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'There was a time when metaphysics was called the queen of all the sciences ? In the beginning, under the administration of the dogmatists, her rule was despotic. Yet because her legislation still retained traces of ancient barbarism, this rule gradually degenerated through internal wars into complete anarchy; and the sceptics, a kind of nomads who abhor all permanent cultivation of the soil, shattered civil unity from time to time. But since there were fortunately only a few of them, they could not prevent the dogmatists from continually attempting to rebuild.' Imannuel Kant, The Critique of Pure Reason, Preface to the First Edition. Free-ranging spirits. - Which of us would dare to call himself a free spirit if he would not wish to pay homage in his own way to those men to whom this name has been applied as an insult by taking on to his own shoulders some of this burden of public disapprobation and revilement? What, however, we may call ourselves in all seriousness (and without being in any way defiant) is 'free-ranging spirits', because we feel the tug towards freedom as the strongest drive of our spirit and, in antithesis to the fettered and firm-rooted intellects, see our ideal almost in a spiritual nomadism - to employ a modest and almost contemptuous expression. Friedrich Nietzsche, Human, All Too Human. 'It is not at all surprising that the philosopher has become a public professor or State functionary. It was all over the moment the State-form inspired an image of thought.' Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many years, agricultural research has been carried out both at the public and private level. However, since the 1980s, the combination of reduced public spending on agricultural research, the emergence of new technologies both controversial and expensive, and the conglomeration and increased reach of multinational companies has meant that the private sector is an increasingly powerful provider of newly developed seed to farmers worldwide. Normally, the seed is sold in international markets as with any other commodity, available only to those farmers who can afford it, and thus restricting access to the improved seed for developing countries. At several instances, however, major crop research companies, including global heavyweight Monsanto, made seed available royaltyfree to developing countries. In this paper, I will detail the development of privatized agricultural research, and discuss these past instances where multinational companies have made seed available to developing countries on a royalty-free basis. This paper will argue that not only do these developments illustrate the continuation of the transfer of authority over seed provision to developing countries from public institutions to the private sector, but it also suggests that some sense of global corporate social responsibility is gradually being adopted by the multinational agricultural companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the modern Western world war is not only exorcized from the social domain but also seen as inherently evil even though armed force is constantly used as an instrument of policy. Credibility as a security political actor still calls for possession of armed force. War as a phenomenon also underpins much of the social and cultural reality even when it is not actually being waged. The paper addresses this fundamental divide between the Western common conception, and rhetoric, of war and the contrasting evident, widespread Western use of armed force and the hidden role of war in the structure of peaceful societies. What are the implications for war studies? Is war as a social phenomenon adequately theorized or is war too elusive for a coherent study? The paper outlines a proposal for an approach to the study of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This discussion is focused on how we, as students, teachers, and researchers, "do" International Relations (IR), and what implications that may have in the form of spaces for creativity and responsibility to meet through what we produce in the field of IR. For this paper, responsibility is defined as taking ownership for action through our methodological decisions, and creativity is defined as how such responsibility may be embraced through the ways we communicate our research and what we produce. The aim of this essay is to contribute to debates related to the influence of the researcher-scholar in social science generally and IR in particular. The paper is structured along three interconnected elements: A discussion of general methodological issues related to the role of the researcher, reflections on these issues through the formation of one particular research design, and examples of how responsibility and creativity may be engaged with through the implementation of this research design with respect to one case study. This discussion hopes to illustrate key philosophical, methodological observations of "doing" social science and IR through the empirical illustration of designing a discourse analysis focused on counter terrorism and identity construction. Through a specific research framework, relational-securitization, this paper hopes to offer a sampling of how we may engage in responsible scholarship through creative, transparent methodological decisionmaking. Through a more explicit attention to the role of the researcher in everyday practices of knowledge construction in IR, this discussion and critique of one sample research design in the context of philosophy of science debates hopes to provide some helpful reflections on ways to consciously incorporate responsibility and creativity in the everydayness of our scholarly craft. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, which is part of a meta-study constituting a pause on IR's Cultural Journey, contributes to the debate on the so-called Blind/Blinded Stalemate in the study of cultural diversity in international relations by addressing the question about whether the nexus between IR and the field of Area Studies (AS) constitutes a promising site for the transcenden-ce of this stalemate in IR's Cultural Journey. Following a short introduction to this debate, this is done firstly by considering why AS deserves attention, why the IR/AS nexus nevertheless has been far from heavily trafficked and why recent developments within IR and AS may have transformed a turn 'downwards' from a certain dead-end to a potentially promising route for IR's Cultural Journey. Following this examination of the promises, pitfalls and possibilities related to the IR/AS nexus, the second part of the paper turns attention to how a Cultural Journey with AS as travel mate can take place. By drawing on insights from a number of 'reconnaissan-ce missions' into the IR/AS nexus, two types of over-all challenges to be addressed are identified and against this background a range of different combinations of specific travel-forms and routes 'downwards' are identified and evaluated. By drawing an analogy to Hoffmann's famous depiction of IR as an American Social Science, the final part of the paper calls attention to the need also to consider whether the staff is American or European. Based on an argument on how the Area Studies Controversy first and foremost is an American debate playing a less significant role in a European context, it is suggested that a European-based cross-fertilization between IR and AS holds different prospects than an American. Whether they are better or worse do however depends on the extent to which Europe is perceived as being positioned in a pre-or post-Area Studies Controversy-situation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the role of the philosophy of science and the philosophy of social science in political science and cognate disciplines. Why have the philosophy of science and the philosophy of social science played such a major role in key debates within the political sciences? What if anything can we learn from them? Why do we need to turn to these disciplines for cognitive support anyway? Many political scientists treat these meta-theoretical debates with suspicion deeming them to be an unwanted distraction to the development of a body of knowledge of political processes and events. One of the great paradoxes of the modern age is that the natural sciences only entered what has come to be known as their 'mature' stage when they left philosophy behind. Why can the social sciences not effect a similar separation? This paper examines the function and aims of the philosophy of science in theoretical debates within political science. It argues that for ontological, epistemological, conceptual, cognitive and moral reasons the social sciences simply cannot proceed on that basis. The social world itself is shot through with philosophical concepts and any science of that world needs to be cognizant of the role these concepts play in structuring behaviour. It is not that we need to bring philosophy into political science, but that it is already in in a myriad of ways. The question then becomes one of uncovering the often implicit philosophies that structure all inquiry, even those that deny it a role. As Keynes remarked those who disliked theory, or claimed to get along better without it, they are simply in the grip of an older theory. This applies as much to theories of what good political science is as much as to theories of political behaviour. An analysis of these issues demonstrates that the attempt to construct an 'autonomous theory of politics' is an impossible dream that already reflects an implicit philosophy of science. