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It is widely claimed that civil society associations such as NGOs enable the disadvantaged to address issues of weak governance. Yet, existing research suggests that NGOs have a problematic relationship with the poor and, in turn, have a limited impact on the political participation of marginalized groups. This paper will examine the question how NGOs relate to their clients by analyzing Indian NGOs' decision to pursue legal activism in the form of public interest litigation (PIL). The nature of PIL allows an entire population group to seek redress, and hence, presents an effective venue for accessing the state. In India, PIL has developed into a useful tool to enhance marginalized groups' political participation and to promote the legal activism of NGOs. This paper will provide insight into why and when NGOs use PIL to pursue basic human rights on behalf of the poor and disadvantaged, and whether these marginalized groups are the intended beneficiaries of NGOs' legal activism in the first place. Instead of identifying NGOs merely in terms of civil society agents who thicken political development, this paper will analyze NGOs as self-interested actors with specific political motives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to highlight how the imagery of Hindu women (which has been discursively utilized by the BJP to support its nationalist/ communalist agenda) is also being used by the party to support a ?Pakistan-centric/ communalized? version of Indian nuclearisation, in defense of a Hindu rashtra. Building upon existing feminist (Chakravarti 1993; Bagchi 1995; Sinha 1995; Chowdhry, 1998; Sarkar 2000; and Gupta 2001) and non-feminist (Nandy 1983 and Chatterjee 1995) scholarships that have demonstrated the centrality of gender in the context of anti-colonial as well as post-colonial India?s nationalist identity formation, I explore in this paper a discursive relationship between a Hindu patriarchy, its quest for Hindu nationalism, and gender and the ways in which this patriarchy, which I term in this study as a Brahmanical/ cultural patriarchy, uses women as markers of communal differences to sustain India?s nuclearisation. Far-fetched or indirect as it may seem on the surface, I explore how this construct of a Brahmanical/ cultural patriarchy based on the fictitious assumption that ?men can do no wrong to women be Hindu or Muslim by religion,? (Chowdhry, 2000:107) both uses and (ab)uses the image of Hindu women to establish Pakistan as a threat to India and bestows upon the Indian state as a patriarchal institution the task of protecting the status of women in India. I argue that, that what makes the case of Indian nuclearisation unique is the Brahmanical/ cultural violence undergirding Indian nuclearisation-- making the issue a matter of cultural sensitivity experienced by the nation, with special imbrications on gender. A corollary of this, which forms the concluding section of this paper, is the Indian state?s role under the political leadership of the BJP in maintaining a communalized, militarized, and a Hindu patriarchal violence at three inter-connected levels, namely between gender (ordering of Hindu women by Hindu men), communities (bordering between Hindu and Muslim communal identities), and inter-state (Othering between India and Pakistan) identities. I argue that this demarcation of identities (which I term in this study as ?Ordering, Bordering, and Othering?) is an outcome of the BJP?s Brahmanical/ cultural patriarchy, to sustain a nuclear India. This is a part of my Ph.D Dissertation which is in progress. If you have any questions concerning this ongoing project, or an updated manuscript of this, then please feel free to contact me at Runa.Das@nau.edu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his works on ‘ecoviolence’, neo-Malthusian theorist Thomas Homer-Dixon claims that population pressure on renewable natural resources, and especially pressure on cropland, can lead to resource scarcities if economic and political conditions are unfavorable. He further assumes that collective violent action can erupt as a result of such scarcities. Previous empirical studies addressing this field fall in either of the categories of cross-national large-N surveys or qualitative case-studies. And while studies belonging to the former category largely have failed to support the neo-Malthusian conflict scenario, studies belonging in the latter have frequently been criticized for lack of case control. This paper will combine the strengths of the two traditions and seek to explain differences in conflict propensity between regions within one country in a statistical model including demographic, environmental, political and socioeconomic characteristics as explanatory variables. India is mentioned by Thomas Homer-Dixon as a particularly vulnerable state because of high population growth, serious water scarcity, cropland fragmentation, erosion, deforestation and desertification. He claims that these factors threaten to cause major internal violence or disintegrate the whole state. The aim of this paper is to empirically explore whether demographic change and environmental characteristics may account for some of the variation in conflict propensity experienced by Indian states or districts over the 1950-2000 period. In addition to the neo-Malthusian concern over population growth and density, two additional demographic characteristics that are frequently argued to have important security implications, the existence of ‘youth bulges’ and unequal growth rates between different ethnic groups, will also be addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nearly five years after coming out of the nuclear closet and openly declaring itself as a nuclear weapon state, India finalized its nuclear command structure and formalized its nuclear doctrine in January 2003. The broad framework of India?s nuclear doctrine was drafted by the National Security Advisory Board (NSAB) that was established by the government of India after the nuclear tests of May 1998. This draft nuclear doctrine of the NSAB had been in the public domain since August 1999. However, till January 