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Federalism is freqeuntly suggested as a solution for ethnically divided states. At the same time, control over education and in particular over the teaching of language and history is a common demand of minority populations. This paper examines the interplay of these issues in two developed but divided federal societies -- Spain and Austria. Three long-lasting disputes are analyzed -- Catalunya, the Basque country and Carinthia, where the Slovene-speaking minority of Austria is concentrated. Two sets of questions animate this project. The first focuses on education policy making. Who formulates history and civic education policy for the secondary schools? How were these policy-making institutions set up? How have they been contested and maintained? How have these institutions changed over time? The second is concerned with the effects of these policies. Politicians at different levels of government have distinct goals concerning these educational reforms. In giving regional governments control of curricular developments, federal politicians hope that they can remove the irritant of overarching centralizing control and hegemony that so often fuels regional sentiment. On the other hand, regioanlist politicians hope to use control over education to bolster regional identities. Does devolution of curricular decisions over the presentation of history and politics fan national identity and a sense of grievance, leading to further demands for regional autonomy? Or does it lead to a modus vivendi and a depoliticization of the issue? The paper includes a brief discussion of the Belgian and Quebec cases, and concludes with an attempt to draw lessons for the reconstruction of countries emerging or suffering from ethnic conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to examine the causality of the relationship between liberal variables and interstate conflict. The starting point for the paper is the importance of history in the prediction of conflicts between states, and the fact that most interstate conflicts take place as repeated events between a limited set of states. Relations between these states are usually characterized by mutual distrust and cognitive expectations of further conflict. These cognitive expectation do, however, not only increase the likelihood of further conflict between states, but do also influence the processes of political and economic liberalization within and between the involved states. States that already find themselves in a situation of conflict and mutual distrust are therefore less likely to develop liberal institutions for political and economic interaction. By relying on the Thompson (2001) strategic rivalry data for measuring cognitive biases and mutual distrust, I investigate how these factors influence states’ abilities to developed liberal institutions and liberal practices. In doing so I rely on multiple regressions with lagged dependent variables to get an impression of the causality of the relationship. Rather than taking liberal variables and the development of liberal variables for granted, I discuss how these variables are formed by historical interaction and social practice. For states that already find themselves in a hostile relationship, interaction based on liberal principles may be difficult to achieve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite various attempts by their respective governments elements of Corsican and Basque society have continued to employ militant strategies in their attempts for greater autonomy and rights. Some have even used violence to call on complete independence from Spain and France. Corsica and the Basque country are isolated from the rest of the population, both have a history of fierce independence and a desire to protect their language and culture not only within Spain and France, but within the rest of the new highly integrated Europe. This paper will explore potential explanations for the continued violence in Corsica and the Basque country in the face of negotiations and concessions by the state. Issues such as history, culture and the role of the international community will be examined. The paper relies heavily on field research conducted in the region and with European policy makers. Through a greater understanding of the factors that have led to continual violence despite efforts by the state to negotiate in these cases, a clearer understanding of the majority/minority group relationship as a whole can be gained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The power structure of the Central Civilization/ World System is appraised at 25-year intervals, from 1500 BC to an arbitrary stopping point of 700 BC. The systemic power structure will be evaluated in terms of its predominant forms and their stability. This paper will be the sixth in a series in which the political careers of civilizations/world systems receive snapshot codings of their overall power structures at feasible intervals. The narratives are produced by collating histories with large frames of reference. The codings are done using a nominal variable, polarity, with seven available values: nonpolarity; multipolarity; tripolarity; bipolarity; unipolarity; hegemony; empire. Previous articles and papers in the series have examined the Indic system 550 BC--AD 1800, the Far Eastern 1025 BC--AD 1850, the Northeast African c. 2625--1500 BC, and the Southwest Asian c.2700--1500 BC. The Northeast African and Southwest Asian systems and sequences merge c. 1500 BC to form the Central system, which has continued in existence since then, and expanded to global scope, engulfing all former coexisting world systems. The current paper will graph the first 800 years, or roughly one quarter of the duration, of the ongoing Central system, now over 3500 years old. The paper compares the sequence to the expectations of various theories. Toynbee’s revised civilizational model fares best; the classical European balance of power model is only partly successful. Alternative directions are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policymakers increasingly express concern about possible trade-offs in military effectiveness between counterinsurgency (COIN) operations and conventional interstate wars. However, the literature lacks systematic theoretical accounts or thorough empirical analyses for this. As a first step toward addressing this gap, this paper draws upon the concepts of organizational learning and develops an argument on how optimizing a country's military doctrine, i.e., its force structure and military routine, for one type of warfare might affect its performance in the other. Here, the authors first contend that countries' involvement in and experiences from past COIN operations negatively influence military effectiveness in current interstate wars. Second, they also claim that this holds the other way round, i.e., previous interstate war involvements and experiences