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During the 20th century the social sciences have been heavily influenced by a philosophy of science that has led social scientists to separate scientific/explanatory and moral/normative inquiry from each other. The discipline of economics has been at the forefront of arguing for the separation of scientific and value-based inquiry. However, economics has not always been, nor is it necessarily, an a-normative science. Indeed, some of the founding fathers, as well as many leading figures, of modern economics were explicitly driven by normative questions and principles regarding the 'good life'. This paper seeks to explore whether and how normative assumptions might be embedded within supposedly a-normative economic science. It does so specifically with the aim of elucidating how economic theorists and their discourses may support, encourage, or delimit assumptions made about the meaning of 'democracy'. Taking as its focus a selection of leading economic scientists, classical and neoclassical, the paper asks, first, how is the role of normative assumptions conceived in their work and, second, what kinds of normative visions of democracy do their frameworks support, even if implicitly? The interest in these questions here is not abstractly theoretical: it is informed by a set of puzzles about the ways in which economic science discourses are treated in current debates on global financial governance and also on democracy promotion. Indeed, the paper is ultimately interested in examining the consequences that hidden democratic discourses within economic science may have in constraining and enabling the roles of global financial organisations and in shaping the practices of democracy promotion. This paper, which seeks to both speak to themes of the present ISA panel on the normative-explanatory theory relationship and a wider project by the author on 'political economies of democratisation', argues that despite the value-neutral image that is widely held about economic science, it embraces a whole series of normative assumptions, as well as a variety of different theories or visions of democracy. This finding contradicts the theoretical basis for the perception that global financial governance organisations and their economic discourses are 'value-neutral' and 'a-political', and exposes them as surreptitiously involved in 'democracy promotion'. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper responds to recent analytical and empirical demands to investigate and explain patterns of change within contemporary processes of global capitalism. More specifically, it contributes to understandings of the impact of increased global competition on the development trajectories of small island states. The paper examines how Seychelles and Mauritius, societies on the periphery of the world economy, have come to depend upon global linkages and the impact of increasing global competition on their socio-economic landscape. It focuses on their responses to these recent changes, the forms of economic restructuring that they are adopting and the consequences of these for their national political economies. More specifically, the paper demonstrates that the increasingly precarious position that small island states occupy globally have created new, and reworked existing, local inequalities. In so doing, we also seek to contribute to the literature on small island states which we argue tends to construct them as internally undifferentiated entities whose development strategies are framed primarily as a response to external global forces. This literature is also inclined to be ideologically monolithic, dominated as it is by proposals for liberalisation that further homogenise small island states and conceal their historical and political specificities. We suggest that rather than concentrating on developing generalisable accounts of their problems, detailed theoretical and empirical work into the national political economies, societies and histories of small island states can contribute to a better understanding of the specific challenges with which they are confronted, the forms of development which might be more appropriate, and the consequences of the restructuring programmes upon which they are embarked. While we do not directly address all these issues here, this paper provides an initial attempt to challenge prevailing orthodoxies in understandings of small island states and their responses to global change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview within the other papers on the two panels might be understood. It attempts to establish both the necessity of and the contribution of a conception of cultural political economy. After elaborating a specific definition of culture, it argues that culture can be shown both play two principal roles in political economy. First, it fundamentally constitutes what political economy is â€" it defines what is and isn’t an economic institution, actor, process, and constitutes what “economic” behaviour or practices are. Second, it shapes specific patterns of political-economic development, for example through shaping patterns of consumption and thus investment and work, or through legitimising certain sorts of political-economic strategy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evolutionary models increasingly attract attention in the social sciences and economics. This paper presents an overview and comparison of existing evolutionary models in use, with a special focus on the insights from complex systems analysis. In addition, the papers offers insights into the possibilities of the use of computer-based simulations for analysis of processes of long-term change in world history. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a measure of country power, defined in terms of capabilities, that extends back to 1500 AD for 10 countries. The measure consists of seven components, four defining military power and three defining economic power. The goal of this effort has been to create a measure of power that is at least equal if not superior to existing measures in two dimensions: the span of time encompassed and the breadth of the components of power included. The paper provides a justification for the effort, a description of the components of the measure and the data sources used, and the power trajectories that result. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to locate health care governance within the broader international political economy (IPE) whereby access to health resources is viewed as structurally determined and reflective of the emergence of global markets in many facets of human life. In the main, IPE as a discipline has so far largely ignored health as a key and compelling issue in global life, and part of the overall logic of this chapter and book is to correct this failure. In particular, IPE’s traditional preoccupation with the tensions between states and markets (e.g. regulatory powers and a momentum towards liberalisation) has a particular resonance when one views the pressures that public health and health care systems currently face from factors such as health service liberalisation, cost pressures and internationally mobile health care resources. Likewise, the Bretton Woods institutions (World Bank, WTO, IMF) have considerable and growing structural power over the conditions in which states and markets interact to provide health care and act to circumscribe the limits of national authority over diverse spheres such as health regulations, patent rights, pharmaceuticals, and even the levels of health expenditures. The background to these structural pressures is witnessing a widespread reintroduction of the market into international and national health systems. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a general framework for analyzing exchange at different scales, drawing on concepts and tools from new institutional economics to model the ways in which individuals are connected to global processes, and how this connection is mediated by a wide range of formal and informal institutions. We decompose exchange into three dimensions: interpersonal, spatial, and intertemporal. The interpersonal dimension captures transitions from personal to impersonal exchange (and from relational to third-party enforcement); the spatial dimension captures geographical factors; the intertemporal dimension captures the ability to “access the future” by saving and borrowing. Expansion in any of these dimensions is potentially beneficial to individuals because it expands opportunities for specialization and investment. But expansion in any (or all) dimensions is also costly and has implications in terms of the allocation and use of both power and resources. Institutions are broadly defined as costly enforcement technologies that help reduce, for their “members”, the costs of expansion in one or more dimensions. We define a global “exchange opportunity frontier” in this three-dimensional space. Relative to this frontier we can then characterize the uneven distribution of exchange opportunities within institutions or countries, as well as between them, in terms of nested sets of formal and informal institutions that, by conditioning the relative transaction costs, determine the differential abilities of individuals to participate in, or control, different types of exchange. We also discuss possible metrics for these “three types of distance”. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the evolution of risk theory through an exegetic analysis of the work of Frank Knight. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An important question many in the international political economy literature ask concerns the economic and political effects of increasing financial openness. What financial openness is in practice, however, is often unclear. This paper examines how economists and political scientists have used, and misused, different concepts of financial openness. It also presents suggestions for theoretical research and for empirical applications. It finds that there is some dispute among different approaches about the level of financial openness through the 1990s. At the same time, there is some convergence toward greater openness both in datasets and in the world beginning in the early 1990s towards greater mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to address the degree to which (and how and why) particular social constituencies have been mobilised by Islamist forms of political resistance within the wider Middle East. In particular in aims to integrate locally-specific developments with broader global processes associated with the ends of Cold War and neoliberal globalization and how such processes have been mediated by local states and wider civil-political society. The paper will focus on role of (and impact on)leftist-nationalist states and political movements in the rise of political Islam, to see if such movements are the consequence of the failure of such movements/states to respond to the changing dynamics of the closing stages of Cold War and globalization. It will also seek to examine the degree to which Islamist political movements of resistance have a particular class dimension in thier membership, strategy and aims. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the findings of a research project that investigates the political and economic challenges that thwart reform of the fertilizer sector in India. Fiscal, distributional and environmental concerns make the case for such reform quite compelling. While international organizations have consistently advocated reforms in this sector and successive administrations have attempted changing policies for a decade and a half, actual change has been sporadic and incremental and has had little impact on the burgeoning fertilizer subsidy bill. This paper unpacks the international, national, state-level and societal factors that have shaped policy change. Predictably, the strong fertilizer lobby and representation by large farmers present substantial hurdle in initiating and implementing proposed changes. Domestic institutional factors such as bureaucratic politics and center-state politics have shaped the reform process substantially. Global hydrocarbon prices as well as pressure from international organizations play important roles in the reform process. However, the paper concludes that while the factors mentioned above are important, the strongest explanation for lack of reform is ideational. Based on the literature on discourse coalitions, this paper argues that two distinct coalitions with different world-views on the role of state and markets in the economic arena are engaged in the discourse on policy change. Policy change has not occurred because the coalition for change continues to be much smaller and less articulate about the benefits of change as compared to the coalition in favor of the existing policy framework. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines theoretical developments related to the concept of Europeanization. The term is used within several branches of social sciences mainly to describe economic and political change brought by post-war European integration. Recently, Europeanization has become an increasingly prominent analytical tool within European Studies. As such, it is primarily used to account for (top-down) national adaptation to, or (bottom-up) national projection of interests in, the European Union. This paper suggests that it is beneficial to conceptualize Europeanization in terms of discourse theory. This enables us to understood Europeanization as both a top-down and a bottom-up process, in which actors (such as nation states) identities and interests are both transformed by European Union discourses (differentially depending on prior identity of the actors), and also themselves shape the nature of European Union discourses. It is further argued that a comparative discourse methodology enables one to gain novel insights in to the processes related to regional and international governance. In terms of the conference theme, this paper suggests that analytical innovations related to the concept of Europeanization have potential to bridge some disciplinary and methodological divides related to international relations research. Theorizing the complex relationship between national and European Union level of governance tackles the domestic/international divide. Relatedly, disciplinary boundaries between Political Science, European Studies and International Relations are lowered. Moreover, because the concept of Europeanization is applied by approaches drawing from different epistemologies, methodological discussion and reflection is encouraged between positivism and post-positivism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition of International Relations from a descriptive discipline to a rigorous and consistent social science (like Economics), as well as the demand of the contemporary job market require substantial knowledge in the areas of mahematics, mathematical modeling and computer based analysis and simulation. The IR graduate of this century must be informed in these fields of knowledge to the same extent to which the 1950 IR graduate was familiar with economics, international law, history or psychology. Unfortunately, this requirement is not taken into consideration my many - if not by most - undergraduate and graduate American IR programs. As a result most IR graduates are unable to find appropriate jobs.On the bsis of these remarks and of my own education (I have a Ph.D. in International Relations, and a Ph.D. in Mathematical Economics), and my academic experience (in the United States and abroad) I discuss three topics in the first part of this paper:1. main mathematical sub-fields, and methods and techniques of data analysis that should be studied at the under-graduate level;2. principles of mathematical modeling, types of IR mathematical models, and specific IR mathematical models which should be studied at the graduate level; and3. computer based analysis and simulation in the field of international relations.In the next section of the paper I focus on the third topic explaining how should some IR courses be taught in a computer laboratory. I indicate that:1. during the first term the students should be familiarized with simple computer programs (software) that allow comparisons and analyses that use data-bases, but do not include advanced mathematical models (like CASCON);2. during the second term the students should study static (non-dynamic) IR mathematical models and simulate various scenarios by using the previously discussed models;3. during the third term the focus should be on dynamicsl models; and4.finally, the students must study, discuss, and work with optimal control and complex global models.In the last section of the paper I show how a considerable improvement in the mathematical modeling and computer simulation skills of IR graduates might considerably contribute to the development of our discipline, and the increase of graduates' ability to successfully compete on an extremely demanding job market. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to test Gabel and Whitten’s (1997) model of support for European integration using a larger and two-decade more recent dataset. Based on previous findings regarding predictors of EU enlargement support, this study drops aggregate-level data and completes the model with individual-level variables pertaining to issue salience, perceived threats, media use, and knowledge about the European Union. The study, which analyzes survey data from 29 nations (unlike the original model which included only six), brings support to the original research design and also compares support for integration between EU citizens and respondents from candidate countries. The findings suggest that, as predicted by economic voting theory, economic self-interest plays no role in shaping attitudes toward integration. Perceptions of the national welfare, however, are good predictors of such support, as are perceived threats and roles associated with the European Union. Building on previous research on media use and public opinion, this study finds that in Europe, as compared to the trend in the United States, newspaper readership leads to less support to integration, whereas television watching has an opposite effect. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recently intensified transfers of migrant labourers from developing societies to the highly industrialized areas, who are predominantly engaged in the so-called “unskilled” and “unprotected” work, have been investigated in vast academic literature as researchers have made efforts to evaluate their extent, delineate their dominant characteristics and assess their contribution to socioeconomic development. Here, this paper will begin by reviewing several efforts to resolve the theoretical impasse that has been created by the two dominantâ€"functionalist and structuralistâ€"approaches to global labour migrations while highlighting their common failure to coherently articulate the dialectic interplay of agency and structure within their theorizations. In this regard it will illustrate how the neo-Gramscian social ontology of historical structures helps to transcend the agential/structural conception of globalizing labour migration by exploring the reciprocal interactions