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proliferation of prefixes like 'neo' and 'post' that adorn conventional 'isms' has cast a long shadow on the contemporary relevance of traditional political belief systems like liberalism, conservatism, and Marxism. This paper explores how the thickening of global consciousness finds its expression in the growing capability of today's political ideologies to translate the rising global imaginary into concrete political programs and agendas. But these subjective dynamics of denationalization at the heart of globalization have not yet dispensed with the declining national imaginary. The twenty-first century promises to be a ideational interregnum in which both the global and national stimulate people's deep-seated understandings of community. The paper ends with an introduction of a new classification scheme that divides contemporary political ideologies into 'market globalism', 'justice globalism', and 'jihadist globalism'. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The explosion of the digital information landscape in recent years offers a unique opportunity for social scientists and policy makers to better assess and forecast violent conflict. Modern content analysis methodologies, which have not been fully appreciated by the academic or policy communities, contain techniques to take advantage of this new environment. A computer-based content analysis tool that rigorously meets academic standards and methodological requirements can: 1) incorporate quantitative and qualitative variables, 2) create trend lines of event-driven conflict escalation dynamics within a country from pre- to post-conflict stages, and 3) measure the effects of policy options on the ground. This paper explores the effectiveness and promise of three content analysis tools: the Kansas Event Data System (KEDS), funded by the National Science Foundation and the University of Kansas; GeoMonitor, a product of Virtual Research Associates, Inc.; and the Conflict Assessment System Tool (CASTc) developed by The Fund for Peace. Of the three tools, this paper will focus primarily on CASTc, which was created for conflict early warning and forecasting, and for monitoring progress in stability operations, but all three content analysis approaches are harnessing the power of the information revolution to pioneer new ways to study, assess, and forecast violent conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 20th century the social sciences have been heavily influenced by a philosophy of science that has led social scientists to separate scientific/explanatory and moral/normative inquiry from each other. The discipline of economics has been at the forefront of arguing for the separation of scientific and value-based inquiry. However, economics has not always been, nor is it necessarily, an a-normative science. Indeed, some of the founding fathers, as well as many leading figures, of modern economics were explicitly driven by normative questions and principles regarding the 'good life'. This paper seeks to explore whether and how normative assumptions might be embedded within supposedly a-normative economic science. It does so specifically with the aim of elucidating how economic theorists and their discourses may support, encourage, or delimit assumptions made about the meaning of 'democracy'. Taking as its focus a selection of leading economic scientists, classical and neoclassical, the paper asks, first, how is the role of normative assumptions conceived in their work and, second, what kinds of normative visions of democracy do their frameworks support, even if implicitly? The interest in these questions here is not abstractly theoretical: it is informed by a set of puzzles about the ways in which economic science discourses are treated in current debates on global financial governance and also on democracy promotion. Indeed, the paper is ultimately interested in examining the consequences that hidden democratic discourses within economic science may have in constraining and enabling the roles of global financial organisations and in shaping the practices of democracy promotion. This paper, which seeks to both speak to themes of the present ISA panel on the normative-explanatory theory relationship and a wider project by the author on 'political economies of democratisation', argues that despite the value-neutral image that is widely held about economic science, it embraces a whole series of normative assumptions, as well as a variety of different theories or visions of democracy. This finding contradicts the theoretical basis for the perception that global financial governance organisations and their economic discourses are 'value-neutral' and 'a-political', and exposes them as surreptitiously involved in 'democracy promotion'. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When it comes to scientific investigation, positivism is no longer the only game in town, nor is it even the most prominent theory of how science works. Model Theory has become ascendent within the natural sciences, yet is still not explicitly rpesent in IR Theorizing. This paper seeks to rectify this shortcoming. Model Theory is a fundamentally different understanding of the nature of science, including different ontological and explanatory commitments. This paper argues that Model Theory does a far better job than positivism in accounting for the descriptive nature of mainstream IR Theory, and we argue that much of IR Theory is already working in a Model Theoretic framework. In accepting such a framework, we posit that IR theorists may bypass a number of important (and often unquestioned) issues arising from their ontological commitments to positivism, while not betraying their commitment to keeping the discipline scientific. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper responds to recent analytical and empirical demands to investigate and explain patterns of change within contemporary processes of global capitalism. More specifically, it contributes to understandings of the impact of increased global competition on the development trajectories of small island states. The paper examines how Seychelles and Mauritius, societies on the periphery of the world economy, have come to depend upon global linkages and the impact of increasing global competition on their socio-economic landscape. It focuses on their responses to these recent changes, the forms of economic restructuring that they are adopting and the consequences of these for their national political economies. More specifically, the paper demonstrates that the increasingly precarious position that small island states occupy globally have created new, and reworked existing, local inequalities. In so doing, we also seek to contribute to the literature on small island states which we argue tends to construct them as internally undifferentiated entities whose development strategies are framed primarily as a response to external global forces. This literature is also inclined to be ideologically monolithic, dominated as it is by proposals for liberalisation that further homogenise small island states and conceal their historical and political specificities. We suggest that rather than concentrating on developing generalisable accounts of their problems, detailed theoretical and empirical work into the national political economies, societies and histories of small island states can contribute to a better understanding of the specific challenges with which they are confronted, the forms of development which might be more appropriate, and the consequences of the restructuring programmes upon which they are embarked. While we do not directly address all these issues here, this paper provides an initial attempt to challenge prevailing orthodoxies in understandings of small island states and their responses to global change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper re-evaluates arguments that relate states' power to thelikelihood of interstate conflict, by highlighting the conditionaleffect of preferences on the relationship between power and conflictat different levels of hostility. When the level of conflict is low,power disparity is likely to decrease the chances of conflict andthis effect increases when states share similar