make it less likely that states actually win their present COIN operations. For testing the derived hypotheses, the paper employs a quantitative framework that addresses the claimed simultaneity between conventional and unconventional military effectiveness and introduces explanatory variables therein, which capture the organizational experiences of national militaries in those different kinds of conflict. The results indicate that countries' involvement in conventional wars is likely to hamper effective COINs, but not vice versa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the birth of the Turkish Republic, elites emphasized education as a tool to construct a new identity for citizens, realigning the psychic geography of the country. The project to find a place for Turkey in 'Civilization,' mainly meaning Europe, has persisted down to the present. Alongside diplomatic and strategic efforts such as engagement with European organizations, there has continued an internal, cultural effort to nationalize and Europeanize citizens: a project torn between the local and particular, on the one hand, and the supposed/desired universal on the other. In the mode of Greg Starrett's anthropology of cultural power in Egypt, this paper will analyze Turkey's efforts by means of a careful reading of official textbooks through the lens of Nietzsche's concepts of the different uses of history. It will examine in particular the portrayal of Europe and Christianity on the one hand, and the Middle East and Islam on the other, in history textbooks from the 1930s through the 1950s, the period of nation-building in the immediate shadow of Sèvres. The paper will conclude by discussing the implications of this ambiguous project for the sustainability of Turkey's efforts to become more integrated into Europe. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysts have speculated that regime type has a powerful influence on how countries remember, and thus on the potential for international reconciliation. A well-established school of political science theory argues that authoritarian regimes, challenged for legitimacy and lacking a free marketplace of ideas to combat bad information, often purvey chauvinist myths about their past behavior. In democracies, on the other hand, leaders have electoral legitimacy, and a free marketplace of ideas can contest the spread of false information. In this paper, I deduce the "Scapegoating Authoritarians" hypothesis from this conventional wisdom. I support this view with evidence that only democracies have been willing and able to engage in self-reflective national debates about their past violence. Moreover, such debates can lead (as shown by the case of Germany) to conciliatory remembrance. In this paper I also deduce a competing hypothesis (the "Unrepentant Democracies"). According to this view, a free marketplace of ideas will not necessarily eradicate myths as efficiently as many scholars believe. A free marketplace will supply the ideas demanded by its consumers, who often eschew self-reflection and guilt in favor of a more self-centered, and sometimes chauvinistic, historical narrative. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the wisdom of the second half of 2009 conference theme, "anticipating the future" in international politics. Many scholars would immediately reject the notion that the prediction should be a goal of scholarship; explanation is our business, we are told, not prediction. Despite such sincere protestation to the contrary, prediction in some form has always been a major (if sometimes unstated) goal of the scholarship on international relations. Theories that ignore the future for the sake of the past contribute little to society or policymakers. This paper makes a methodological case for the evaluation of predictions as a way to test our theories of state behavior. If correlations in past data capture more than merely coincidence or historical anomaly, then those relationships ought to remain fairly constant when extrapolated into the future. Likewise, when predictions logically extrapolated from the core theoretical concepts fail to materialize, then epistemological red flags should rise. The moment international relations scholars cease using their theories to predict the future is also the moment they give up their aspirations to create a true science of international interaction. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper engages with the growing literature on state-failure and nation building. At the present juncture, despite a growing analytical and policy-oriented body of writing, and a renewed commitment to nation- or state-building, the number of collapsing states continues to grow world-wide. These are not isolated problems and any solution needs to take account of the wider crisis of the nation-state system, the de-territorialization of wealth and poverty, rising levels of inequality and the increasingly oligopolistic character of the global order of 'genuinely existing' liberal capitalism. The paper focuses on Colombia and the Congo, both of which represent examples of nation-states that have virtually from their inception been wracked by conflict and civil war to the point where violence has become a key vector of the wider politico-economic struggle for territorial control. The paper also includes a discussion of Iraq. This will complement the overall effort to argue that the way beyond the current crisis of the nation-state system lies in a careful understanding of the specific histories of the nations-that-never-were-nations. The pursuit of development and security can only be successful when we move beyond the current enthusiasm for state building along formal historical and territorial lines (embodied by the current conception of sovereign nation-states). In short there is a need rethink national sovereignty and establish frameworks for the protection of rights and the delivery of basic needs that moves sovereignty both downwards and upwards. There is more than ever a need to formulate approaches to security and development that take 'common humanity' seriously for both practical and altruistic reasons.Acknowledgements and Disclaimers: In relation to my discussion of Colombia, I would like to point out the indirect influence of Brooke Larson and Miguel Angel Centeno. In relation to the Congo, I would like to acknowledge the indirect influence of the ideas of Morten Boas, Kevin C. Dunn, David Moore and William Reno. In the case of Iraq, I am indebted to Toby Dodge. More generally Heloise Weber has over the years, as co-author of various books and articles, and as a friend and colleague, profoundly shaped, my thinking on the issues examined in this article. I also need to emphasize most emphatically, that I bear 100% responsibility for what follows and the above mentioned colleagues, with the possible exception of Heloise, will no doubt shake their heads in disbelief in relation to particular details and/or my overall line of argument. Finally, as the saying goes, it goes without saying that my employer, the Department of Defense Analysis at the Naval Postgraduate School (both students and colleagues) have also influenced my work, but the views expressed here are mine and mine alone.LAST, BUT NOT LEAST, THIS IS A PENULTIMATE DRAFT AND PLEASE TREAT IT AS SUCH. