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The paper explores the evolution of risk theory through an exegetic analysis of the work of Frank Knight. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate about "transformations of the state" is thoroughly biased toward an ideal type of modern Western statehood that includes Westphalian sovereignty, democracy, rule of law, and the provision of certain welfare functions. Unfortunately, two thirds of the international state system do not look like such Western states and have never done so. What happens when we apply social science concepts such as "transformation of statehood" or "governance" to areas of limited statehood? Do these concepts travel? Are they suitable to understand the political challenges of states with weak institutional structures? The paper starts with developing the concept of limited statehood and then goes on with exploring the suitability and applicability of Western social science concepts toward the "other two thirds" of the current international system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of recognition bridges ontological and empirical methods in international studies. Recognition explains how people strive for voice and representation vis-à-vis global institutions while also designating the work of imagination and the basis for human communication. However, models of recognition either as political representation or as the work of imagination both depend upon that which cannot be recognized, represented, and communicated â€" to those phenomena that are different, chaotic, and emergent. The connection of the two forms of recognition through encounters with difference and emergency thus gives new importance to empirical work in which researchers create value for unrecognized phenomena. This paper outlines the relationship between recognition and difference as conceived in the Copernican turn in continental thought from Immanuel Kant's ‘common sense’ through the contemporary notions of difference and diversity. It then applies some fundamental discoveries of the Copernican turn to contemporary journalism, international communication, and theories of a possible world state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several empirical studies have documented that changes to a country’s formal political institutions increase the risk of subsequent armed internal conflict. Likewise, armed conflicts in turn tend to endanger the political systems of the countries in which they occur â€" either because regime change is an explicit goal of the opposition, or because the conflict puts the system under an unbearable strain. Theoretically, the two phenomena are partly overlapping: Both are the outcomes of intense conflicts over the structure of the political system. Naturally, regime changes and armed conflicts therefore share many risk-increasing factors: they occur most frequently in inconsistent systems, and with some exceptions in poor and non-growing countries with unstable and poor neighborhoods. Still, the overlap between the two phenomena is far from perfect: many regime changes occur without military conflict, and many conflicts without changes to the political system. In this paper, we explore the interconnectedness of regime stability and internal armed conflict for the 1946-2004 period using a Markov chain model with six states: The combinations of two conflict states and three political system states. We explore the similarities and differences between the two phenomena, and model how they interact in a dynamic model of political transitions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like the mythical two-headed llama from the children’s novel Doctor Dolittle, North American integration is simultaneously facing in two diametrically opposed directions: towards greater policy and regulatory harmonization, pushed primarily by transnational corporate interests; and away from greater pooling of sovereignty and loosening of democratic oversight, pulled independently by the left (transnational and local social justice activists) and the right (mainly U.S.-based anti-immigrant groups). This situation is not entirely new â€" the "bottom-up" drive for greater integration fueled by players in an increasingly continental economy has long been met both by resistance from opponents of corporate-led globalization and by a vacuum of political leadership in the wake of the scalding NAFTA debates of 1993. What is new is the weighing in of the executives of all three NAFTA states on the side of policy harmonization. The Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America (known as SPP), established in 2005, fills the decade-long policy vacuum with a web of intergovernmental relations which are designed to advance integration across multiple issue areas incrementally, in part by focusing on regulations that are not subject to congressional/parliamentary oversight. This "under the radar" form of integration may be highly pragmatic and may appeal to business "stakeholders," but it signals a failure of political leaders to recognize that the "North American Community" they claim to support cannot be sustained politically without public diplomacy and democratic accountability. If anything, as this paper will show, the SPP has become a lightning rod for opposition from the right and the left, across the three NAFTA states, re-igniting citizen fears of lost sovereignty and putting into jeopardy the regional cooperation paradigm itself. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It would be detrimental for both IR and historical sociologists in IR (HSIR) if historical sociology became a subfield in IR. Such a move would serve to “domesticate” historical sociology, leaving it to assume a defensive character more concerned with specialist forms of knowledge rather than with broader, general concerns. Not only this. By looking at the development of subfields in the human sciences, we can see that a narrow HSIR approach would lose its ability to converse with other IR subfields, the core of the discipline, and the broader field of historical sociology itself. The paper thus proposes the establishment of HSIR as a discipline in its own right. While the history of IR is a booming cottage industry, and while the sociology of the field has been the subject of some notable studies, historical sociology promises much more. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how the epistemic communities approach can contribute to the study of threat politics. While the idea of epistemic communities has mainly been developed to explain policy evolution in a variety of issue areas, its usefulness for studying the process of threat construction has not been systematically analyzed so far. We identify two areas where these network of professionals might play a role in threat politics: by defining policy alternatives and ultimately setting the political agenda and by spreading ideas internationally (policy diffusion). However, the empirical difficulties associated with distinguishing epistemic communities from other groups and the considerable effort needed for identifying members and parameters of epistemic communities are hurdles that lessen the general usefulness of the approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An important question many in the international political economy literature ask concerns the economic and political effects of increasing financial openness. What financial openness is in practice, however, is often unclear. This paper examines how economists and political scientists have used, and misused, different concepts of financial openness. It also presents suggestions for theoretical research and for empirical applications. It finds that there is some dispute among different approaches about the level of financial openness through the 1990s. At the same time, there is some convergence toward greater openness both in datasets and in the world beginning in the early 1990s towards greater mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do institutions of industry governance emerge? Predominant answers stress the generative role of market dynamics, arguing that market failures and disruptions lead firms to engage in collective action to build institutional solutions. An alternative political-institutional approach suggests that new institutions are constituted through political struggles involving multiple types of actors in an organizational field. To assess these arguments' utility for understanding how globalization generates new institutions, I examine the recent rise of systems for certifying companies to social or environmental standards. The market-based approach sheds some light on certification systems, but it cannot explain a key paradox about their emergence-namely, why non-governmental organizations and governments played such important roles in building these market institutions. By highlighting ways in which political conflicts and existing orders channel institutional entrepreneurship, the political-institutional approach explains how governance institutions can emerge even when capitalist collective action is spotty and market benefits are tenuous. While market models of institutional emergence are increasingly common in the social sciences, this paper shows that their derivative treatment of politics limits their ability to explain even a strongly market-oriented type of governance institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing formal models of political behavior have followed the lead of the natural sciences and generally focused on methods that use continuous-variable mathematics. Stephen Wolfram has recently produced an extended critique of that approach in the natural sciences, and suggested that a great deal of natural behavior can be accounted for using rules that involve discrete patterns. This paper reports some initial findings from a new NSF-funded project designed to apply this pattern-based method to political event data. The core of this project is a new, publicly-accessible web-based tool designed for the analysis of event data patterns. Using data on the Israel-Palestine conflict for the period 1979-2004, we first consider some differences between the activities of various sub-state actors. While most prior event data analysis has simply aggregated all activities, we demonstrate that some sub-state actors produce streams of activities that are statistically independent. We continue the analysis by showing there are distinctive--and very plausible-- differences in the patterns found during the tenures of various Israeli prime ministers, and the "interesting" patterns go well beyond the simple variations on tit-for-tat that we found in our earlier work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an overview of the evolution of IR theory as an essentially Western, especially American social science. It highlights the historical and philosophical underpinnings of IRT, its close nexus with the Western state-system and Western political thought. It then looks at the marginal place of Asians political experience and philosophical traditions in IR theory and examines the reasons for this. Finally the paper explores the different ways in which greater integration of Asian into IRT can be accomplished. It addresses much the same issues as are outlined in the panel proposal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Part 1: The paper discusses the transformation of liberalism after September 11 and the development of practices of liberalism inside European societies. It proposes an alternative view to the vision of unilateralism or of Empire that most analysts are exploring. It aims to show the role of the different transnational networks of security professionals, their impact on politicians and the consequences of the shift of technologies of surveillance regarding civil liberties by proposing to combine Agamben and Foucault works with the notion of Ban Opticon. Part 2: The paper will analyze the changing relationship between new security challenges and the way new technologies transform the practice of war. The history and emerging relationship between practices of security and the principles of the democratic public sphere will also be explored. An analysis will be developed of the means and methods of threat assessment and the vulnerability of critical infrastructures, most notably the specific cases of telecommunication networks, water systems, nuclear plants, cyberspace and knowledge-based experts networks, the commercial privatisation of technologies of surveillance and control. To explore the security policies and warfare strategies that result from the security environment of a globalised world, which make Western, societies ‘risk societies’. Part 3: The tragic terrorist attacks of September 11 seem to have made all political actors aware that each home security policy is ensured at the global level, or that it was not ensured at all. The natural democratic solidarity against terrorism becomes a rhetoric common place. Not a question. Why and how the question of democracy have been bent to new times rather than questioned? Our main objective in this paper is to underline how the question of terrorism going beyond the national borders which requires mutual assistance and mutual co-operation is a symbolic, political and identity issue. The core of our intention will be thus to show how the antiterrorist fight in Europe is initially dominated by the problems of the recognition of each other Member State as an inter pares member of this whole Europe of democracies. Under this angle, the co-operation understood as a hyperbolic discourse of always more, never enough, structured on the official history of an initial deficit of the European security is then the point of conversion of the national characteristics into a common identity. In other words, the progressive installation of ad hoc European institutions envisaged according to the principle of coordination of the police and legal efforts produced a network of exchanges which ensures the circulation of significance and strong collective identity representations. Even if the fight against terrorism and by extension against organized crime is carried out by a large number of police, intelligence and judicial actors, they all are involved in the same global (re)definition of the European identity. In fact, it is because there is a complex web of different national cultures, practices in order to fight against terrorism, that according each other around a single discourse is a real political opportunity. But does this political identity construction is really stable? The different national positions after the 9.11 events seem to have turned the historical European collective identity process upside down and the democratic solidarity is everything but an embattled narrative between an us and them distinction process. In other words, by dismounting these official processes of historicization which make of the European co-operation a reality born of the dialogue around a necessary solidarity of the European States vis-à-vis to the terrorist threat, and to deal with the different discourses after the 9.11 attacks, it is rather a question of showing how the co-operation is a requirement for a political and diplomatic legibility between countries and actors of Europe. A Europe which offers the insurance of a collective common and reassuring identity: the democracy for everyone. Regarding the democratic European and national discourses after 9.11, we will answer to the question of the (re)definition of the democratic European identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents the properties of various social systems which can be used in studying and determining their broadly defined security. Information on the various interpretations of the term security; Details of how the core scheme of security can be extended in various directions; Reasons for the reconceptualization of security; Discussion of security studies and systems analogies and metaphors.

Focuses on concept of strategic culture. Re-emergence of culture in security studies; Ways in which strategic culture as context can be put to work; Discussion on strategic culture as cognition.

Quantum mechanics tells us that indeterminism reigns at the microlevel. Enormous implications would follow from translating these findings, as many urge, into the social sciences. Current schools of theorizing that emphasize contingency and indeterminism as ineradicable components of social life would receive strong support; theorizing that attributes explanatory power to macrostructural features of social life would be commensurately debilitated. Agency-based theories would emerge powerfully vindicated. I argue, however, that quantum mechanics is not relevant to social life. Three strands of reasoning are braided together in support of this claim. First, and most centrally, I argue that concept formation plays a large but still unacknowledged role in constituting objects of inquiry and thus regulating the perturbing effect of stochastic processes: contingency and chance matter, but not necessarily in ways that alter our understanding of outcomes. Second, size matters: quantum effects exist at the macrolevel, but their dimensional considerations contain their effects to the microlevel. Third, the direction of time matters: while microlevel processes are time-independent, macrolevel processes are time-dependent. I use these arguments to build a new case for structural determinism based on analogies to the processes constituting the field of equilibrium statistical mechanics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past ten years, three approaches have emerged which discuss the relationships among demography, natural resources, and violent intrastate conflict: neo-Malthusianism, neo-classical economics, and political ecology. Neo-Malthusians emphasize the role that population pressures and resource scarcities play in internal wars. In contrast, neo-classical economists portray resource abundance, rather than scarcity, as the main contributor to violence, and political ecologists point to the central importance of resource distribution and the broader political economy of resource value. This essay surveys this debate, providing criticisms and suggestionsfor further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing formal models of political behavior have followed the lead of the natural sciences and generally focused on methods that use continuous-variable mathematics. Stephen Wolfram has recently produced an extended critique of that approach in the natural sciences, and suggested that a great deal of natural behavior can be accounted for using rules that involve discrete patterns. Wolfram?s work generally does not consider models in the social sciences but given the similarity between many of the techniques for modeling in the natural and social sciences, his