preferences.However, when states have very divergent preferences, power paritymay not significantly decrease the probability of low levelconflict. This is because low costs of conflict allow states tofollow their preferences. When states make costly decisions of war,however, the distribution of power has an independent impact on waronset. High costs of war make states choose war carefully and paymore attention to the chances of winning. In this case, preferencesmay not have conditional effects on the exercise of power. Thefindings of this paper generally support these arguments. Powerdisparity decreases the chances of both low and high level conflict.Similar preferences between two dyadic states have a pacifyingeffect on low level conflict by conditioning the relationshipbetween power and conflict. Interestingly, when states sharesignificantly dissimilar preferences, preference factor prevails inthe decision of conflict and thus the pacifying effect of powerdisparity disappears. In fact, in this case power disparity promotesthe chances of fighting. In sum, this paper provides an explanationon the inconsistency between theoretical arguments and empiricalfindings in the previous studies of power and conflict, illustratingstrategic importance of power and preferences at different levels ofconflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview within the other papers on the two panels might be understood. It attempts to establish both the necessity of and the contribution of a conception of cultural political economy. After elaborating a specific definition of culture, it argues that culture can be shown both play two principal roles in political economy. First, it fundamentally constitutes what political economy is â€" it defines what is and isn’t an economic institution, actor, process, and constitutes what “economic” behaviour or practices are. Second, it shapes specific patterns of political-economic development, for example through shaping patterns of consumption and thus investment and work, or through legitimising certain sorts of political-economic strategy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the emerging debate about the use of precautionary thinking and the Precautionary Principle (PP) in the development of foreign policy, especially but not only in the US, in light of the unpredictability and potentially catastrophic outcome of trans-national terrorist activity. The PP is used internationally to aid decision-making in the environmental and public health arenas in particular. The PP is often portrayed simplistically as a “better safe than sorry” way of dealing with risk, but in fact offers a much more sophisticated account than that. As Jordan and O’Riordan have noted, it ‘assumes that science cannot always provide the insights needed to protect the environment effectively, and that undesirable effects may result if measures are taken only when science does provide such insights’. The PP entails a willingness to take action in advance of hard evidence of proof, and there is openness and honesty about uncomfortable data. As Adams reminds us, this approach ‘is about making decisions in the presence of uncertainty and before there is “sufficient scientific evidence”’. Versions of precautionary logic have informed Pentagon thinking since the Presidency of George H. W. Bush, becoming closely associated with neo-conservative defence intellectuals. George W. Bush’s West Point address of June 2002 and the 2002 US National Security Strategy offered powerful arguments in favour of such an approach and embedded the idea of ‘pre-emptive’ war in US policy in the ‘war on terror’ on the basis of recognisably precautionary logics. Echoes of these arguments are also heard in UK policy statements and speeches.The paper will critically examine the extent to which the Precautionary Principle is being transferred to the foreign policy arena in this way, whether this represents a defensible interpretation of the PP as a risk management mechanism and whether or not it is a viable way addressing effectively the risks identified by the rhetoric of the ‘war on terror’, assessing the success of the effort to transfer the PP into a new arena of governance and risk. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of why states comply with international law lies at the intersection of international relations (IR) and international law (IL) scholarship. In addition, the domestic and international outrage at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay has brought U.S. compliance with the Geneva Conventions into the public discourse. Understanding whether these events were an anomaly or whether they reflect existing trends in U.S. compliance with the laws of war is crucial to understanding what is next for the United States in this current climate of warfare. It has become shorthand among some academics, policy-makers, and pundits to assume the Bush Administration has systematically ignored international law. This paper examines the sources of variation in U.S. treatment of Prisoners of War (POWs) over time in order to compare and contrast the adherence to the international laws governing the treatment of prisoners during Operation Iraqi Freedom with previous U.S. conflicts abroad. This paper seeks to fill a gap in the empirical understanding about the correspondence between state behavior and legal rules. It empirically measures the normative force of international law by examining if there are noticeable patterns associated with variations in compliance. This broader debate about the importance of norms is consequential to a broad range of theoretical and policy issues in the new legal environment of the Global War on Terror. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper investigates the impact of 9/11 on the media access of Danish CSOs working on distant issues. Theoretically it argues that the media is the central element in the public opportunity structure of CSOs. The concept of a public opportunity structure refers to the possibilities of CSOs to gain access to the media and be able to offer alternative and critical interpretations of political events and situations. This kind of access is important because the main source of CSO influence is their participation in public debate. It is argued that major global events, such as 9/11, can have a significant impact on public opportunities as they change the media's agenda and demand for CSO information and interpretation. The paper tests four hypotheses related to public opportunities: contraction, expansion, non-impact and mixed-effects. The data consists of newspaper articles from two Danish newspapers (Politiken and Jyllands-Posten) on three Danish CSOs (Ibis, Folkekirkens Nødhjælp, and Amnesty International). The data is drawn from the two three-year periods before and after 11 September 2001. The analysis concludes that opportunities vary considerable between newspapers and CSOs. One of the newspapers, Politiken, thus expanded opportunities for CSOs, while Jyllands-Posten slightly contracted them. The expanded opportunities in Politiken were, furthermore, unequally distributed, with Folkekirkens Nødhjælp and Amnesty International accounting for the increase. The results consequently primarily support the mixed-effects hypothesis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the ways in which feminist scholarship is creatively unsettling the disciplinary imaginary of International Relations, by disturbing the very notion of the legitimate units in the organisation of knowledge and by challenging the centre-periphery organisation of disciplinary topography. This 'silent revolution' in IR is observed by looking at a series of position-takings and dialogues that occurred during the past two decades in IR academic publications, regarding the 'feminist question' in IR. In the space of these dialogues, feminists in IR have talked about their disciplinary self and also about the way their niche of scholarship fits into the discipline of IR more broadly. Beyond discussing feminist forms of creativity, the paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the production of novelty in intellectual fields and to explore the overlooked connection between programmatic texts (or talk of self) and disciplinary change. Making sense of disciplinary change is no longer a case of recording trends, but a case of observing local modes of subversive action, performed by reflexive artisans, in a unique intellectual locality. Within this conception of change, feminist 'talk of self' is recuperated as a complicated case of resistance to domestication. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Signing a treaty is the first in a series of steps that must ensue for treaties to be domestically implemented. Later steps in the process of treaty implementation often allow domestic actors to re-shape the legislation necessary to give domestic meaning to international agreements. Like most legislative processes, this is a matter of bargaining amongst different branches of government and competing political parties. The result is often that treaties are either not implemented through domestic law or are implemented inadequately as a result of divergent preferences amongst domestic actors. By studying the variance in ratification and implementation practices across countries, this paper tests how domestic political disagreement can lead to less than ideal implementation of treaties, and thus to compliance failures. The paper tests this argument using an econometric model that compares ratification and implementation procedures in all OECD countries, and includes a case study to process trace the mechanisms that lead to weak implementation. Understanding the domestic politics that surround treaty implementation not only helps us understand one of the primary causes of compliance failure; it also sheds light on how to improve treaty design and monitoring practices to reduce insufficient implementation and weak compliance by states. This paper brings together the international law, international relations, and comparative politics literatures and shows how all these fields are essential for understanding compliance with international agreements. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mainstream IR's claims to objectivity relies on a dramatic absence of self-reflection concerning its own historical emergence. My paper calls for a shift in attention, which exposes IR's debt to imperialism. As the inherited imperial hegemony of IR has been exposed by a variety of works in postcolonial studies and critical IR, it bears particular relevance to the independence model of Hawai'i, what I am calling the Hawaiian State Discourse. Hawaiian State discourse is proving hugely persuasive in shifting the language and vocabulary through which the Hawaiian-American relationship is discussed and understood. This has involved a popular shift in consciousness among Kanaka Maoli (Native Hawaiians) from victimization to empowerment. Whereas, for the last 30 years resistance to U.S. imperialism was confined to the idiom of colonization, HSD appropriates international law to expose the illegal U.S. occupation of Hawai'i. This speaks to a condition of ambivalence in postcolonial reason. IR's claims to truth, reason, and political objectivity offers hope to Kanaka Maoli. However, I argue that it is precisely the constitutive exclusions of Eurocentric genealogies of modernity that must be interrogated. Rather than describing what a particular phenomenon is, I argue for the critique of how its representation and therefore its privileged position in "qualified knowledge" structures is actively produced and reproduced. This calls attention to the generative force of law and European Enlightenment notions of realism in hegemony. Instead of dismissing the political movement towards justice for Hawaiians through the resuscitation of the Hawaiian State, this paper complicates and thus augments Hawaiian State Discourse by analyzing its epistemic closures and ontological commitments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evolutionary models increasingly attract attention in the social sciences and economics. This paper presents an overview and comparison of existing evolutionary models in use, with a special focus on the insights from complex systems analysis. In addition, the papers offers insights into the possibilities of the use of computer-based simulations for analysis of processes of long-term change in world history. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emergent propertiesâ€"i.e., causally efficacious properties that are neither ontologically reducible to, nor analytically exhausted by, their constituent partsâ€"have a long and checkered history in the social and biological sciences. In recent years, there is a growing recognition among philosophers of science, theoretical biologists, and some social scientists that emergence can provide the basis for strong anti-reductionist arguments. Contemporary with this interdisciplinary development, however, is a demand within International Relations for explanations to be grounded in microfoundations, often cast in terms of opening up “black boxes” of states and integrating domestic and international politics. This paper first shows that the importance attached to the micro-level rests on notions of scientific explanation that are philosophically problematic. Then, drawing on the theory of emergence and combining it with a scientific realist stance on the ontological status of causal entities, this paper argues that there are good grounds for rejecting empiricist and reductionist arguments in favor of those which take full account of emergent properties in the international system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical realism is an approach that directs social researchers towards analysis of causal complexes, rather than singular causal factors; structures and ideologies rather than behaviour and law-like patterns of social interaction; holistic interdisciplinary studies rather than narrow research fields; and emphasises the interaction of explanatory and normative assumptions in social science. This paper aims to elucidate what a critical realist research focus might contribute to the analysis of processes of democratisation, specifically the analysis of economic conditions of democratisation. This paper argues that while critical realism does not provide a new theory of democratisation, it can make some limited contributions in 1) challenging generalising and predictive positivist accounts, 2) in emphasising multiple and conditioning forms of causation involved in analysis of democratisation, 3) in emphasising methodological pluralism in the field and 4) in highlighting the role of political and normative assumptions embedded in studies of democratisation. This paper does not seek to develop a new theory of democratisation but rather, more modestly, seeks to highlight the kinds of considerations that a researcher in International Relations might keep in mind in approaching an empirical field of study from a critical realist perspective. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is the sixth in a series in which the political careers of civilizations/world systems receive snapshot codings of their overall power structures at feasible intervals. The narratives are produced by collating histories with large frames of reference. The codings are done using a nominal variable, polarity, with seven available values. Previous articles in the series have examined the Indic system 550 BC--AD 1800, the Far Eastern 1025 BC--AD 1850, the Southwest Asian c. 2700--1500 BC, the Northeast African c. 2625--1500 BC. The Northeast African and Southwest Asian systems and sequences merged c. 1500 BC to form the Central system. In the immediately previous article, the power structure of the Central Civilization/World System was appraised over its first 800 years at 10-year intervals, from 1500 BC to an arbitrary stopping point of 700 BC. The current paper reports the continuation of the coding, from 700 BC to an equally arbitrary stopping point of 400 BC. The predominant forms of the systemic power structure are examined in their relation to two competing theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a measure of country power, defined in terms of capabilities, that extends back to 1500 AD for 10 countries. The measure consists of seven components, four defining military power and three defining economic power. The goal of this effort has been to create a measure of power that is at least equal if not superior to existing measures in two dimensions: the span of time encompassed and the breadth of the components of power included. The paper provides a justification for the effort, a description of the components of the measure and the data sources used, and the power trajectories that result. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of a broader wave of private regulation and "corporate social responsibility" initiatives in the 1990s, several private associations emerged that claim to certify companies as complying with international labor standards. In the U.S. the existing programs are the Fair Labor Association, Social Accountability International, and Worldwide Responsible Apparel Production. (A fourth initiative, the Worker Rights Consortium takes a different approach than the others.) This paper describes these labor standards certification and monitoring initiatives. The paper is organized in five main parts: 1. Institutional structure and scope: In general labor standards certification initiatives take the form of non-profit associations that develop a set of standards (or a code of conduct) for factory conditions and accredit external auditors to assess compliance. The programs differ somewhat in structure and content, but there are some preliminary reasons to think they may not differ so much in practice. 