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been much scholarly interest in the emergence of a humanitarian norm in the wake of the Cold War. However, the problem with many of these approaches is that they essentialise humanitarianism. Rather than showing the origin of humanitarianism norms, it becomes a matter of explaining how humanitarian ideas are merely transmitted from one actor to another. This also has the effect of implying that states did not experience moral obligation before the emergence of modern humanitarianism. Examining humanitarianism with wider historical scope allows me to conceive of modern humanitarianism more broadly as one form of moral obligation. Rather than asking, "What is humanitarianism?" this paper poses the question, "How has humanitarianism been constructed as a legitimate form of moral obligation?" Asking the latter question opens the door to exploring the nexus between humanitarianism, identity and questions of power. This paper proposes that a genealogical method will widen the historical scope of studies of humanitarianism, while providing insight into the relationships between identity, sovereignty, and moral obligation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is part of a project, still in its infancy, on historical changes in war termination. Here, I document an empirical trend: a marked increase over time in the number of wars ending in a draw, occurring for interstate wars after WWII, and for civil wars after the end of the Cold War. I then develop a number of possible explanations for the trend, and begin to test a few of these. For war to end in a draw, two conditions must hold: neither side is able to defeat the other outright, and the belligerents can reach a compromise settlement, allowing them to stop fighting rather than continuing the war in the hope of eventual victory. Using this framework, I outline a number of hypotheses derived from existing literature on war outcomes and duration. I also explore the possibility that the increase in the number of draws is an artifact of the coding. However, at least two possible explanations for such an artifact point to fundamental changes in the nature of war, suggesting interesting avenues for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil war researchers are beginning the process of disaggregating civil wars in order to better understand the ebbs and flows of peace and violence. This approach involves the understanding that episodes of civil war are one aspect of a relationship between the state and various non-state actors caught in an evolving rivalry. Some rivalries are short-lived episodes of violence usually resulting in military victory by the state. Others, however, endure varying in intensity over time and including several, even many, attempts at resolution. The Myanmar government has faced eight different intrastate conflicts comprised of multiple actors during its short history as a nation, including a Communist insurrection which itself splintered into a Red and White Flag factions. These groups have at times united with one another when doing so proved beneficial or convenient, and they have fought one another when those marriages of convenience failed to achieve their goals. Their approach to the conflict and each other have helped to influence the progression of their conflicts over time. Throughout these conflict histories, the government has resisted efforts at mediation and other forms of external interference. This paper will compare periods of escalation and deescalation across these conflicts in an effort to uncover the factors that seem to predict rivalry progression and termination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Notions such as 'states-system' and 'international system' are central to IR. Yet, they have been neglected in our study of conceptual history. This paper focuses on the 17th-century debate about the status of the Holy Roman Empire as a political unit. During that time, several key figures of political philosophy such as Althusius, Pufendorf and Leibniz attempted to theorise the Empire and, in the process, the term 'states-system' was employed as a category of analysis. Althusius pioneered integration theory and proposed federalism as a description of the historical and legal formation of the Empire. Pufendorf did not find any relevance in the existing categories and argued that the Empire was "a monster", but almost a 'states-system'. Leibniz rejected Pufendorf's solution and claimed that the Empire was a federal union. In conclusion it is argued that, although they were discussing the same object, the three thinkers substantially differed in their analyses because of their own commitments to distinct philosophical systems. All three contributions are extremely relevant to the understanding of both IR as a discipline and our current political reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the importance of historical awareness and grounding for contemporary thinking about morality and war. By contrast to two widespread forms of contemporary thinking on these subjects, one that intentionally treats history as irrelev ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a surge of interest in the role of political apology in International Relations today, and the region of East Asia is no exception. In this paper I explore how the theorizing practice of International Relations and what one calls the history problem in Japan relate to one another, and in doing so illuminate how the embrace of state sovereignty constitutes the aporia to the question, how do we write about our history whilst caring for the other--the question of how to think of international community and coexistence. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The best way to anticipate the future is to know the past. As far as we know our History, the probability to repeat mistakes is fully reduced. Exploring the past is fundamental in order to anticipate the Mexican Future.This paper will be focused in the ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberalism has traditionally been depicted as the progressive alternative to international theory and practice dominated by realism. This categorization, however, necessarily rests on a particular understanding of liberalism that may itself be in need of revision - or ideological, as Andrew Moravcsik put it. Taking up this challenge, Moravcsik attempts to formulate an explicitly 'nonideological' liberal theory of international relations. This theory, I will show, is itself deeply ideological - both in terms of his own criteria and in terms of a broader conception of ideology. By drawing on the work of John Locke, this paper shows that Moravcsik systematically excludes the conditions of emergence and historical development as well as liberal/nonliberal relations from his conception of liberalism - and thus the political nature of the liberal project. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally, the historiography of the academic discipline of IR, ever since its institutionalization (1919−), has been divided into three great debates. As a legacy of these debates the 'behavioralists', or those who believed in the methods of the natural sciences, left their mark on the field in the 1950s and 1960s. Although the positivistic approach is not anymore prevalent within the discipline, there's a clear indication that the IR theory has, even today, an exaggerated interest in the scientific explanation. This article will argue that the scholarly study should lean more on 1) historical analysis and there should be room for research agenda that is less focused on 'presentism', i.e. on contemporary history and current policy issues. Secondly, too much emphasis is put on Eurocentrism: important research topics outside the Occidental world are hence disregarded. As a result a distorted image emerges of how the modern international system came about. Perhaps more importantly, this state of affairs, to which the 'English school' has paid attention on its part, limits the understanding of classical concepts such as the balance of power, sovereignty, or even diplomacy reducing them exclusively to the domain of European states system. The aim of the paper is thus to examine the mutually beneficial interplay between history and IR theory by analyzing the 2) interstate relations in the Ancient Near East during the Late Bronze Age. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the structure and agency debate within IR from two points of view (a) traditionalist narrative history as practised by historians and theorised by philosophers and (b) Weberian individualist sociology. It will argue that narrative as practiced by historians and theorised by philosophers and sociologists can help resolve the dichotomy of the two concepts and facilitate a unified conception of the different components of the human, social and material dimensions of international relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korea is Japan’s most natural ally in East Asia. Both nations share the same primary military benefactor, the United States. Their geographic proximity makes them natural allies in offsetting China’s growing power and unknown intentions. In spite of this natural need to ally, relations remain strained primarily over Japan’s historical occupation of Korea. This paper examines the political issues that need to be resolved in order for Japan and South Korea to work together and the potential for such reconciliation in light of South Korea’s drift away from its American ally and Japan’s open embrace of the United States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Important dates reinforce historical interpretations of memory. In order to remember some specific event, the collective pauses to pay tribute to a past solitary event that‚s systematically set apart from the constant flow of life. In doing so, dates lend life calenderic rhythm as events are memorialized and celebrated. The dates themselves help to then legitimize the markers of the date as the author of historical realities. For the individual, dates in general help to break up days by building anticipation and giving life meaning in expectation of some celebrated upcoming happening. Date-marking is the chance to circle, in red marker, on the calendars of an otherwise monotonous existences. In the larger scheme of the state, dates act to assure us of the state‚s continuity as we are given faith in the past and stand in anticipation for theauthorized future. In this linear continuum, designated by days and dates, the further anterior the date the better. Usually, the historical description of things said is shot through with the opposition of interior and exterior; and wholly directed by a desire to move from the exterior towards the essential nucleus of interiorityIn this manner, history and memory remain divided and separate discursive entities. For Pierre Nora, history eradicates memory and history is perpetually suspicious of memory, and its true mission is to suppress and destroy it.â€* Nora recognizes true memory as genealogy and that which „installs remembrance within the sacred.â€* True memory is ingrained in natural cycles and celebrates the larger depth of existence. In this memory narrative there are more actors, more agency, and more complications involved in its construction. This interpretation is generally non-linear and generational. How would we know ourselves generationally? Personally, this is a frightful proposition to know myself as my father/mother knew themselves, my grandfather/grandmother knew themselves, etc. etc. This type of knowing consists of tracking oneself through the true memories, or through the narrative itself as opposed to the representation of that narrative, thus making it a far more complicated and chaotic prospect.A literal production of historic narrative in Hawai-i in the early 1900‚s came in the form of political theatre. Curtis Iaukea, who while in service to King Kalakaua, coordinated and managed the King‚s spectacular royal coronation which took place on February 12, 1883 at the bandstand of -Iolani Palace. The King wanted a magnificent event that would honor his majesty and her majesty Queen Kapiolani in a manner befitting royalty after returning from his world tour in 1881. What followed was a production, criticized by some-mostly the white population in government-as being too expensive and lavish an event. In 1929, 46 years after this regal event and after a year of planning and preparing, much of that same population that criticized the King‚s Å'spendthrift‚ ways, participated in the reenactment of the actual event at -Iolani Palace. And at this event, Curtis re-planned the royal coronation for a reenactment play by the Territorial Government. Both Curtis and Charlotte Iaukea also re-played themselves in their original roles in the Hawaiian Monarchy for the play. This paper looks at memory and history and the apex of the point of meeting through the personal reminices of my great great grandfather in the Territorial era in Hawai-i's history. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a conference paper about antagonism between China and Japan. It offers a review and analysis of Japan's history revision and compensation denial controversy as well as an examination of the domestic political situations in both countries. It also discusses the attitude towards history and the possibility of the countries to jointly write a trans-national history for future generations.

