paper will seek to explore these questions through an anthropological analysis of how the Green Line has been crossed after April 2003. While focussing on the views of informants who have crossed on different occasions, it will also incorporate interviews with people differently affected by this opening. It will thus try to trace the short-term changes in Greek- and Turkish- Cypriot attitudes, official and otherwise, to the division, to the encounter with ‘the other’ and to rationalisations of the conflict with reference to local, national and EU politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do humanitarian stories and biographies help constitute humanitarian practice? This paper examines the narrative construction of contemporary global humanitarianism, deploying a social-anthropological methodology to show how the practice of reasoning about humanitarian motives and ends is constitutive of contemporary global humanitarian order. Our assumption is that biographies, narratives and stories play a large role in mobilizing humanitarian sentiment and defining boundaries of humanitarian practice. Humanitarian sentiment, present in legends, narratives and stories, in turn suggest the causal importance, and often strategic-instrumental importance of the practice of humanitarian reasoning. A further implication of stories of humanitarian practitioners is the way they illustrate the lack of a clear scale (e.g. 'the international') of order of contemporary humanitarian practice. A focus on contextual narratives of humanitarian practice also shows the multiple roles and identities of a contemporary humanitarian actor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to answer two questions. First, what strategies are available to non-combatants caught up in violent civil wars? Few writers have considered the strategic choices open to civilians. Those who have focus on flight and collaboration. I suggest a third strategy. Echoing students of peasant resistance, I seek to understand how unarmed civilians engage powerful armies. Based on several months of fieldwork in Aceh, Indonesia, I found that community leaders responded to the separatist conflict with distinct strategies. Aceh's chiefs engaged armed groups by acting as diplomats and advocates, exemplifying a strategy of voice. But I also found that, facing the same objective conditions, the positions of community Islamic leaders were predicted by conflict dynamics. In state strongholds Ulama side with the state, in rebel strongholds they supported and joined the rebels, and in contested areas they remained neutral. This pattern of siding with the strong party supports predictions of collaboration offered by Stathis Kalyvas. This variation begs a second question: why do some village leaders challenge combatants, while others make the more pragmatic decision to collaborate? I propose that the strategies of village leaders are largely determined by cultural expectations, norms held by villagers, village leaders, and to some extent, armed groups. Through a variety of methods, I show that Aceh's chiefs are guided by a strong cultural expectation to protect villages and villagers. In contrast, Islamic leaders are expected to deepen Islam in their communities, a responsibility which lends itself to a range of positions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impact of conflict and state violence on national identity and citizenship among Ethiopian-born Eritreans. People of Eritrean parentage who were born and raised in Ethiopia, referred to as Amiches, are not officially recognized by ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the central role played by the US military in the 'battle for meaning' that has been unfolding in Iraq since Saddam Hussein's demise. In this respect, the US Army has recently focused on what General D. Petraeus calls the 'human terrain' or the 'cognitive terrain'. Both the anthropological and strategic significance of 'belief systems' have been enshrined in the recent counterinsurgency doctrine adopted by the US Army and Marine Corps. In applying this doctrinal shift at the tactical level, young military commanders - so-called 'strategic corporals'- have gained a certain amount of local awareness. Faced with the lack of civilian capacity and the reality of a weak Iraqi state, these tactical-level leaders have become the key interlocutors of the Iraqi population and its local intermediaries (imams, tribal sheikhs, militias' leaders). Hence, tactical actions have gained strategic significance. This paper will discuss the strategic consequences of the US 'tribal policy' at the local, tactical level, as it seems to contradict US state-building aims in Iraq. Caught in the complex web of tribal allegiances, the US military have also become an indispensable actor upon which the Iraqi government strongly depends for its survival. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that political scientists can gain valuable insight from anthropology on patterns of violence that are only visible from close range. These patterns often defy instrumental explanations and thus require other analytic approaches for explanation. This is not a plea for political scientists to become more like anthropologists; rather it is a call for scholars to incorporate findings from anthropology as a way to deepen their analyses and strengthen their theories. To make its case, the paper draws from specific works from the anthropology of violence literature to highlight the most fruitful areas of inspiration. These include a focus on local dynamics, relations, and knowledge and the ways in which the local mediates supralocal forces to produce identifable patterns of participation in violence. The paper also presents two case studies that draw directly on anthropological approaches and insights: the use of atrocity in Serb-run concentration camps and sustained mass participation in the Rwandan genocide. In both cases, the paper argues that understanding the precise form violence takes is crucial to explaining how and why the violence occurred. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper outlines an IR study conducted in the framework of an interdisciplinary project (soil science, hydro-geochemistry, meteorology, forest yield science, communication sciences and economics) on the impact of environmental and anthropological factors (site, climate, human beings) on land using concepts in the case of German forestry. The overall task of IR scholarship is threefold: First, bringing IR thinking to the multiple actors of German forestry (scientific community, policy world, world of practitioners), i.e. demonstrating the relevance of the international forest regime for national, regional and local actors by describing the impact of international regimes (rules, values, procedures and norms) on domestic action in general, second, identifying ?knowledge gaps? among domestic forestry actors about the international forest regime and their consequences for further action by tracing back processes of preference building within the German political system and society and third, presenting policy recommendation and strategies to fill these ?gaps?. IR scholarship, in this project, lies at the intersection between pure scientific (IR) research and political advocacy. It is especially at this later point where responsibility of IR scholarship for the understanding and use of new ideas outside the immediate social and academic context comes in. The paper starts with assumptions about the relevance of international forest politics for domestic forestry actors as they have been described in recent studies. According to them, even though not yet resulting in a legally binding agreement, a large amount of soft-law has been agreed as a result of a long lasting debate within the UN. Thus, international forest soft-law increases within the context of globalization and Europeanization and has impacts on national foreign policy-making processes. Due to the internationalization of the ?forest?, traditional domestic actor constellations, i.e. power resources, opportunity structures and network coalitions have changed. New actors emerge on the scene and struggle with traditional counterparts for agenda setting positions and policy advocacy leading to situations in which traditional forestry actors loose their former predominant and exclusive position in domestic affairs. Based on liberal IR theory about preference building processes in international cooperation the paper describes two models of knowledge transfer ?from the bottom?, a rationalist and a constructivist one. The former meets ?reality?, we argue, whereby the latter is a normative model in as much as it stresses out ways domestic traditional forestry actors should behave in order to regain in influence and power over outcome. The first model is based on competing domestic interests (economy versus ecology). In this model, German foreign forest policy is made by political (e.g. political parties, (I)NGOs), and bureaucratic elites (e.g. ministries) only. Traditional domestic forestry actors (e.g. forest practitioners), are isolated from the foreign forest policy-making process either because they are unaware of the relevance of international rules and norms for their domestic behavior or because they are systematically excluded from processes due to the ?misfit? of their interests with overall German foreign policy norms in environmental affairs. The second model is based on constructivist thinking on preference building within international cooperation and highlights the cognitive impact of international norms, values and ideas on domestic behavior. This model, we argue, is a normative model in as much as we do not expect to find respective patterns of behavior among German domestic forestry actors. Rather it stresses out ways domestic traditional forestry actors should act in order to improve their role in policy-making processes and to regain in influence vis-à-vis competing domestic actors. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aristotelian and Wittgensteinian Constructivism have both highlighted the role of language. The Aristotelian argument had the task to link Wittgenstein?s philosophical insights about language with the Aristotelian thinking of the political as a praxis of argumentation based on values articulated in language. With these insights Aristotelian and Wittgensteinian constructivism were able to shift the focus from a rational consensus between actors and their given interests and ideas to the self-referential process of argumentation. However, based primarily on a reading of Aristotle informed by Gadamer and Hannah Arendt with their emphasis on the processual elements of the Aristotelian thinking, the anthropological perspective with its stress on the pursuit of happiness, brought in, for example, by Martha Nussbaum in the IR discussion, was missed.With this missing anthropological link, self-referentiality seems the last boundary of argumentation. Without the anthropological boundary, however, the route of self-referentiality takes the risk to get lost in path-dependent stalemates. A full fledged Aristotelian constructivism needs its anthropological component to tackle the task of arguing about the Aristotelian good life. So, bringing in the anthropological question leads to a new understanding of the actors? role and his ability to take part in argumentation processes beyond the perspective of individual and fixed entities and their ideas and interests but with a critical impetus towards a just self-referential praxis.However, due to the rather fixed thinking of the social role of human nature (?slave by nature?) going back to Aristotle is just the half way house. A suitable anthropology, processual elements has to be integrated. Therefore, this paper offers an anthropological figure which integrates processual as well as stable elements. To tackle the task of critical arguing about good life in political praxis, this paper introduces the Christian pilgrim to Aristotelian constructivism. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that metageographical distinctions (Lewis and Wigen 1997) ? whether they are taken to refer to something actually existing, or are taken to be ideologically laden power tools ? serve as nodes in relational conceptual networks that form, allow, or authorize certain types of knowledge. Thus, North-South, the West, or the Orient, tie a range of other concepts such as civilization, globalization, universalism, and particularism together in a relational network of meaning. In other words, these concepts derive their meaning from their position in this network, and cannot stand alone. More concretely, why and how do social scientists and historians have the idea that the social world contains something called the West? I argue that it is because several domains of knowledge production ? in this paper I examine IR and anthropology ? cannot do without it. This is not a functionalist argument ? ?the West? does not exist because IR and anthropology needs it. Instead, these disciplines could develop precisely because the concept of the West was formed ? it became a node to which other concepts could be connected and given meaning. IR and anthropology have since been involved in reproducing the concept of the West as a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for knowledge production in their respective fields. The knowledge that the concept of the West has thus allowed, or helped form, feeds into another conceptual network, formed around the metageographical distinction North-South. Using a historical sociology of concept formation, this paper seeks to critically understand the metageographical logic of knowledge production in IR and anthropology. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The time-frame within which IR emerged as a discipline was not favourable to non-Anglo-American or call it non-western societies. The dominant theoretical prism which all no-western (non-European) peoples were perceived was evolutionary. In a way, non-European peoples and societies were seen as cocooned in ancient traditions, as living archeological specimens, surviving relics of the dim past of then modern world. The theme Power, hegemony and knowledge in IR Studies, is relevant to the question of marginalized knowledge? (call it peripheral perspectives!). It is a process of shaking off this time conception, of coming to see non-western peoples as contemporaries, living in the same period of history, occupying a different part of the world. This has been the big story of anthropological theory and practice in the past sixty years, to the extent that contributions to IR from non-western societies featured only via anthropological works or methods of investigation. Therefore, a central challenge to IR today, and still is to the social sciences worldwide, is to generate an on-going understanding of the significance of non-western entities in the generation of knowledge. This should become the more imperative and a matter of urgency in this increasingly complex interdependent world. My paper calls for the problematization of specific concepts and problems common to the field of IR and its methodologies. I will examine how IR is studied, analysed and taught in the African context and content. This approach hopes to expose what I consider to be major contributions IR knowledge can benefit from Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the margins of rights discourse in geographical locations constituted as legal, social and cultural spaces? The general notion of margins denote prohibitions, boundaries and grids which regulate the spaces between the certain and uncertain. The distinctions that exist between certainty and uncertainty not only reveal the absolute authority of the state, they also enable the state to draw its authority from the ambiguous zones of uncertainty. What exist within the realms of certainty are well-defined laws and regulations or definite rights and guarantees. How do we begin to think about the ambiguous and spaces of uncertainty that exist? Who inhabits these spaces? Who defines the inhabitants? The margins of the state has been categorized by anthropologists as peripheries of states, as spaces where the state continuously redefines legibility and illegibility (primarily through documents) and finally as spaces which exist between the body, law and discipline. Significantly, the study of margins has enabled anthropology to extend its theoretical analysis to consider spaces as spatial identities which emerge out of intersections between forms of hierarchal power relations with cultural constructions of locality or communities. In that context, this paper seeks to discuss legal cases from India to analyze how inhabitants located in the margins of the state define and negotiate rights within existing legal framework. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sets out a theory of differentiation derived from Sociology and Anthropology and argues that it can and should be applied to International relations (IR). Differentiation is about how to distinguish and analyze the components that make up any ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past twenty-five years, practices identified with feminist ethnography have sought to problematize the positionality of ethnographers, in relation to themselves and to the subjects about whom they write and whose subjectivity they imagine as they ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Othering of one’s (research) object is usually considered problematic in the studies of postcolonial and poststructural politics. Attempts to close the distance between the self and the other are desired. Unlike traditional anthropologists, however, the ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International studies draws little on anthropology. Can anthropology enrich the field? This study shows one way it can, by integrating political science theories of cognition and foreign policy decision-making with anthropological approaches to developmen ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Historical sociology," properly understood, is nothing more than the application of sociological frameworks to historical events. Proponents of an "historical sociology of international relations," however, often conflate "sociology" with a set of orientations favorable to particular theories and methods (such as constructivism and historical institutionalism) and antithetical to others (such as rational-choice). But nearly every major methodological approach found in international-relations theory has some cousin in historical sociology. Although some recent work by proponents of "historical sociology of international relations" recognizes the methodological diversity of the subfield of historical sociology, few proponents come to what I believe is the obvious conclusion: we should not be talking about an "historical sociology of international relations" but simply "historical international relations": the engagement of international-relations theories and puzzles with historical analysis. This not only allows us to better focus the issues involved in dialog between historical sociology and international-relations scholarship, but calls our attention to parallel "big issues" in both subfields surrounding inquiry into the development of various dimensions of modernity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussions of cultural problems raised in 9/11 report, WMD commission and frequent editorial comments all stress the problems of culture within the Intelligence Community. A few comments selected from recent commentary:? Information sharing is blocked by culture. ? The culture of the Directorate of Operations impedes cooperation with law enforcement organization.? There is a general conflict between civilian and military cultures within the Intelligence Community. ? The Director of the Intelligence Community lacks the authority to direct the community.Sociology and organizational theory dominate the discussion of Intelligence Community reform but the tools of anthropology ? especially those from political and cultural anthropology ? may help us see more clearly the problems that impede effective integration of Community. Among the tools we might take from our anthropologist tool kit are linguistic analysis, organization and concepts of primordial identity, study of status, authority and hierarchy, boundary maintenance and exclusivity of belonging, group responsiveness to external changes, the role of shamans and soothsayers, etc. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Structurally, it is always argued that the overlapping of cultural differences and discriminatory practices have contributed to the crystallization of group identity in Taiwan, be it ethnic or national one. Mobilized by the elites, the mass begin to realize their collective destiny under the ethnicized state and rise to claim their fair share of the state or even to take over the whole state machine. On the other hand, some have pledge to disentangle cultural attributes and political, economic, and social distribution, in the hope that color-blind based programs is more conduced to conflict reduction, if not resolution, of ethnic cleavages. It is recognized that well-tailored crosscutting between ethnicity and distribution may abate group solidarity. Nonetheless, when it comes to the question of historical consciousness, the above wisdom will have difficulty in dealing with the diffusing ethnic antagonism over historic traumas. Leaving aside historical justice, there is no guarantee that fair distributions would mitigate differences in national identity among ethnic groups. Constructurally, the three-pronged processes of nation-building, state-building, and state-making may go hand in hand. However, for the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), democratization is amount to regime change. As a result, the stepwise discourse of ?Republic of China to Taiwan, Republic of China on Taiwan, and Republic of China being Taiwan? is nothing more than reinforcing the legitimacy of this alien regime. It is no wonder that there is no well-thought and coherent plan for institutional development. As the DPP is determined to interpret the task of state-making as nothing but changing the official name of country, it is predictable that the mission of state-making will be compromised as an self-serving instrument of the former only. What is worse, if democracy is arrogantly defined simply as majority rule whether in elections or in referenda, there is no reason why the alienated minorities would choose to take part in the project of nation-building. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]