critique can readily be applied to models of social behavior as well. We argue further that pattern-based models are particularly relevant to modeling human behavior because human cognitive abilities are far more developed in the domain of pattern recognition than in the domain of continuous-variable mathematics. We test the possibility of finding pattern-based behavior in international behavior by looking at event data for the Israel-Palestine conflict for the period 1979-2003. Using a new web-based tool explicitly designed for the analysis of event data patterns, we experiment with three general patterns: the classic tit-for-tat, an "olive branch" pattern designed to detect attempts at de-escalation, and four "meta-rules" that look at the relationship between prior conflict and the propensity of the actors to engage in reciprocal behavior. Our analysis shows that these patterns can be found repeatedly in the data, and their frequency corresponds to changes in the qualitative characteristics of the conflict. The most current version of the paper can be downloaded from http://www.ku.edu/~keds/forecasting.html [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand the role of the ECJ as a focal point in the inter-relationship between law and politics in the EU system. By conceptualising the Court as a fiduciary, operating within a strategic space, rather than an agent, it shows how member states have tried to respond to the Court’s ability to set the policy agenda. In particular, the paper focuses on attempts to curtail such agenda-setting by restricting potential ECJ interpretation of the treaties, which we call ex ante measures. These measures are intended to constrain the independence of the Court. Yet the constraints on a fiduciary, we further show, are not sufficient to forestall ECJ rulings that create spillover effects in policy areas beyond formal EU competences. Nevertheless, more ex ante restrictive clauses were adopted as the only means of making the insertion of the Charter of Fundamental Rights into the Constitution palatable to certain member states. However, an analysis of the effectiveness of such measures reveals they are highly unlikely to circumscribe the Court’s interpretive discretion. Thus it appears that ex ante measures are not apt to constrain fully a fiduciary and prevent it from contributing to the policy agenda. Hence Court rulings will continue to highlight both competence questions and the difficulty states have in responding to the actions of supranational institutions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to address the degree to which (and how and why) particular social constituencies have been mobilised by Islamist forms of political resistance within the wider Middle East. In particular in aims to integrate locally-specific developments with broader global processes associated with the ends of Cold War and neoliberal globalization and how such processes have been mediated by local states and wider civil-political society. The paper will focus on role of (and impact on)leftist-nationalist states and political movements in the rise of political Islam, to see if such movements are the consequence of the failure of such movements/states to respond to the changing dynamics of the closing stages of Cold War and globalization. It will also seek to examine the degree to which Islamist political movements of resistance have a particular class dimension in thier membership, strategy and aims. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a preliminary exploration of the radical humanism of Henri Bergson for the purposes of international political theory.In his much neglected work, The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, Bergson argued for a political ideal of humanity as an 'open whole'.This ideal could only be realised through what he described as a 'sudden leap'. It is a fact, of course, that the modern development of the west has been politically predicated on the invocation of a universal ideal of humanity. Yet it is also a fact that each and every western discourse of humanity is demonstrably a projection of a culturally contingent conception of the human particular to western societies conceived, incoherently, in universal terms. This, Bergson argues, is an error deriving from the fact that western societies have attempted to conceive the difference between themselves and that of a society of humanity as a difference of degree. While between any particular society and a truly human society there must be a difference, Bergson argues, 'of kind and not simply one of degree'. If the ideal of humanity as an open whole is to be realised, the representative function of the social sphere has to be 'leaped' over.Thus it is imperative, on Bergson's account, that the idea of humanity not be objectified as if it were simply another society on a grander and more expansive scale which could be established simply by increasing the scale on which a particular regime for the protection of the 'rights of humanity' has already been established politically.This would imply that it cannot be accorded with the forms that are traditionally accorded 'humanity' within political theory and philosophy wherein socially and culturally contingent conceptions of the human have traditionally sought conditions for their universalisation and protection. Its properties cannot be given representation in accordance with principles of membership through which a distinction between the human and the non-human could be redrawn along lines of inclusion and exclusion. Indeed to say that such an ideal involves the embrace of 'all humanity' is not even sufficient, Bergson argues, since 'its love may extend to animals, to plants, to all nature. And yet no one of these things which would thus fill it would suffice'. This paper will provide an exploration of Bergson's humanism, subjecting it to critique and extension through the works of Gilles Deleuze and Antonio Negri. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the findings of a research project that investigates the political and economic challenges that thwart reform of the fertilizer sector in India. Fiscal, distributional and environmental concerns make the case for such reform quite compelling. While international organizations have consistently advocated reforms in this sector and successive administrations have attempted changing policies for a decade and a half, actual change has been sporadic and incremental and has had little impact on the burgeoning fertilizer subsidy bill. This paper unpacks the international, national, state-level and societal factors that have shaped policy change. Predictably, the strong fertilizer lobby and representation by large farmers present substantial hurdle in initiating and implementing proposed changes. Domestic institutional factors such as bureaucratic politics and center-state politics have shaped the reform process substantially. Global hydrocarbon prices as well as pressure from international organizations play important roles in the reform process. However, the paper concludes that while the factors mentioned above are important, the strongest explanation for lack of reform is ideational. Based on the literature on discourse coalitions, this paper argues that two distinct coalitions with different world-views on the role of state and markets in the economic arena are engaged in the discourse on policy change. Policy change has not occurred because the coalition for change continues to be much smaller and less articulate about the benefits of change as compared to the coalition in favor of the existing policy framework. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines theoretical developments related to the concept of Europeanization. The term is used within several branches of social sciences mainly to describe economic and political change brought by post-war European integration. Recently, Europeanization has become an increasingly prominent analytical tool within European Studies. As such, it is primarily used to account for (top-down) national adaptation to, or (bottom-up) national projection of interests in, the European Union. This paper suggests that it is beneficial to conceptualize Europeanization in terms of discourse theory. This enables us to understood Europeanization as both a top-down and a bottom-up process, in which actors (such as nation states) identities and interests are both transformed by European Union discourses (differentially depending on prior identity of the actors), and also themselves shape the nature of European Union discourses. It is further argued that a comparative discourse methodology enables one to gain novel insights in to the processes related to regional and international governance. In terms of the conference theme, this paper suggests that analytical innovations related to the concept of Europeanization have potential to bridge some disciplinary and methodological divides related to international relations research. Theorizing the complex relationship between national and European Union level of governance tackles the domestic/international divide. Relatedly, disciplinary boundaries between Political Science, European Studies and International Relations are lowered. Moreover, because the concept of Europeanization is applied by approaches drawing from different epistemologies, methodological discussion and reflection is encouraged between positivism and post-positivism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper investigates how - by breaking with the historical double standards regarding civilian protection in conflicts - by the end of the 20th century, US warfare has come to comply with International Humanitarian Law (IHL). Yet, civilians are still being killed. This has sparked controversies over what constitutes legitimate targeting practices and as to whether higher levels of civilian protection could be achieved. Through an engagement with these debates, including an exploration of the evolution of the norm of non-combatant immunity with specific reference to US warfare, the article argues that IHL does not provide fully satisfactory answers to these issues as it is too permissive in relation to the killing of civilians. The article proposes that more stringent moral guidelines, such as those underpinning the idea of 'due care', have the potential to go much further in providing protection for the innocent in war.For copies of the paper, please email me (s.kaempf@uq.edu.au) ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the relations between politics and religion in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a multi-confessional state where the lines between church and state have been increasingly and violently blurred over the past two decades. The paper analyzes the possibilities for religious universalism in a post-conflict society and argues that for as long as religion is restricted to ethnic and daily-political, and deprived of its universalist appeal, it will continue to divide rather than aid in recovery efforts of former war zones. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the very beginning technology has been playing an important role in the history of human development. Technology has influenced the fate of whole people and since the 15th century increasingly that of the whole globe. Its consequences have always been and still are at best mixed. Technology has been an important source of economic prosperity, but it can also be used for destructive purposes. Because of its multidimensional usability as well as consequences, a large number of social science disciplines have tried to grapple with its origins, its development and diverse effects on humanity, among others history, sociology, economics, geography, philosophy and political science. Also International Relations (IR), as a sub-discipline of political science, has in one way or the other looked at technology. However, the large controversies about the nature and diverse (political) effects of technology interestingly have taken place in other disciplines like sociology, history or philosophy of technology. IR up to now has rarely been influenced by these discussions. Most IR-work concerned with technology has been related to narrowly defined technology policies. Technology was primarily perceived as a policy-object or a mass for political manoeuvring between political actors and their respective interests. And even those studies that looked at the relationship between technology and politics from a more fundamental point of view emerged from political philosophy. Questions, concerning the fundamental qualities of technology in IR have very rarely been investigated. Exceptions may prove the rule. Therefore, the basic thesis of the proposed paper reads as follows: The general relevance of technology for IR up to now has not adequately been mirrored in theories of IR because results of neighbouring disciplines like philosophy of technology have not systematically been incorporated. This paper will first try to trace the main discussion lines of disciplines like history, sociology and philosophy of technology. The goal is to develop an analytical matrix, by which the paper will secondly analyse some contemporary theories of IR with regard to their perception of technology. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Similar to other social science disciplines, International Relations (IR) is facing these days a growing range of critics accusing it for being a useless discipline, of being incapable of bridging the gap between the world of theory and the world of practice. Whether these critics come from the inside or from the outside of IR, they attack the very heart of the discipline. If an autonomous discipline of international relations is a useless project, why should it persist? The cynic might argue that the problems addressed by IR, such as international cooperation, war and peace are persistent to a degree that also in future all sorts of social knowledge that can be made available will be needed. This is however an argument that drives IR into arbitrariness and does not justify the resources the members of the project have been granted, or the existence of a master programme in IR (or even IR theory). The positivist scholar might argue for the superiority of the formalized knowledge that an academic discipline can provide. Given that it is a conventional wisdom also among politicians these days, that academics rarely speak in the name of truth and scholastic knowledge has offered little problem solutions, how to justify the existence of an autonomous discipline of international relations instead? I suggest in this paper that a strategy to defend self-governance requires constant and most uncompromising and harshest self-examinations by which scholars define their tasks and ways and means to fulfil them. I argue that IR should be understood first and foremost as a social practice. Science is materially and socially situated; it requires material, financial and human resources; it is structured by socialization and disciplinarization; it requires knowing subjects, who are gendered, marginalized or authorized; it is negotiations about relevance, significance, instruments and methods; it requires a range of institutions and techniques, and it is also a political practice involving ethical considerations of all sorts. These are some of the forces and dimensions that have been identified by the sociology of science. According to Habermas studies of science should reflect on the constitutive conditions of knowledge production, on the organisation and practices of knowledge production and on institutions and practices by which the knowledge is used, disseminated and put into praxis. Based on such a science studies perspective and following the traits outlined by Habermas and partly Bourdieu, I will investigate in this paper the practices of contemporary security scholars. More concretely I will focus on recent work on peace operations and study two narratives and their influence on contemporary work on peace operations in the UN. By using science studies accounts the paper attempts to open a novel path for studying how IR scholars actually bridge the gap between theory and practice and provides some empirical evidence. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration is a topic which has gained support and legitimacy in the agenda of international development and one that has been studied from different angles. The economic impact of remittances and migrant workforce in particular has received a lot of attention. However there are some aspects which have close connections to economic and political aspects of migration that have not been studied in depth. One of those aspects refers to the impact that migration has on gender relations which in many cases crosscuts with ethnicity. There is ample evidence that proves that gender and ethnic inequality hinders development and how better opportunities for women have a positive impact on development outcomes. This paper attempts to look at the positive changes in gender and ethnic relations and its impact on development outcomes. Many studies have focused on the difficulties experienced by migrant workers and the violations to their human rights. However this paper gives a different glance to the phenomena. It argues that migration across the borders can have positive changes in gender and ethnic relations which in turn have positive effect on rights, resources and voice with it respective positive impact on economic performance and good governance. Thus this paper looks at those gender and ethnic relations (and changes) that allow or limit capabilities and functionings during migration in Mexico and the States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hannah Arendt was a political theorist, not a political scientist, but her work serves as a way both to explain and understand the discipline of International Relations by providing a distinct but underappreciated epistemological world outlook. This paper illuminates Arendt’s approach by focusing on her concept of "thought-events" in international politics. Typical of Arendt’s thought, however, the paper denies the existence of a binary between interpretive and positivist approaches to International Relations. Instead, an Arendtian epistemology of IR finds itself paralleled with a quantum social science, falsifying the existence of "The One True Description" and highlighting the subjectivity of IR. Nevertheless, it posits that scholars can somehow know the world as it exists in its crystallized form. Combining Arendt’s political theory with quantum theory bridges the divide between humanist and naturalist ways of conceiving IR and demonstrates the mutual necessity of the discipline’s causal and constitutive approaches. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts by exploring the contribution of Wittgensteinian thought to the study of global politics. Indeed, it has been recognised that Wittgenstein?s philosophical work has significant implications for ?understanding? in IR, and his work has enabled a shift towards the analysis of language and meaning in more recent studies of global politics. However, Wittgenstein?s work is not straightforwardly ?applicable? to social science or global politics. Thus, by tracing the application of his work in IR this paper seeks to explore how language games are constitutive of being, whilst also assessing what this means for qualitative methodologies in IR. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recent body of research, for example, Dominic Johnson?s Overconfidence and War (Harvard University Press, 2004), has highlighted the role that overconfidence plays in the causes of war. Although overconfidence may increase the frequency and costs of conflict, there is evidence that overconfidence is ?adaptive? for individuals and states because it: (1) increases combat effectiveness; and (2) bluffs opponents. It is uncontroversial to claim that overconfidence sometimes contributes to war. What is less well understood, however, is when we should expect to see overconfidence and when we should not, allowing for times of peace and times of war (and indeed, times where overconfidence appears absent, such as Britain in 1938). This paper proposes that a key variable explaining variation in levels of overconfidence is the perceived certainty that conflict will occur. While overconfidence may confer the adaptive advantages noted above (military effectiveness and bluffing opponents), it also carries the risk of getting into fights one will lose. Thus, the logic of adaptive overconfidence suggests two divergent predictions: (1) when conflict is perceived as uncertain, overconfidence should be repressed as we cautiously weigh up a ?fight or flight? response; (2) when conflict is perceived as certain, overconfidence is predicted to increase because the potential costs of overconfidence (unnecessarily getting into a costly fight) diminish, while its adaptive advantages may help one win the battle. In essence, when we think a fight can be avoided, we are wary about what will happen; when we think a fight is unavoidable, we think we will win (this same distinction will be reinforced by greater propaganda, post-hoc rationalizing, cognitive dissonance, and morale boosting when war looms large). There is good empirical evidence that these predictions are borne out in experimental social psychology. Here we test the same prediction in international politics: when war is perceived as being likely, overconfidence should increase sharply. For example, during the 1938 Munich Crisis, the French were far more confident about winning a war against Germany when they thought that war was inevitable, and less confident when they thought that war could be avoided. One effect of this phenomenon is to make a war that is perceived as being very likely to occur, in reality almost certain to occur. At this critical moment, when war or peace hangs in the balance, an adaptive spike in the confidence of the participants may increase the probability of a resort to violence. Overconfidence and the certainty of fighting therefore provide a tipping point for war. Indeed, perceptions of the certainty of war can be a self-fulfilling prophecy. If side A is certain that side B intends to fight, then side A may determine that war is inevitable, become more confident about the likely outcome, and take steps that make war certain. The paper examines how confidence changes when the perceived likelihood of conflict alters, with both experiments on student subjects and historical case studies of major recent conflicts including World War I, World War II and Vietnam. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the structure of the IR discipline, its mechanisms of control, hierarchy, coordination, dispersion and agenda setting. The case is made for looking at internal, social factors. Much of the discussion about explaining IR has assumed that 'internal' factors means the arguments and theories as such, thereby coming more or less close to an idealist explanation in terms of the power of the better argument. Externalist factors, in turn, are social, but this usually ends up with an emphasis on international affairs, meaning the object explains the developments of the discipline, which again points back to the traditional, empiricist image of science reflecting its object. What is usually missing is social, internal explanations. IR is a social system, and its practitioners are not disembodied bearers of theories, acting in terms of only ideal search for truth or assistance to the power holders in society. Most directly, researchers are influenced - as all others - by their immediate social context, i.e. the discipline and academe as social world. With the help of mostly Richard Whitley's theory of 'the intellectual and social organization of the science' (but with some addition of Fuchs, Collins, Bourdieu, and Abbott), the paper maps and measures the discipline of IR along the two dimensions of intellectual structure and social structure, whiche evolves into a placement of IR within Whitley's elaborate typology of disciplines. A main section then studies the drivers of change in this static picture -- how patterns of funding, interdisciplinary bordering, and general changes in the status of universities in the 'knowledge society' transforms the structure of the discipline, not least its gatekeeping mechanisms and how this in turn changes the content of IR, the theories and interpretations of i.r. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the moral challenges of Global Environmental Politics (GEP), and in particular examines the location of the individual in the ecological context. GEP provides one of the most potent illustrations of the ways in which politics is transforming, and since losing sight of individuals must render any notion of politics problematic if not incoherent, any theory of GEP would have to provide some account of individuals in wider political structures and processes. The paper argues that GEP dislodges conventional 'international' locations of moral/political agency (amounting to much the same thing) by virtue of its transnational characteristics and the increasing significance of non-state contexts and f/actors such as Civil Society and NGOs, the market and TNCs, the environment itself (as either context or f/actor), and the individual (as citizen, activist, consumer of goods, producer of bads, or moral agent). It considers how the moral location of individuals in GEP might be understood from a range of positions in critical International Relations theory as well as eco-philosophy, which tend to challenge the discourses and concepts of modernist thought, but it also cautions against establishing new universalizing discourses or consolidating concepts in the ecological idiom. Notwithstanding the importance of the holistic character of ecology, a universal foundation based in a wider ethic of ecological responsibility may transcend subjectivity in such a way as to leave the individual unaccounted for. Radical individualism creates difficulty for holistic ecocentric perspectives, but widely accepted versions of liberal individualism operate in socio-political context and so could an ecological individualism. The paper concludes that the environmental context requires a contingent and subjective account of ethics to underwrite theories of GEP. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the question of forms and possibilities of resistance and struggle for progressive social change in the current global order, with specific reference to post- or neo-colonial contexts. It argues that theoretical and empirical analyses of resistance by critical scholars have paid insufficient attention to the historical specificity of social conditions in different contexts, and the constraints and contradictions of political struggle. The paper suggests that this major methodological and substantive flaw can be overcome by learning from the work of Fanon and Cabral alongside Gramsci.Critical scholars in International Relations have focussed centrally on questions of resistance, emancipation and social transformation. This has entailed theoretical work which conceptualising emancipation, and empirical studies of anti-globalisation resistance. There is a growing body of critical scholarship examining anti-globalisation and anti-capitalist resistance and the emergence of local, regional and global movements for progressive social change and transformation. This literature has grown in the wake of the ?Battle of Seattle?, and includes analyses of the World Social Forums and particular instances of overt anti-globalisation demonstrations, as well as specific movements and campaigns in different places, from Mexico to South Africa. While much of this (often celebratory) literature examines existing movements and organisations, less attention is paid to the broader or prior question of the social conditions for the possibility of organised resistance: the social and material condition of the oppressed, marginalised and exploited (the subaltern), and the forms of consciousness and action to which such conditions give rise. Moreover, even radical western scholarship is sometimes guilty of a Eurocentric failure to adequately historicise concrete conditions, especially the specificity of the colonial and post- or