2. Political constituency and support base: A subset of companies and labor and human rights NGOs have been the main support base of certification and monitoring. In the U.S. organized labor was initially at the table, but pulled back in protest and remains highly skeptical. 3. Relationship to state governance: In contrast to the popular wisdom, the emergence of labor standards certification systems is strongly tied to the state, which provided decisive early leadership and funding. 4. Impacts: The impacts of certification and monitoring associations have been limited. No radical transformation of the apparel industry has occurred, although both horror stories and success stories exist. It appears that any significant impact of these programs is likely to come in combination with activist campaigns and government policy. 5. Broader perspectives and questions: A fuller understanding of transnational private regulation can be developed by comparing multiple types of certification and developing theoretically informed accounts of their emergence and significance. Here I briefly compare labor standards certification and forest certification, and suggest that the varieties of institutional theories in the social sciences offer a promising set of analytic lenses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IR scholarship does not deal with human death because human death is not about state or systemic level of analysis. This paper develops a counter methodology that treats human death as ontological death, referring to the death of a meaning system. Counter-methodology is a kind of methodology that helps one understand oneself from the point of view of those one studies. Counter methodology assumes that theoreticians and those they study are mutually constituted. IR scholarship does not acknowledge that theoreticians intervene in the decision making of decision makers or vice versa. This paper uses the classic wisdom of Mengcius, a wise man of Chinese Warring Period, to illustrate how a social science theory about policy making can kill the agency of policy makers. In short, scientific explanation of a particular behavior denies the possibility that the policy makers can make policy abiding by completely different decision rules if alternative decision contexts are triggered. Counter methodology allows the theoretician to reflect upon the undecidable decision contexts by bringing in various notions of death that the IR scholarship closes off. The paper also introduces hunch as an epistemology that shed light on the undecidable decision contexts. Accordingly, even realist practitioners and theoreticians, who conceive of the death of civilian people in the enemy state or soldiers of their own nation as insignificant, could possibly slip into the humanist track, which is unknown to them in their work but nonetheless familiar off work. Counter methodology helps them shift decision contexts and develop a perspective toward ontological death. All this philosophical exercise does not require realist thinkers to jettison realism. On the contrary, what this paper does is to give legitimacy to realism by reducing it to just one of the various meaning systems so that the state-center analysis is no longer a suffocating, teleological hegemony. Realists can stay realists or move. This freedom of movement would enable them to recognize different decision contexts and appreciate the meaning of death in a much richer sense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that what we call ?development? must be understood as part of a post-World War II project to reconfigure the circuit of capital that, during the nineteenth century, linked the export sectors of Europe?s dualistic economies to those in other regions of the world. This project, a massive and coordinated campaign by Western, newly independent, and ?developing? states worked effectively to eradicate social democracy and to consolidate dualistic structures throughout what has become, as a result, the vast, global ?third world?. Immediately after World War II a scholastic programme emerged in the U.S. academy to support this endeavour. Section I of the paper argues that this academic ?development project? has had a profound impact on post-war historiography and social science. The research and writing produced under its auspices was characterised by a tendency to sever social scientific inquiry from issues relating to historical agency and social change, class and power; and this tendency eventually came to characterize U.S. social science, generally. Section II focuses on the larger ?development? project. It first discusses the trans-local interactions and connections that, beginning in the late eighteenth century, brought about the development of dualistic economies within and outside of Europe. It then describes the circuit of capital that was carried on by a trans-local network of elites, governments, and ruling groups throughout the nineteenth century. Section III focuses on how this circuit was reconfigured as a result of the world wars and by means of decolonisation, nationalism, ?first? and ?second? world development, and globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2007, the foreign ministers of seven countries (Norway, France, Brazil, Indonesia, Senegal, South Africa and Thailand) issued the Oslo Declaration identifying global health as 'a pressing foreign policy issue of our time' (Foreign Ministers 2007). Though it marked a turning point, the declaration was not the start of recent interest in health and foreign policy. Sweden, in 2003, passed a law requiring it to report annually to parliament on how it was ensuring all of its policy areas, including health, worked towards a common goal for global development (Government of Sweden 2003). In 2006, Switzerland had already released its Health Foreign Policy document (FDHA and FDFA 2006) and in that same year, Norway created a Policy Coherence Commission to examine how its foreign policies contributed to, or impeded development in low- and middle-income countries. Health featured prominently in the Commission's review released in September 2008 (PCC 2008). A month later, the UK launched its Health is Global: A UK Government Strategy 2008-13, (HM Government 2008) though work on this included a white paper released in 2007 (Donaldson 2007). Such developments formalized a decadal trend in which health became more prominent in global policy agendas, including a dramatic rise in global financing for health accompanied by a proliferation of global health initiatives (such as the Global Fund), financing schemes (UNITAID, the airline tax that finances treatment and prevention for HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis in poor countries) and new private players (notably the Gates Foundation). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do private entrepreneurs in China support democracy? This paper finds that in general private entrepreneurs find democracy desirable, but their concerns with the feasibility of democracy predispose them toward maintaining the status quo. This research employs a mixed method. On one hand, it draws on a national survey to show that Chinese private entrepreneurs are more likely to have democratic values than the non-entrepreneurial middle class and working class, controlling the effects of relevant political, regional and demographic factors. In-depth interviews, on the other hand, suggest that capitalists who demonstrate democratic values tend to argue that democracy is infeasible in China, at least in the near future. As a result, they adopt a pro-government stance in their economic, social and political activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cities are now recognized as transnational actors, particularly given their ongoing domestic and international climate change activities. In recent years, the extent of city climate change action has led scholars to posit that emerging and growing networks of climate action cities challenge the orthodox conception of global climate governance; that cities are challenging other levels of government to be climate leaders; and that cities are increasingly motivated to take action for tangible local as well as global benefits. What is common amongst cities globally is that they often find inspiration and gain knowledge for climate change activities from other cities. The nature and importance of these formal and informal domestic and transnational relations has been acknowledged anecdotally, but not through a systematic comparison of cities. If scholars hypothesize that cities are transnational actors, and that their influence is a function of their interrelationships than understanding the extent and nature of those interactions and influence is important. This paper presents the theoretical rationale, approach and hypotheses of a national survey of all municipalities in Canada over 5,000 people. Originally intended as a preliminary presentation of the results of the survey, pragmatic challenges have delayed implementation. The results of the survey will allow us to evaluate the extent and character of domestic and international horizontal collaboration (inter-?