The article presents a paper that studies the adaptation of statecraft to belligerent public opinion. It has seven sections including one that offers historical background on the variables being studied, and discusses the contemporary relevance of the focus on Cabinet diplomacy. A framework to know diplomatic adaptation in any period of time is offered in the second section.

The article presents the conference paper "War Hurts: Vietnam Movies & the History of a Lost and Distant War" to be presented at the 46th Annual International Studies Association Convention" in Honolulu, Hawaii. The importance of understanding popular representations of foreign policy and the creation of historical narratives of the wars is accounted. He discusses the press coverage received by the films "Coming Home" and "The Deer Hunter" to understand the narrative that emerged from films in the public debate.

Using the development of the ‘Grotian tradition’ in the works of Hersch Lauterpacht, Martin Wight and Hedley Bull as an example, this paper investigates the impact of what can be termed the ‘traditions tradition’ on the presentation and schematisation of knowledge in International Relations scholarship. In doing so, it highlights the extent to which International Relations scholars have, despite employing the term with alarming frequency, failed to adequately consider the meaning of the term ‘tradition’ itself. As such, it discusses a range of contending conceptualisations of the term ‘tradition’, paying particular attention to that variant evident in the works of Michael Oakeshott, before introducing Brian C. Schmidt’s critique of tradition in international relations. Drawing on Schmidt’s distinction between ‘historical’ and ‘analytical’ traditions, the remainder of the paper is concerned with the specific construction of the ‘Grotian tradition’ of international relations and argues that its pattern of development evident in the works of Wight and Bull confirms Schmidt’s contention that international relations theorists display a tendency for viewing analytically constructed traditions as actual historical ones. The paper concludes by addressing some of the implications for the presentation of ideas indicated by this trend. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates history-writing, as a practice, embedded in relations of power, and its links with the nationalist imaginary through the writings of Hindu nationalist V.D. Savarkar, founder of Hindutva or Hindu extremism in India. Savarkar attempts to produce the ‘Hindu’ nation, through the writing of history. This paper however, goes beyond looking at his version of nationalist history to examining his use of History itself, as a modern category that claims objective scientific knowledge about the past. Exploring links between ideas of nation-hood and history, I argue that Hindu extremism is a specifically modern articulation, that relies heavily on a modern historical discourse, closely linked to that of the modern nation-state. Savarkar’s use of Hinduism is entirely political/instrumental and has little to do with religion, making it amenable to a linear historical analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a study on political risk in transitional and less developed countries from 1992 to 2001. Definition of the concept of political risk; Background on the use of history analysis to estimate the probability of political risk; Factors that led to a higher political risk.

This paper investigates the different forms civilian protection has taken in the history of American warfare. By employing Agamben’s and Schmitt’s notions of ‘The State of Exception’, the paper explores the double standard regarding civilian that was a ce ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes within its scope the broad disciplines of Development Studies and International Relations both of which, I argue are predicated upon an implicit narrative of history that takes the state form as the locus of enunciation. That is within both broad realms of study, a narrative of history as the history of the state form, history as the history of the nation state, informs and motivates the methodologies, assumptions and categories of analysis of both disciplines. However, utilizing the arguments made within the field of postcolonial studies, this paper argues that both disciplines within the broader human sciences are also predicated upon an elision or writing out of European colonial history. Thus, from this perspective, it is the writing out of colonial history that makes each discipline and their implicit narrative of history organised around the state form possible. Recent developments within politics and sociology around the incidence of globalisation and the recent flurry of academic and popular writing around the existence of a ‘new’ form of imperialism have produced a discursive tug of war over the relevance and viability of the state form under neo-liberal globalisation. This paper argues that the confused nature of these debates stems in part from the absence of colonial history and an absence of theorisation about empire as a form of politics within the discipline of politics and IR (Hardt and NEgri notwithstanding). Subsequently, I argue that in order to yoke together within the same analytical field both European colonialism and the practice and politics of development in the Twentieth Century, a new theory of history is required, one that places colonial history and the form of empire squarely in the centre of our consideration of global politics, one that explores the connections between empire and the state form, one that theorises the history of capital together with the history of the European colonial project, one that teases out the axes of continuity between the 20th Century trajectory of development and the 19th Century colonial project. Yoking development together with colonialism in the same analytic field needs to be fore grounded by a methodology of inquiry that theorises historical continuity rather than narrative rupture. [364 words] ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