neo-colonial condition and social relations. Much critical scholarship either rests on implicit assumptions regarding the forms and content of political struggle, organisation and ideology, which are informed by particular historical experiences of proletarian class struggles in advanced industrialised societies, or embraces any form of apparent organised resistance. Much theoretical and empirical writing by critical academics in the west suggests optimism about the possibilities and existence of emancipatory or transformatory possibilities and praxis. The increasing celebration of the anti-globalisation movement or global justice movement is part of a broader tendency among left-liberal scholars: an almost defiant embrace of the agency and resistance of the subaltern. However the popular critical alternative ? the celebration of ?weapons of the weak? or the performance of the ?multitude?? is insufficient. It is not enough to celebrate the agency of the poor, when that agency is expressed in ways that adjust life to structural constraints, rather than aiming at or achieving the adjustment of structural constraints. The critical literature, in its enthusiastic embrace of resistance per se, often underplays the contradictions and obstacles which constrain possibilities of radical social change.One of the major weaknesses of neo-Gramscian and other critical approaches is, therefore, the Eurocentric failure to adequately historicise social conditions, relations and struggles... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The story of agricultural biotechnology in Argentina brings to the fore a powerful combination of the politics of poverty, the power of multinational corporations and the political economy of food and agriculture. As a leading exporter of GMOs, the politics of biotechnology in Argentina provide fascinating and unique insights into conflicts over agricultural futures, contestations over corporate power and the politics of development. While Argentina has not been at the centre of activist campaigns around the development of GMOs in the way India or Brazil have, companies such as Monsanto have not been insulated from regional concerns about IPRs, concentration of power and the health and environmental consequences of GMO cultivation. The regional politics of trade, including Mercosur and the currently stalled FTAA negotiations, provide an important backdrop to the corporate strategy of leading biotech firms and the movements that have sought to contest their operations in Latin America. In the wake of the financial crisis of 2001, the role of agriculture in the countries? recovery has been at the centre of debate with explicit claims being made on behalf of companies and the state that revenue earned from the export of GMOs can be used to tackle widespread hunger and poverty in the country. The focus of this paper is the role of agro-food corporations in the political economy of biotechnology in Argentina. Following an overview of key developments in the country, the paper proceeds with an analysis of the key private actors in this sector; their corporate and policy strategies. The implications of these patterns of engagement and influence are then discussed before exploring briefly the forces contesting this political economy of agriculture, both within Argentina and their connections to NGOs and movements across the region mobilising around concerns such as ?food sovereignty?. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On March 11, 2006, Slobodan Milosevic, the former President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was found dead in his cell at the Hague. This sudden death of the man once reviled as the ?Butcher of the Balkans? seems to have marked the disappearance of interest in not just the International Criminal Tribunal of Yugoslavia (ICTY), but also the kind of charges that were leveled by Milosevic during the course of his long defense. We argue in this paper that this unwarranted inattention has potentially troubling consequences for the shaping of the contemporary international legal order and the way in which we, as scholars, make sense of it. For, at the very least, the ICTY was the progenitor to the International Criminal Court and marked an important constitutive moment in the shaping of the present global order ? a fact that makes it deserving of greater scholarly scrutiny. Accordingly, this paper engages in a critical examination of the empirical record and normative implications of the ICTY, particularly the debates surrounding the trial of Slobodan Milosevic. During the decade-long period of its existence, the ICTY has been hailed by scholars and policy-makers alike as a major advancement in an international rule of law, one that avoids the flaws of ?victors? justice? and politicization that plagued the post-WWII trials at Nuremberg and Tokyo. Scholars have of course acknowledged, and even been critical of the limitations imposed by the structure of the court and the extent of its jurisdiction, particularly its inability to scrutinize the war crimes charges against NATO. However, they have for the most part tended to downplay this aspect, choosing instead to adopt a celebratory and ?realistic? tone over the small strides made in the realm of international law within the constraints imposed by the existing power realities. In our paper, we forgo such ?realism? to interrogate the nature and implications of the ICTY and the trial of Milosevic. We not only examine the degree to which the United States and other NATO powers exerted a political influence on the ICTY prosecution, but also make connections between the objections put forth by Milosevic, and those raised by participants at Tokyo and Nuremberg. We conclude by exploring the ramifications of the limited and problematic model of international justice offered by the ICTY. In this regard, without necessarily defending him, we argue that taking Milosevic seriously is a crucial step in developing a truly universal and fair system of international justice. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of states began openly hiring private military actors in the latter half of the twentieth century, after using them covertly for centuries. This trend in the privatization of military functions has increased so rapidly in the last several decades that private security companies (PSCs) are now even commissioned to fight in conflicts alongside the state-run professional military. This practice of placing the military and PSCs in the same theatre of combat has led to a surprising outcome in terms of how these two types of actors interact with each other, as there are numerous reports of hostilities, tensions, and general resentment between these forces. Such tense interactions between the military and private security companies in the field are puzzling, for the two parties essentially share a trade (war-fighting) and are working for the same team (the state). Why do PSC personnel not get along with professional soldiers in the field, and vice versa? This paper addresses this puzzle by: (1) empirically illuminating the difficulties these private military firms have interacting with the professional military in conflict zones; and (2) questioning whether such tense interactions between the military and PSC personnel in the field are due to structural constraints (such as the high rate of pay for PSC personnel) or identity cleavages (for instance, soldiers seeing themselves as civic-minded professionals and PSCs as opportunistic or greedy guns-for-hire, and vice versa). In performing this undertaking, the paper makes an important and interesting contribution to the structure versus identity debate within both the scholarly field of International Relations and the social sciences more generally. Finally, the paper makes informed recommendations regarding what, if anything, the military and policymakers can do to relieve the tension between these two actors in the field of combat. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the traditional notions of 'science' as employed by the mainstream in the field. It is shown how these have created artificial barriers and impossibilities in relation to political practice, rooted in understandings of science that are unsustainable on philosophical grounds and inaccurate descriptions of real existing disciplines. A change of the 'regulative idea' of science from 'demonstration' or 'debate' to the structured procedure known from the courtroom, is the precondition for moving the discipline towards both a more productive internal modus and for engaging the most important issues of common concern. Rather than anchoring the discipline in techniques and methodology, the substantive discussions of political problems has the potential of generating a discipline that finally makes the progress, it has been dreaming about and agonizing over for so long. Politics is inherently practical, and the discipline studying it must develop the skills appropriate for its object. The paper is therefore focused on showing the implictions of the nature of praxis for the development of the scientific study of politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Metaphors have been used throughout history to conceptualise and act in discourses on International Relations (IR) and politics. Each historical period has brought different conceptions of main ideas, often based on natural imagery. As conceptions of nature by natural scientists, so have metaphors. Metaphors of ?body?, ?cell? and ?gene? have all been used in this context at various times. This paper to explores the relationship between the natural sciences and discourses on IR, via the use of metaphors. What is the exact link between nature, the natural sciences, discourses on IR and metaphors? How have scientific revolutions changed this link? What has the role of organic metaphors in IR discourses on been? Which organic metaphors have been used in IR discourses? What are the functions of organic metaphors in IR? The first part of the paper explores the theoretical considerations about metaphors in the social sciences, their uses and interpretations, while the second part uses this foundation to discover and recover the relationship between organic metaphors and the IR. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the systematic effort that the field began to make in the 1940s to develop a plausible theory of international politics. It is a quest that continues today. The crisis that the field experienced during the late 1930s and early 1940s had less to do with the alleged ?idealism? of the interwar period than with the failure to develop a distinct theory of international politics. In order to have greater influence on policy makers, the field, like other social sciences, sought the authority of knowledge in the academy. In the early 1940s, scholars became keenly aware that one of the problems with the field was that it lacked a theory and thus the long journey to construct a plausible theory commended. This paper reconstructs the early disciplinary history of the effort to create a theory of IR. In addition to reconstructing this substantive dimension of the field?s history, the paper seeks to further develop and defend a critical internal discursive historiography. The paper will highlight the advantages of this particular approach to chronicling the disciplinary history of international relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across a range of issues, from views of a rising China, Japan's role in East Asia, and the status of Taiwan, to the causes and consequences of the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis, East Asian states tend to view international relations differently than do Westerners, particularly, Americans. In this paper, I argue that without explaining the intentions and ideas of East Asian states, one cannot properly explain why the pattern of East Asian relations. Power is an important component, of course -- but the ideas that inform East Asian beliefs about international relations are more powerful explanatory factors. This perspective has implications for how we use social science to explain East Asia, and in particular, for our theories of international relations. This paper is not an argument for Asian exceptionalism; rather, it points to the importance for sound social science and the proper use of measurement and falsification in theory-building. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For forty years, scholars have attempted hyperfactualistically to correlate human rights performance across large numbers of countries with various predictor variables in the absence of any coherent theoretical reasons for the quantitative exercises with largely qualitative data. In other words, they have ignored the major paradigms of the social sciences. The paper delineates at least ten such paradigms and comments on which are supported by the existing studies and which have no empirical foundation. Since efforts to improve human rights involve naive interventions that often retard rather than promote human rights, based as they are on mistaken theoretical visions, the paper suggests correctives not only for policy but also for a moratorium on endless numbercrunching, so that future research will be based on paradigms with real promise that can be refined and put to critical tests in future research. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proposed research draws on a decade of research and writing on non-state armed actors in Lebanon, Bosnia, Colombia, and sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that the study of non-state armed actors engaged in violent internal conflict is particularly vulnerable to social scientific ?biases?. These biases are of two sorts: conceptual and empirical. On the empirical side of the ledger, participant-observer research ? a must to unravel the complex realities of internal war?is susceptible to charges of partiality and adhockery. The paper demonstrates that such charges can be avoided by drawing a distinction between the notions of objectivity and impartiality and adopting the latter as the measuring rod for qualitative fieldwork. Conceptual biases, the paper claims, are less obvious but more consequential. These biases derive from political science?s reification of the state as the ?natural? form of political organization. Using illustrations drawn from previous research on the topic, I explain how such conceptual lenses affect the manner in which we perceive and study non-state armed actors and propose potential avenues out of this quandary. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the findings of recent field research in Peru?s southern Andes on the impact of demographic change and human-induced environmental change on peasant livelihoods in the latter half of the 20th century. My research in the communities of Chuschi and Quispillacta is a component of my dissertation which is seeking to explore whether environmental scarcities and demographic change have played a role in rural unrest and peasant revolts in Peru over the last half century. For several decades concern about the impact of human-induced global environmental change has spurred scholarly attempts to map out the complex interactions between humans and their natural environment. Since the early 1990s, one stream of this research has focused on investigating the impact of environmental stress and demographic change on our social, political, and economic systems, and whether environmental stress and demographic change contributes to the outbreak of violent conflict. My dissertation research falls within this tradition. Several recent reviews of environment-conflict literature have highlighted the need for scholars to head out into the field to conduct fine-grained analysis of environmental conflict linkages. My work in Ayacucho Peru is an attempt to advance research in this field through deeper field research on these linkages. More specifically, this paper will outline the results of my study of the impact of environmental stress and demographic change on peasant livelihoods over the last half-century in the Rio Pampas river valley in Cangallo province, Ayacucho - an area of Peru?s southern highlands that has witnessed some of the worst violence in recent years during Peru?s dirty war between the Shining Path and the Peruvian military. My study is exploring the local impact of environmental stress and demographic change in these two communities, while also situating these effects within the broader context of changes taking place in Peru s highlands in the late 20th century. The first portion of the paper sets out a general theoretical framework describing the social effects on rural livelihoods of differing levels of environmental scarcity and integration into markets - the two key factors that I believe are essential for explaining differing social effects of scarcity and the possible types of conflicts involving natural resources. Areas with abundant local renewable resources (low environmental scarcity) are frequently attractive targets for groups or elites wishing to capture those resources to sell them in national or international markets. Low environmental scarcity and high interaction with markets, in other words, can spur greedy groups to capture valuable resources, often leading to outright conflict with competing interests, and the progressive impoverishment of displaced sectors of society. There are various examples in the literature on environmental conflict of these so-called ?greed-induced? environmental conflicts. Such situations can be contrasted with the situation in Cangallo, a place with a high degree of local environmental scarcity and low interaction with markets. This part of Peru has been relatively isolated from the national and international market, and the peasants have struggled to deal with the impacts of demographic change and resource scarcity on their subsistence livelihoods. In this situation - with high environmental scarcity and low market interaction - local resource conflicts between communities or groups have been a recurring historical reality. The second portion of the paper details my findings on how demographic change and environmental scarcities have increasingly stressed the subsistence livelihoods of peasants in the communities of Chuschi and Quispillacta... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper's starting point is the inability of mainstream 'culturalist approaches' to generally account for some of the major changes in German security policy. More specifically, the challenge will be to explain a shift in preferences for institution-building in European security policy. Here, the empirical analysis will compare the phase before the European Union's (EU) Intergovernmental Conferences (IGC) in the mid-1990s with the Convention negotiations in 2002/3. While the German government used to be a strong defender of NATO's primacy and 'binding' institutional arrangements in the Union, it was, then, much more hesitant towards the latter and wanted to see the EU at equal footing with NATO. Although a 'culturalist account' can contribute to our understanding of these changes, it cannot satisfactorily explain them. Similar problems arise from a neorealist approach based solely on the distribution of capabilities. Hence the paper will argue that a 'two-stage' analysis of the 'power context' will comprehensively explain the shifts in German preferences. First of all, the capability distribution will serve as the basis for the approach. In addition, we will, then, incorporate the signals sent by the pole(s) and the way they were perceived in Germany as the decisive process to shape its preferences. Subsequently, the empirical analysis will demonstrate how the U.S. 'signalling' partly enabled, but also constrained the process of German preference formation. More specifically, these 'hints' primarily acted as a powerful constraint in the mid-1990s. Even though partly still present, the 'enabling' signals have significantly increased in the following years. These became highly evident during the electoral campaigns in 2000, in executive-legislative politics, and finally in some of the diplomatic practices. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this exploratory paper is to assess the concept and practice of the short-term programs abroad in the US business schools. The paper addresses the following questions: What do US companies need to operate successfully in a global economy? How is academia addressing these business needs? What is the role of study-abroad programs? The paper uses a case study of short programs abroad offered between 2004 and 2006 at Argosy University/Sarasota. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper gives a comparative overview of the development and influence of victims? rights and human rights in Canada and the United States. Despite many political, economic, social, and cultural similarities and close historical ties, the two countries have taken distinct approaches to the status and rights of victims. The paper outlines the differing constitutional and legal articulation of rights as outlined in the US Bill of Rights and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and the victimological effect in the criminal justice systems. It also examines the status of victims of social exclusion in the two countries by looking at specific issues of gay marriage, aboriginal rights, and linguistic minorities. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this paper is to assess how networks have been conceptualized and studied within a select cross-section of the social science literature on transnational networks (TNs). The study of TNs has only recently become a field in its own right. What sparked the scholarly interest in TNs? Researchers (Kriesberg 1997; Smith 1997: 2; Rucht 1999) mark the rise of the field from the mid 1970?s, when there began a series of UN-sponsored conferences on the environment, women?s rights and human rights that was matched by a noticeable surge in the number of NGOs world-wide, particularly those operating within international arenas. The 1990?s brought even more attention to TNs, sparked by the 1992 Earth Summit Conference in Rio, the 1995 World Women Conference in Beijing and the 1999 WTO protests in Seattle. More generally, a number of major trends provide the context for both the emergence of TNs and their study: 1) increasing global integration; 2) an increase in "transnational" problems; 3) converging and diffusing values (such as human rights and consumerism); 4) proliferating transnational institutions; and 5) the rise of information communication technology (Kriesberg 1997; Rucht 1999). The result is a large and rather amorphous body of social science literature that explores various aspects of TNs from a diverse range of analytical perspectives. The conceptual and methodological ?diversity? of TN research simultaneously enriches, complicates and divides the field. Efforts to take stock of what has been said and learned up to now about social networks are warranted and can provide insight into future research on TNs. As such, this paper realizes an interdisciplinary exploration of current thinking on TNs. First, we identify a specific sub-set of recent sociological and political science scholarship from transnationalism studies, migration studies, global civil society (GCS) and transnational social movements (TSM) studies. Then, rather than simply pointing out lines of agreement and debate, we highlight the range of conceptual, theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of TNs. To that end, a version of the ?grounded theory? approach was employed to identify how the idea of networks is invoked in the selected literature. We combed through each article to locate the author?s main conceptual frame for researching and analyzing TNs; the conceptual frames were then grouped into analytical categories. In sum, we found that networks are referred to in the following ways: 1) something that has effects on or connects to a node, 2) a set of linkages and disconnections, 3) a pattern or quantity of flows, 4) a structure, 5) a type of space, and 6) a challenge to existing concepts and methodological approaches. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human security, both its theory and practice, has attracted a significant number of academic and policy audiences. Japan is no exception. Nowadays the country prepares a powerful set of discourse, intellectually and practically, on human-centred perspective of security. With these as a background, this paper aims to analyse the relationship between human security and Japanese academic-policy complex. Because of its origin and recent development, human security itself is not a ?Made-In-Japan? product at all. However, the paper will argue that the idea of human security is in a sense very ?Japanese.? Focusing on major streams of both International Relations and International Law scholarships, the paper will present that the country?s academics did make a success to connect their theoretical development with actual policy. The key here is that both streams inherited different expertise from the United States respectively, namely social constructivism and Yale School?s theory of international law and policy sciences, these two streams converged into one theory that served as the foundation of the human security policy agenda. The paper will finally argue that although this policy-oriented academic discourse did contribute to the creation and development of human security, such tendency indeed raises questions that deserve serious reconsideration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literature on the management of state-minority relations has tended to focus on policies of persuasion and coercion, those that use strategies of rewards and methods of punishment, respectively. These are employed to motivate minorities to assimilate or acculturate into the dominant culture. While certainly important, minority groups and analysts often list a third policy type or grievance--neglect. Indeed, neglect is regularly listed as a primary grievance in conflicts that turn violent. Despite this, neglect has not been theorized or systematically studied. Neglect takes into account policies that aim to exclude certain groups, not assimilate or acculturate them. This research paper presents a framework for understanding policies of neglect and considers neglect a choice often consciously made by governments. Neglect is defined as a conscious act of ommission that violates accepted standards of governmance. Structural, cultural, rational choice, and cognitive paradigms are considered for analyzing why governments choose neglect for managing relations with their citizens, especially minorities. The paper is based on research of government policies toward Muslim minorities in six Asian countries. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper anchors itself within the recent turn to critical disciplinary history to provide an analysis of the development of political science/IR approaches towards the study of European integration/EU governance. The paper does not represent an attempt present a singular narrative history of the field of EU studies. Instead, the paper begins by examining the ways in which present descriptions of EU studies past habitually reconstruct a story of evolution and development in the field from a ?presentist? stance. The paper argues that such moves not only have the effect of advancing an unduly ?Whiggish? conception of sub-disciplinary progress in the study of integration, but also tend to do violence to some erstwhile schools of thought in the field ? notably neofunctionalism. The paper seeks to recover some themes from theoretical efforts of the past to show a number of continuities in the field despite the rhetoric of novelty and progress associated with more recent contributions. The paper also seeks to map and conceptualise the way in which the field of EU studies has become institutionalised, the extent to which it represents a still diverse project associated with different epistemological and geographical concerns and the degree to which ?EU studies? has been ?mainstreamed? into political science at the expense of maintaining contact with broader currents in social science. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]