between rapidly intensified flows of migrant workers and the restructuring in the social relations of (re)production, forms of state and configuration of power dynamics among various social forces. Through critically engaging with neo-Gramscian perspectives, this essay endeavours: 1) to establish conceptual framework that allows for the examination of the dialectical relationships between global labour migration and the global political economy; and, 2) to contribute toward debates within IR and IPE theory, more specially, both the illustration of global politics as social relations produced by various actors in multiple spheres and the emergent critical efforts to pursue the possibilities for an emancipatory project and political resistance in thinking and acting beyond neoliberalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent experience of postcolonial states poses some intriguing questions for the field of international political economy (IPE). Long conceptualized as exceptions to the norm, the study of many of these states (e.g. India, China) was confined to the field of development studies, a field defined by various inadequacies in relation to the normative horizons of IPE. But, in recent years, it is precisely these postcolonial states that have come to be representative of many of the features of a rapidly globalizing economy. How does IPE resolve the resultant divide between development studies and the studies of globalization? What narratives does it produce to explain the abrupt and sudden change in the economies of postcolonial states? This paper proposes that IPE’s attempts to account for the new identity of postcolonial states reveals a variety of colonial strategies. These are strategies that, in seeking to seamlessly bridge the divides between development studies, IPE and the studies of the global economy, are aimed predominantly at shoring up its increasingly problematic normativity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper approaches global studies from the perspective of economic and market forces working their way to revolutionize international and global political relations. The theory of developmental change is drawn from institutional economic theory spearheaded by Ronald Coase's contributions to institutional economics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most international political economy (IPE) analysis seeks explanations for decisions made by individuals over economic issues. It is highly puzzling, then, that a discipline devoted to understanding decisions has utterly failed to follow research in related disciplines like psychology or economics that focus attention on the processes of decisionmaking. Behavioral economists and behavioral finance researchers have taken concepts from political psychology and dramatically altered the framework for research questions. Although neoclassical economic models never promised that individuals actually behaved as the models suggested, new research indicates how significantly inadequate such models are in explaining real-world outcomes.I suggest that IPE scholars have ignored these trends in economics for at least six reasons: 1) we believe that individuals behave "as if" neoclassical assumptions of behavior were true; 2) we assume that individual departures from these assumptions "wash out" in the aggregated settings we study in IPE; 3) we assume that rationality is a viable baseline for measuring behavior; 4) we favor parsimony over chaos; 5) we are concerned about the methodological challenges of building ever-more complex models; and 6) we are basically ignorant about developments in other disciplines. But none of these reasons for ignoring research elsewhere holds up under scrutiny. In fact, IPE risks becoming ever-marginalized and more insular. In this paper, I highlight three useful concepts from behavioral economics, including loss aversion and framing, myopic decisionmaking, and concerns over fairness. I suggest applications of these insights to IPE research by reformulating several recent International Organization articles to show how scholars might usefully incorporate new research approaches. If I am correct about the promise of the behavioral revolution, it holds significant potential for breakthroughs in IPE research for the future. We ignore it at our peril. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nair will approach national security from the perspective of migration policies in Malaysia ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International Relations (IR) deals with international political and economic organization, global issues of conflict, governance, development, the environment, and so on. In spite of the wide breadth of the discipline, there is a growing trend of separating Global Studies from International Relations, since -nation? in its various manifestations remains at the centre of IR analysis, thereby limiting the analytical perspective for some. The ongoing debates around IR epistemology, methodology and pedagogy, have not yet settled. The constantly changing realities of our globalizing era continue to redefine the boundaries of this border-defying discipline. Some would still argue whether IR is a discipline or just a field of enquiry. Indeed significant number of universities do not have free standing departments of IR but treat it as a sub-field of political science. The near total privatization of international capital, the growing role of transnational corporations, as well as transnational regimes, amongst other things, are constantly challenging the most fundamental definitions of IR. Amidst all these uncertainties, is there a field or discipline of Global Studies emerging? If so, why, and how? Instead of looking for answers in scholarship or the Great Debates alone, I would suggest that we take into account the application of this understanding and then engage with the ideological debate. How have different regions of the world conceptualized Global Studies and International Relations? What is the implication of this perceived trend on IR as a discipline? A wide selection of programmes in Global studies and/or International Relations offered at tertiary level in a representative cross section of different regions of the world, with their inherent political, economic and cultural diversity, will be used to find answers to some of the questions posed above, as well as to predict the future of GS and IR. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]