-municipal) and to characterize the character of municipalities that are acting in the international domain. The results will offer a rare national evaluation of domestic and international city relations, which may form the basis for comparisons with other countries in time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do extra-legal economies transform over time, and what is the role of armed conflict and 'post-conflict' intervention in this process? Far from being a collateral or temporary aspect, informal and criminal economies are deeply ingrained in the dynamics of globalisation. This paper draws on a number of cases of hybrid economic governance and of contemporary statebuilding/peacebuilding in the wider context of state deformation and formation. It adopts a political economy approach to exploring the persistence and pervasiveness of informal and criminal economic activities vis-à-vis intrusive international attempts at building a functioning market economy, and it reflects upon the implications for development and statebuilding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Campaigns--consciously orchestrated action(s) undertaken by one or more actor(s) to achieve an objective--play an integral role in norm emergence at the international level. Amidst a vast literature on norms, campaigns have been largely neglected. This research presents a typology of campaigns--policy change, transnational corporation (TNC) change and social change--and a framework for systematically analyzing them across five core dimensions: campaign actor(s); campaign objectives; campaign target audience; campaign frame; and campaign medium of communication. It posits that the campaign type influences a) the likelihood of a new norm emerging; b) the effectiveness of reaching campaign objectives; and c) the constituent elements of a new norm - a norm's type and substance. This paper presents the preliminary results of analysis of two case studies: 1) policy change (campaign to protect Internally Displaced Persons); and 2) TNC change (campaign to stop the marketing of breast-milk substitutes), focusing on identifying the diverse campaign actors involved in the different phases of campaigns. Between 100 and 150 campaign elements (speeches, advertisements, brochures, press releases, conference reports, campaign strategy documents, etc.) are being coded for each case study to form a database of information on campaigns across the five dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 1990s, the civil war research program has been a vibrant one, but has reached an analytical 'plateau' because purely methodological issues have tended to obscure fundamental conceptual and theoretical concerns. The existing large-N 'groundclearing' work has shed important light on macro- and micro-level determinants of internal conflict onset, duration, and termination, but has left the field theoretically impoverished. This paper argues that conceptual and theoretical questions need to predate methodological ones, and discusses at length remaining gaps in the civil war literature. Six main lacunae are identified. First, we need a better conceptualization of civil war in terms of its starting and ending points - civil war may be a longer process, with waves of escalation and de-escalation, than generally described in the extant literature. Second, existing theories conflate civil conflict with violence - war onset and violence may be conceptually distinct. Third, we need better theories of ethnic civil war that define the phenomenon independently of its causes. Fourth, we lack truly systemic-level theories of civil war onset and duration. Fifth, we need better theories that allow us to determine whether civil wars are actually distinct from other types of wars. Finally, we need to go beyond state-centric monadic approaches, and be more rigorous when building our models for explaining civil war onset, duration, or termination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Teaching undergraduate international studies research methods to large classes poses many challenges to professors and students alike. One solution that many professors adopt is group research projects. This paper examines the utility of group learning in large research methods courses. The objectives of group projects in large research methods courses are to maximize the individual contact that students have with the professor through regular small group meetings, to allow students to learn from each other, and to help students share the burden of conducting original social science research in one short semester. However, group learning is also very risky in terms of the increased opportunity it provides for free-riding, interpersonal conflict, and misguided group-think throughout the research process. Survey data from two semesters of large research methods courses is analyzed to determine the utility of group learning in this context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the phenomenon of unintended effects has been widely explored in other social science disciplines, the topic has only recently and sporadically found its way into the area of International Relations (IR). Some strands of IR theory are still completely silent on the issue: It seems that constructivist research on international norms has been so keen on emphasizing the potential for progress in international politics by showing that and how norms may positively influence the behavior of states that it has lost sight of their possibly ambiguous consequences. However, while in rather policy-oriented research, such effects of international governance processes have at least been diagnosed in some single case studies, there is still both a lack of theoretical and conceptual reflection on the phenomenon itself and the need for systematic empirical research. Mainly drawing on economic and sociological conceptualizations by Robert K. Merton and Raymond Boudon, the paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) developing a taxonomy of unintended effects; 2) combining this scheme with insights from the literature on international norms to identify possible unintended effects of norms and 3) illustrating those effects with examples from the field of international humanitarian law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theme of "exploring the past and anticipating the future," and related questions of continuity and change in international relations draw attention to numerous pressing empirical and practical problems facing the discipline. However, in approaching these issues in the context of contemporary processes of globalization, and diverse reactions to these, such themes also require careful reflections on, and perhaps reconsiderations of, the epistemological foundations of contemporary development thought specifically, and the modern social sciences in general. Focusing on discourses of international development, at the intersection of international relations and comparative politics, this paper explores patterns of both epistemic privilege and oppression within post-World War II development theory and practice. By tracing the evolution of both dominant and oppositional approaches to development over the post-war period and drawing on crucial insights produced by past debates, as well as their limitations, valuable new insights will be gained into prospects and avenues for making dominant approaches to development and North-South relations more epistemologically democratic and reflexive. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental sciences have a long tradition in exploring possible future developments through the use scenarios of global environmental change. These have become important building blocks of, for example, the reports of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and the Global Environmental Outlook of UNEP. Although rich in quantitative and qualitative analysis, insights from social sciences have usually not been very influential in these exercises. This paper makes the point that these scenario approaches indeed can be improved by a stronger contribution of social science knowledge. It does so by exploring how political science and international relations theory can help to enrich scenario approaches. This is done by relating the worldviews that are embodied in current scenarios to different schools of theory in international relations and political sciences. Worldviews can be interpreted as a value-based vision of the world. They constitute ways of perceiving the world: the framing of problems, the logic of societal change, the main actors, the role of international organisations and the state, and preferred solutions. An analysis through the lens of worldviews can help to structure the interpretation of past developments and explore alternative future developments. This is especially useful in the case of dealing with unstructured problems like most sustainability issues are. A number of studies in which this approach is applied are presented and reflected upon from international relations theory perspectives. On the basis of this analysis we draw conclusions for further scenario development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why is it so hard to get an answer to the question, What is “the” feminist perspective on the War in Iraq? In this paper, I argue that feminist normative perspectives, often misunderstood as specific political commitments to certain forms of social change, are in fact better understood in scholarly research, not as political but as methodological commitments. Feminism like realism and other perspectives on international relations is theoretically and empirically diverse. Despite this diversity, feminist scholars share a set of normative commitments that they realizes through a broadly shared research ethic. Consequently, while the feminist answer to the opening question may be more varied than say “the” realist perspective on the same topic, most feminists share a commitment to certain epistemological premises, including the premise that we should be suspicious of any claims that characterize anything as normatively laden as epistemology to be “shared.” I argue that this irony is one of the features of feminist inquiry in the field of international relations as in other fields of political and social science that keeps it internally dynamic and able continually to adapt its perspective to the phenomena under examination. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What role does time play in the production of knowledge within international relations (IR) theory? How has the conception of time informed the temporality that IR scholars employ when they analyze international politics? Much has been written by scholars of IR regarding questions of epistemology, but there has as of yet been little debate regarding the role time plays in the valuing and privileging of particular ways of knowingâ€"theorizingâ€"international relations. Other disciplines, most notably sociology, have produced reflexive critiques examining the role that time plays in the formation and (re)production of knowledge about social reality. This essay seeks to engage these critiques from an IR perspective and identify how these projects can better shape and inform IR scholarship. This essay will be structured around three questionsâ€"what does it mean to critique representations of time in social scholarship, why does this critique apply to IR, and finally, what’s at stake in this analysisâ€"what could we do differently if we find these accounts compelling? In the first section, I will identify some critiques of the social scientific formulation of timeâ€"and the temporality that arises from itâ€"offered by theorists such as Barbara Adam, Pierre Bourdieu, and Andrew Abbott. Their work identifies how time is understood, how that understanding affects scholarship as practiced, and some of the implications that arise for sociological inquiry. I will then examine IR scholarship as practice, drawing parallels between IR and sociology (as well as social science), and apply these critiques to IR scholarship. In the final section, I will show what’s at stake and outline an approach that takes temporality seriously. This section will demonstrate how some of the problems IR has may not be inevitable consequences of the difficulty in theorizing complex international events, but rather are endemic to the epistemological values that arise from a temporality that is informed by the classical view of timeâ€"I will focus here on questions of causality and the role of events in IR theory. Given these implications, this paper will call for a reintroduction of temporality into the analysis of the IR scholar via what historical sociologists have referred to as the “narrative approach.” ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to locate health care governance within the broader international political economy (IPE) whereby access to health resources is viewed as structurally determined and reflective of the emergence of global markets in many facets of human life. In the main, IPE as a discipline has so far largely ignored health as a key and compelling issue in global life, and part of the overall logic of this chapter and book is to correct this failure. In particular, IPE’s traditional preoccupation with the tensions between states and markets (e.g. regulatory powers and a momentum towards liberalisation) has a particular resonance when one views the pressures that public health and health care systems currently face from factors such as health service liberalisation, cost pressures and internationally mobile health care resources. Likewise, the Bretton Woods institutions (World Bank, WTO, IMF) have considerable and growing structural power over the conditions in which states and markets interact to provide health care and act to circumscribe the limits of national authority over diverse spheres such as health regulations, patent rights, pharmaceuticals, and even the levels of health expenditures. The background to these structural pressures is witnessing a widespread reintroduction of the market into international and national health systems. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a general framework for analyzing exchange at different scales, drawing on concepts and tools from new institutional economics to model the ways in which individuals are connected to global processes, and how this connection is mediated by a wide range of formal and informal institutions. We decompose exchange into three dimensions: interpersonal, spatial, and intertemporal. The interpersonal dimension captures transitions from personal to impersonal exchange (and from relational to third-party enforcement); the spatial dimension captures geographical factors; the intertemporal dimension captures the ability to “access the future” by saving and borrowing. Expansion in any of these dimensions is potentially beneficial to individuals because it expands opportunities for specialization and investment. But expansion in any (or all) dimensions is also costly and has implications in terms of the allocation and use of both power and resources. Institutions are broadly defined as costly enforcement technologies that help reduce, for their “members”, the costs of expansion in one or more dimensions. We define a global “exchange opportunity frontier” in this three-dimensional space. Relative to this frontier we can then characterize the uneven distribution of exchange opportunities within institutions or countries, as well as between them, in terms of nested sets of formal and informal institutions that, by conditioning the relative transaction costs, determine the differential abilities of individuals to participate in, or control, different types of exchange. We also discuss possible metrics for these “three types of distance”. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses how the presence of "common others" can contribute to accelerating processes of collective identity formation within initially anarchical structures. Using the TV-series "Lost" (2004-present) as a test-case, it suggests that popular culture can be used as "playpens" for increasing our understanding of these issues. "Lost", it is argued, illustrates how identity differences within multifaceted populations often diminish when faced with "common others". This, in turn, may contribute to constructing more concord social collectives that actively define themselves as different from these others. In "Lost", seemingly radical social differences between the individuals in the group of plane crash survivors become less relevant when the group is faced with the "merciless" Others. Not only do the survivors shift their survival strategy from self-help to cooperation, but they also seem to develop a stronger sense of "we-ness". At the same time, collective identities in "Lost" appear to be socially constructed rather than innate, meaning that the sets of meanings that the actors attribute to themselves must be expected to change, as must the criteria for inclusion and exclusion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a report from a research project which aims to produce a methods book for scientific research in fine arts, while keeping the distinctive qualities of fine arts-production intact. The text is structured in to parts. The first part is an account of the findings of collaborative exhibition of social scientists and artists from the field of relational aesthetics. This account establishes a striking similarity of empirical methods and modes of formulating research problems/aesthetic intentions. This part also establishes a divide between the artistic oevre and