History is the documentation of the past. When historians intentionally or unintentionally omit an event from their writings or describe it in a distorted way, it is as if that event has never happened or it occurred differently than it truly did. This paper will discuss the rising trend of underestimation or even denial of the Jewish Holocaust. This paper argues that these efforts are part of an attempt to establish Holocaust denial as an accepted norm in the academia and in international politics. Although most Western democracies still perceive the Holocaust as the manifestation of ultimate evil, this perception is increasingly challenged by some academics and so-called historians, which the paper refers to as Holocaust deniers and falsifiers. It appears that Holocaust deniers and falsifiers are trying to replace the existing knowledge, narrative history, and norms related to the Holocaust with new ones based on lies, in order to re-establish Nazism as an accepted ideology again. Despite their lies and distorted interpretation of historic events, Holocaust deniers gain more and more supporters. One can not dismiss the phenomenon as a marginal, insignificant, and ephemeral trend. The paper will begin by discussing the meaning of international norms and their relations to networks of knowledge; it will define two key concepts: collective memory and historical narrative and will discuss their importance. It will then describe the historical roots of Holocaust denial and its development. In addition, the paper will distinguish between various forms of denial, and will discuss the motives for denial in the West and in the Middle East, using such examples as Iran's president, Mahmoud Ahmadininejad, rhetoric. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to explore the various ways in which Peace and Conflict theory and practice may facilitate a conceptual understanding of ethno-centric nationalism that helps develop strategies for transcending nationalism?s belligerent dimensions. Historians and political scientist have long acknowledged the role of nationalism in international and intra-national conflict throughout the 20th century and beyond. Scholarship in these fields has addressed the controversial phenomenon of nationalism from the vantage point of competing ethno-national interests and power-play configurations. However, scholarship in the field of peace and conflict studies offers a unique perspective for assessing nationalism?s propensity for either peace or conflict. The paper will examine major dimensions of the nationalist world view, political thought and action in light of nationalism?s role in intra and inter-national politics. The nationalist concepts of ethnicity, the nation state, identity, democracy, ethnic rivalry, liberty, life and death, among others, will be analyzed and appraised from the criterion of their political function and utility for peace and/or conflict. The inquiry will also explore the challenges and strategies for sustainable inter-ethnic/inter-national peace, particularly in the context of a globalizing world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers whether a coherent ethical project is emerging in the dominant neo-liberal historical bloc within the United States. Understanding ethical stances that make up a historical bloc is critical. Referring back to Gramsci (1999: 325-334), consent is both constituted and re-constituted through the enveloping acceptance and subsequent sedimentation of an assortment of values, world-views and morals that are supportive of established power relations. In the current historical juncture within the United States, I posit that ethical claims are being forged through three leading social forces: religious/moral, nationalist/patriotic, and capitalist. While these forces currently form a unified historic bloc, recent developments place this ongoing cohesiveness in question. In this paper, I seek to examine the ethical claims raised by these three social forces and map out their similarities and incongruities. Christian-Right: The rise of the Christian-Right, especially that of the Evangelical Right, is a critical force in the construction of American politics as this constellation of groups provides a critical mass of voters to support the neo-liberal project. More importantly, the Christian-Right has developed an ethical positioning that provides a coherent worldview for supporters and policies. Examples of the former include voter information packages that identify a vote-seeking candidate?s position on key issues and Internet resources (e.g. email alerts) that identify important upcoming Congressional votes and the leanings of individual elected officials. In terms of the latter, organizations such as Dr. James Dobson?s Focus on the Family and the National Evangelical Association (NEA) provide policy prescriptions on issues pertaining to ?family values?. The NEA, which represents over 47,000 congregations, has also held weekly meetings with both the Clinton and Bush administrations. Nationalist/Patriotic: The national trauma of the 11 September 2001 attacks, the perceived isolation of the United States within the global system and the movement of migrants, often undocumented, across the United States has activated a nationalist/patriot movement. The ethical position espoused is that of American exceptionalism and the sanctity of the American way of life along with national sovereignty. While not as organized as the Christian-Right, the nationalist/patriotic movement is increasing its presence as American economic, cultural and political power is reshaped in the current era. Like the Christian-Right however, the ethical positioning is not uniform with some nationalists supporting ?free trade?, for example, while others seek to have an America-first platform. Capitalist: These issues fold in with the third social force within the neo-liberal bloc, which posits the United States as a capitalist nation. The ethical position is that of ?freedom?, as market economies are increasingly thought to exist alongside free societies. While this vision is conventionally considered as one held by elites, the reactions to the attacks of 11 September reveal its pervasiveness throughout the population. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the history of outside intervention, specifically coerced partition (implementing segregationist institutions through force), in the cases of Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990s. The aim is to determine the overall success of this technique in consolidating peace and promoting multi-ethnic democracy in divided societies. The effectiveness of coerced partition is, on this evidence, discouraging at best. In Bosnia, implementing consociational institutions that tie ethnicity to territory has had the paradoxical effect of reifying the divide between the three groups, impeding refugee return, and preventing the emergence of inter-ethnic political cooperation. In Kosovo, the de facto ethnic partition of the protectorate from Serbia proper has further segmented Kosovar inhabitants along ethnic lines, hindered refugee return, and created a climate of insecurity among ethnic Serbs. This paper argues that alternative methods of mediation (mostly in the realm of preventive diplomacy) existed at every stage of both conflicts. Moreover, since the external actors ultimately used coercion to achieve peace in both cases, integrationist institutions might have been imposed in Bosnia and Kosovo to divorce ethnicity from territory and thereby develop truly multi-ethnic democracies. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "heuristic" point of departure of the paper is built around the idea of conceptual technology, which refers to technology as a certain kind of know-how by which the material frames can be processed. However, conceptual technologies, the most "ideal" concepts, may turn from the helping medium into a languagr games that capture the mind and turn the attention into themselves. The paper discusses the history of the internet and the current discussion of the "militarization of the internet" through the idea of conceptual technology. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been discussed whether the rise of China causes peace or conflict in East Asia. Some argue that despite the realist prediction that the rising power disturbs the systemic order, East Asian countries enjoy the Chinese peaceful rising. Accordingly, they maintain that realist analysis does not fit in the East Asian case, and that the failure leads to the perils of realism. Others purport that realism can explain the current situation in East Asia. They argue that the relationship between China and East Asian countries are limited and that America plays a main role to balance Chinese military capability. Realists would assert that if East Asian countries fail to balance against the rise of China, they have to face the perils that China will bring about in the region. Which one is true, the perils of East Asia or the perils of Realism? This paper argues that neither East Asia nor Realism face the perils. Realist analysis does not seem to fit in the East Asian model, since non-structural factors, such as identity and history, seem to be more influential than structural factors. However, it does not mean that realism always fails to explain the East Asian region. This paper asserts that realism still provides valuable analysis tool to understand the current East Asian region. Different from pessimistic realists, this paper maintains that defensive realism can explain the current peace in the East Asian region which faces the rise of power. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Michel Foucault has become increasingly influential in the literature dealing with global politics. From the now foundational epistemological critique of the validity of IR as a theory, inspired by Michel Foucault?s early works, to the emerging field of surveillance/intelligence studies, focusing more on the tool of the ?dispositive?, now a large part of these works are based on Michel Foucault?s analysis and tools.In this paper, I will try to show how Michel Foucault?s work on the Art of governmentality is particularly relevant to contemporary times of digitalization. I will draw my argument both from the critique of IR, mainly based on the episteme as discussed in Michel Foucault?s early works, and from surveillance studies in resorting to the ?dispositive?. I will try to show how Michel Foucault?s analysis and tools are not only interesting to describe historical trends, but also to be actualized. In that sense, this paper both aims at: 1.arguing for the tool of the ?dispositive?, preferred to the ?field? of a Bourdieu Sociology in the analysis of transformations of global politics; 2.Highlighting the actualization of this dispositive - taken here as the regulative political structure of the disciplinary moment ? in times of digitalization. By digitalization I mean the specific process, enabled by the computing tools, through which a given complexity is segmented in a set of figures gathered in packets of data and binaurally ordered. This process is both sign/symptom and active agent of the spatio-temporal transformations of our ability to apprehend the real.For this, we will propose an analysis of the state surveillance and control dispositive, in both its discursive and non-discursive dimension. This helps, we believe, to understand how necessity and emergency claims/discourses enter in a synaptic resonance with the very bureaucratic structure. Our main hypothesis, mainly based on the analysis of the US anti-terrorism case, is that state Administrations are progressively networked and epicentered on the security of an extended territory, with a special focus on mobility and its own mode of government : traceability.In main respects, all this is to be inscribed in the scope of what Michel Foucault stated in his late 70?s work and teachings in the Collège de France regarding the move from a negative to a positive technology of power, and on the inflexion of the historical trend in governmentality. This is to say that there is finally nothing new in this fact to put people under surveillance and control, to accumulate a strong and full knowledge about and on them. The main transformation when considering the effect of digitalization on this constitution of knowledge on people, is that it tends to automate and systematize (See Lyon; Wood) control on the one hand and the power exercise and authority on the other. From this, I?ll try to discuss this progressive focus on mobility (and traceability) in trying to see how it re-defines, if it does, the tryptic Michel Foucault highlighted: Territory (Sovereignty) / Bodies (Discipline) / Population / (Biopolitics). ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to problematise commonly held assumptions about humanitarianism, in order to work towards a more nuanced understanding of humanitarian action in international politics. Starting from the assumption that understandings of humanitarianism are historically contingent, I argue that the inattention to humanitarianismÂ’s historical roots has the consequence of reifying the meaning of humanitarianism in terms of the present, which in turn ignores the contingency of humanitarian practice and discourse on time and space. Genealogical discourse analysis may help to show how humanitarian norms emerge and change in international politics. Moreover, humanitarian norms and power are usually posed in opposition to each other, and this paper tries to bring some synthesis to the literature on humanitarian norms and power. Following Barnett and Duvall, and Guzzini, I argue that a broader definition of power reveals how humanitarian norms display elements of productive power. As such, humanitarian discourse not only draws the boundaries for acceptable humanitarian behaviour, but also gives meaning to those practices, while also producing social identities and hierarchical relationships in international politics. The first section of the paper gives a broad overview of humanitarian activity from early modern Europe to the present day; the second section briefly examines the literature on humanitarian norms; the third section attempts to link humanitarian norms to a broader definition of power. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern international relations develops out of the liberal and enlightenment traditions of political thought and practice. The legacy of these traditions is often unproblematically assumed. In this paper I probe the ontological presuppositions of contemporary realist and liberal IR to explain how in the conceptual framing of world politics IR theory effects an exceedingly narrow model of normative advocacy. Examining the ontological presuppositions among several IR traditions properly historicizes their philosophical lineages and opens them up to a number of important problematizations about the specific nature of the entities they purport to analyze. Historicizing these concepts in late modernity is especially important given greater awareness of the essentially contested nature of much that has been taken for granted by the major theoretical traditions of IR. Specifically, historicization allows a critique not only of the entities whose existence is presupposed by IR’s metaphysical propositions, but also the normative ideals the predominant theoretical traditions advance, consciously or not. I argue that confusion about what ontological commitments are in late modern times (and what they must be made to reflect given IR’s rigid epistemological protocols) produces considerable ambiguity about the world political relations IR theories claim to explain, and how some of the most prescient challenges of our time ? namely, maldistributions of world income ? can be more effectively addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is global environmental politics? What are the core research questions and findings in this field of inquiry? Where do the disciplinary boundaries begin and end? This article maps out the history and current trends in the field of global environmental politics. To receive a copy of the paper, please email the author at dauvergne@politics.ubc.ca [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theme of violence in new religious movements and in religious cults has emerged in recent years following a series of tragedies and violent actions: collective suicides, acts of terrorism, murders and various other acts of violence. The coming of the third millennium has also ushered in the perception of a ?new threat? and has provoked the publication of various reports emanating from governmental agencies (Project Meggido, FBI, 1999; Mouvements Religieux Eschatologiques, Canadian Security Intelligence Service, 1999). These events have raised a number of questions on the dangers, real or supposed, of these groups, for individuals as well as for society. Opinions diverge however on these actions and numerous hypotheses have been put forward to explain them. If certain authors explain them by dysfunctions inherent to such groups, others prefer to say that we are dealing here with the social construction of a marginal problem. This paper examines the theoretical propositions put forward, and builds a critical evaluation of the present controversies in the light of the most recent data available on the topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents results from a recent analysis of polity dynamics in Inner Asia, from Xiong-nu to post-Mongol empire, based on an original dataset compiled by investigators at the Smithsonian Institution's National Museum of Natural History and the Mo ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores past counterinsurgencies (the British in Malaya, the French in Indochina and Algeria, and the United States in Vietnam) to better understand what ethical constraints these states placed on their actions in combat. With the US commitme ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks what is made possible (and thus impossible) by the recurrent use of metaphors of nation and original sin in American political discourse, through a close study of both D.W. Griffith's The Birth of a Nation and Barack Obama's "A More Perfec ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to identify the most significant institutional and intellectual problems that have shaped the U.S. Army’s understanding of the “lessons” of past counterinsurgency campaigns. It examines the Army’s interpretation of three conflicts in which guerrilla warfare played a crucial roleâ€"the Philippine War of 1899-1902; the Indochina-Malaya-Korea conflicts of the 1950s; and the Vietnam War. It studies the institution’s historiography of these conflicts, the exclusion of guerrilla warfare over time, and discusses the reasons why officers who emphasized the importance of guerrilla warfare had limited influence on their institution. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Historical memories are intricately linked with the rocky relations China and Japan have had with each other since the 20th century. While conventional scholarship is in broad agreement that history does matter, in recent years an increasing number of analysts have argued that history is a ?rational tool? that can be utilised by the Chinese leaders to bolster the legitimacy of the Communist regime. While these studies are not necessarily wrong, they give rise to a number of ethical issues. First, they downplay the extent to which traumatic memories do play a role in the peoples? minds, regardless of elite manipulation. Second, by portraying historical controversies as a product of manipulation, they inadvertently absolve the Japanese from playing any part in helping both sides overcome the historical trauma that continues to colour Sino-Japanese relations. This paper considers the role of scholarship in Sino-Japanese relations. In particular, it will seek to problematise conventional analyses of history and memory. It will attempt to suggest ways in which Sino-Japanese reconciliation can be facilitated, and what role scholarship can play in this process. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ibrahim Ahmed was one of the original founders of the Kurdish Democratic Pary (KDP) in Iraq in the 1940s. Despite being a seminal political figure and thinker, Kurdish historians and political analysts have tended to overlook his contributions. Because of his efforts to attach to the Kurdish nationalist struggle in Iraq both class and ethnic/nationalist concerns, he was effectively marginalized from the KDP by its more traditionally minded elements. The results were something of a disaster for the Kurdish people in Iraq, who, since the loss of Ahmed, have been led by traditional elites that have tended to place their narrow interests above those of Iraqi Kurdistan?s most marginalized elements. The paper will seek to explore the significance of Ahmed's position in modern Kurdish history by drawing on his written work which called for Arab and Kurdish unity in Iraq, along with interview material among his family members and others that were actively involved in the Kurdish nationalist movement during its beginning. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]