the scientific result; while the former is concrete and evocative the later is intellectual and aims at persuasive solidity. A notable difference between how the two fields treat references is also established. The second part of the text draws on constructivist social science principles, and on the institutional conception of arts production, in an endeavour to exhaust whatever similarity there is between the two fields of meaning-production. Given that certain properties in fine arts and in social science remains significant for each field after an honest attempt to merge the two, then what can we say about the distinctive features of the two fields? If certain properties of constructivist social science are distinct from fine arts, then constructivist social science is most likely a scientific way to produce meaning. Second, if artistic production of meaning can be performed scientifically, then artistic research is possible. The paper concludes by showing how there is no contradiction between the two propositions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The strength of classical realism is its respect for historical contingency. In classical realism this swings between deference to a historical past impervious to human knowledge, and a desire to control a present that remains resistant to human intervention. Both appeal most to those convinced of a state-centred world in which external security is paralleled and bolstered by the assumed internal security of identities. Recent neoclassical realisms loosen these assumptions, as the best of classical realism did before them (Machiavelli and Weber), and exploit slippages and ambiguities within them in order to escape both of the above extremes. They prefer a middle ground, manifest in post-positivist methods and sensibilities on the one side, and pragmatist leanings on the other. Neoclassical realisms, then, seem to embrace, rather than seek to escape, the Machiavellian quandary in which fortuna and human will together orchestrate an ever-changing stage of human action. Questions remain, however, about the adequacy of these theoretical moves as social and political life accelerates and as the boundaries of sovereign states and identities loosen. This paper will ask which forms of realism, if any, move sufficiently away from state-centric assumptions to address a world of chrono-political acceleration, problematized identity, and proliferating global flows. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of identity has attracted the attention of a growing number of specialists in the generic field of the social sciences during recent years. From psychologists to internationalists, social scientists of the most diverse origins and trends seem to have found in the question of identity some kind of crucial guiding thread which knits a substantial linkage between all manifestations of collective life (Castells, 1999).Although the reasons for this may vary, it is basically safe to say that there is a growing awareness among specialists at large, as well as among international public opinion, about the importance of identity as the basis of most processes of social construction. Since no human being can be properly considered as a monolithic, self-construed, self-motivated and self-regulated entity, specialists from different fields are now looking at the way in which an identity is developed or built as a result of social interaction, whilst also serving as a foundation for social action. The process is, of course, a complex one that involves several variables and continuous exchanges with the environment (both social and natural) in which the individual grows. The presence of the other in this context plays a key role in defining an individual identity, which is never produced as a clear-cut, once-and-for-all stance from which we can, thereafter, act socially. Even the most apparently solid identity is always gaining experience and transforming itself, thus people (especially those we think we know best) can often surprise us in the most unexpected ways with new projections of their identity. From the perspective of complexity theory (Morin, 1997; Sussman, 2000; Ferreira, 2001) and the key notion of emerging properties, this paper argues that the set of processes whereby identities are built, from the most intimate realm of individuality to the widest sphere of globalized collectivity, and including the realms of local and regional identities, offers the most fertile ground for a multidisciplinary social analysis. In such analysis, specialists from highly diverse backgrounds can fruitfully combine their efforts to reach a better understanding of the complex universe created through social relations in a globalized world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The place of memory in polities is a strong indicator of how potential actions and meanings are enabled or disabled as memory, through politics of representation, is at the heart of these polities' "historicity regimes" (Hartog 2003). Historicity regimes represent an evaluation of how a polity is articulating both spatiality and temporality. They are indicators of how the past is constructed, the present legitimated and the future envisioned. As such, then, they enable to discern the closure or aperture of a polity's politics of representation and its ability to face alternative or differentiated demands of recognition; recognition of a place in the polities' collective memory, of a necessity to modify or amend this collective memory in order to integrate an other in this dominant reading of the polities' political present. Indeed, a sense of closure would indicate how a polity is closing itself to a process of re-negotiation of its collective identity and constructed past; how it is closing itself from politics. The past is far from being a finite and univocal category, more so the historical past is not how things are remembered. Polities, in tending to equate the past with its memory, might run the risk to foreclose political venues â€" such as in peace and reconciliation processes, international negotiation, or transnational issues â€" and thus to contribute to tensions both within and without its boundaries. The aim of this paper is to lay out these different concepts into a coherent approach to politics of memory as a way to discern not only analytically what a polity' historicity regime is but also how politically this polity can or cannot face differentiated demands of recognition by groups or other polities regarding how this polity is constructing the past, legitimating the present and envisioning the future. A series of empirical examples will be used to illustrate actual politics of memory and their implications for the political today. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the evolution of risk theory through an exegetic analysis of the work of Frank Knight. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate about "transformations of the state" is thoroughly biased toward an ideal type of modern Western statehood that includes Westphalian sovereignty, democracy, rule of law, and the provision of certain welfare functions. Unfortunately, two thirds of the international state system do not look like such Western states and have never done so. What happens when we apply social science concepts such as "transformation of statehood" or "governance" to areas of limited statehood? Do these concepts travel? Are they suitable to understand the political challenges of states with weak institutional structures? The paper starts with developing the concept of limited statehood and then goes on with exploring the suitability and applicability of Western social science concepts toward the "other two thirds" of the current international system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of recognition bridges ontological and empirical methods in international studies. Recognition explains how people strive for voice and representation vis-à-vis global institutions while also designating the work of imagination and the basis for human communication. However, models of recognition either as political representation or as the work of imagination both depend upon that which cannot be recognized, represented, and communicated â€" to those phenomena that are different, chaotic, and emergent. The connection of the two forms of recognition through encounters with difference and emergency thus gives new importance to empirical work in which researchers create value for unrecognized phenomena. This paper outlines the relationship between recognition and difference as conceived in the Copernican turn in continental thought from Immanuel Kant's ‘common sense’ through the contemporary notions of difference and diversity. It then applies some fundamental discoveries of the Copernican turn to contemporary journalism, international communication, and theories of a possible world state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]