2003, India?s nuclear weapons doctrine remained just that, a draft. This ambivalence was removed by an official announcement from the Indian government ..ASA-in January 2003 that not only adopted the essence of that draft as official policy but also announced a formal nuclear command structure under civilian control. This is a significant development as India is probably the only nation that has come up with a nuclear doctrine after an extensive debate and discussion within the country and abroad. Despite this, however, the Indian doctrine, like any doctrine, is not free of problems and tensions. This paper argues that while a clear enunciation of its nuclear doctrine and command structure will definitely go a long way in enhancing regional stability and assuring the international community, it is at the operational level that India continues to and will have to work harder to achieve the goals that it has set out for its nuclear policy. This paper will examine some of the basic tenets of the Indian nuclear doctrine in detail with a special focus on some of the tensions inherent in the doctrine and Indian attempts to mitigate them. First, the political and strategic background against which India decided to declare its nuclear doctrine and command structure is examined. Subsequently, some of the salient elements of the Indian doctrine are analyzed with special reference to the problems that India might encounter in putting its declaratory nuclear policy in operation. The impact of the Indian nuclear posture on the nuclear postures of its main adversaries is also dealt with in brief. Finally, the broader implications of the Indian nuclear doctrine for regional stability are analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study and practice of deterrence during the Cold War mainly focused on preventing armed attack on states or their allies against the backdrop of nuclear weapons. As these familiar scenarios receded in the early 1990s, deterrence seemed to fall out of favour with policymakers and academics alike. The rise of international terrorism over the last decade has brought into sharp focus the unease with deterrence. It is now routinely claimed that terrorists (especially those willing to lay down their lives) cannot be deterred. This paper re-examines this proposition by considering India's experience in dealing with terrorism. The question becomes more complicated and interesting due to the fact many of the attacks have been perpetrated by groups abetted by a nuclear-armed Pakistan. The Indian case thus encompasses the concerns of traditional deterrence theory too. The paper will use the Indian response to sub-conventional violence and terrorism - starting from the Kargil crisis of 1999 - as a vehicle to explore the problems of deterring terrorism sponsored by states armed with weapons of mass destruction. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After decades of neglect, the Indian Government is today actively courting the over 20-million strong Indian diaspora. Responding to constraints posed by its post-1991 financial crises and on-going market reforms, New Delhi was led to re-evaluate the diaspora's potential, recognizing it as a valuable asset to further its transformed economic and foreign policy interests.While governmental mechanisms to explore the diasporic potential, such as remittances, bank deposits and bonds, had already been in place since the 1970s, they were mainly ad hoc and opportunistic, restricted at ensuring minimal conditions for a continuous inflow of foreign exchange. This strategy rapidly lost effectiveness and gave signs of exhaustion by the end of the 1990s, Overseas Indians also beginning to organize transnationally and reclaim more than mere economic incorporation.A more sophisticated (Government-initiated) diaspora policy thus emerged after 2001, reshaping the terms of engagement in a more balanced way: in return for contributing with financial capital, know-how and philanthropy, as "catalysts" to India's economic development and global affirmation, People of Indian Origin and Non-Resident Indians worldwide are now offered extensive cultural and symbolic capital, and celebrated as privileged members of the "global Indian family".Yet, as India's post-colonial constitutional, legal and political apparatuses and culture remain committed to a strict territorial delimitation of the nation (e.g. by explicitly prohibiting any form of dual citizenship, and by electorally disenfranchising its non-resident citizens), the Government was forced to innovate, in order to satisfy the mounting diasporic demands. It has been doing so by developing a set of mechanisms and incentives for partial extraterritorial incorporation and representation, including the Overseas Citizenship of India, the Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs, and an array of specialised rights which differentiate the diasporic from the resident Indian. Focusing this policy dilemma, this paper thus argues that by seeking to govern its diaspora, the Indian government has not only been passively permitting the erosion of prevailing understandings of citizenship and territoriality, but also actively producing novel forms of diasporic attachment to the increasingly deterritorialised nation. The consequences of this process to the study of International Relations - which this paper seeks to identify - cannot be exaggerated, given also the rapid proliferation of similar politics of extraterritorial incorporation and state-diaspora negotiations in other regions of the world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some leaders choose foreign policies that flout the constraints posed by international structures? This paper argues that leaders possess varying beliefs about their state's proficiency in different areas of foreign policy, or "national efficacy beliefs." When sufficiently strong, these beliefs inspire leaders to act boldly, even when international structures offer incentives for restraint. Strong martial efficacy beliefs inspire leaders to challenge more powerful opponents on the battlefield, while strong moral efficacy beliefs prompt leaders to engage in costly forms of cooperation even when the relevant international institutions are weak. In constrast, weaker senses of martial and moral efficacy produce policies that are much more sensitive to structural constraints. The paper outlines how this framework can explain why the foreign policies of both China and India have become more conservative over the past six decades. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much of the literature on globalization and the women’s movement has been celebratory, I argue in this paper that over the past thirty years, the transnational links of the Indian women’s movement have proved toxic. Drawing on interviews with activists in India I argue that they are linked to global feminists through the flow of ideas and the flow of aid money. The latter constrains the degree of flexibility and responsiveness of Indian women’s NGOs towards women on the ground in exchange for financial support. In terms of ideas, the focus during the 1990s on violence against women and today on sexuality at the global level of feminist discourse has led to a turn away from issues of economic resdistribution which Indian feminists identify as their most pressing issue. The paper combines a structural analysis of the organizational forms of Indian feminism with interviews about activist priorities to uncover the pathways by which transnational links undermine the vitality and relevance of the women’s movement in India. Finally, I raise some questions about how transnational networks of activism can best navigate the politics within in order to maximize their effficacy on the wider world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the implications of the April 2005 Sino-Indian statement of strtegic partnership on the tripartite relations among Russia, China, and India. Less than a decade after Russian foreign minister Yevgeny Primakov called for a strategic triangle among Russia, China, and India, the three countries have signed bilateral strategic partnerships with one another and regualarly meet in trilateral groups. The paper hypothesizes that the ties that bind these countries are tactical rather than strategic and therefore the long-term health of these partnerships will depend on whether changing identities and self-conceptions of leaders in each of these countries lead to a focus on absolute gains through cooperation versus an emphasis on relative gains leading to competition for influence and status in the Asian/Eurasian region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a detailed case study of India’s Mid-day Meals Programme in an effort to understand the emerging right of a child to have food. While the right to food has been recognized in a number of international documents, including Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, chronic malnutrition has been historically ignored by states and the international community. In addition, there are a number of children’s rights codified in the Convention on the Rights of the Child that are similarly ignored, such as the right to be free from exploitative labor and abuse. However, a child’s right to food is slowly gaining traction as a human right with which states comply. India is one of the more successful cases of compliance with a child’s right to food. In 2001, following a public interest litigation case pushing the right to food, India’s Supreme Court ordered all government and government-assisted schools to provide cooked midday meals. Through the case study of the Mid-day Meals Programme, I explore why the right to food for children has begun gaining in importance. I interrogate the human rights literature that suggests that children’s right to food should not be important and argue that the increasing sophistication of human rights activists is bringing attention to heretofore underdeveloped aspects of human rights, such as a child’s right to food. This paper sits squarely between the artificial divide of comparative politics and international relations and draws on a diverse array of literature including literature on development, human rights, social policy, and children. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the political economy of three significant policy decisions taken by the Congress â€" United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government between November 2005 and February 2006, which have improved the incentives for foreign investment in India’s telecommunications sector. This was a notable departure from the past when policies had clearly favoured domestic investment over foreign investment. The paper argues that these decisions occurred due to the increasing sensitivity of the Department of Telecommunications (DOT) to the needs of the relatively smaller Indian service providers, who were dependent on foreign capital. They were not driven by a crisis of investment or foreign pressure to change policies in India’s telecommunications sector. The paper challenges explanations for embracing globalization such as those based on economic crisis or those based on a clear technocratic consensus. The political economy of this shift to foreign investment friendly regulations in the telecommunications sector suggests that economic reforms in India can occur in normal times. They depended to a large extent on the nature of the political economy that the ruling party was willing to support. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the manner in which agents perceive time, the nature of perceptions of time across political arenas, and the impact of differing conceptualizations of time on the resolution of long-lasting conflict. This paper seeks to assess the contingent or extemporaneous nature of these perceptions and proposes a new framework to examining the resolution of long-lasting conflict by hybridizing rational choice and game theoretical modeling with Karl Popper’s distinction between ‘historicist’ and ‘experimental’ visions of statehood. The framework is applied to two cases, the Arab-Israeli conflict and the enduring rivalry between India and Pakistan in Kashmir.Game theoretical and rational choice models offer both a means to delineate the beginnings and endings of strategic interaction -sequential and simultaneous games- and a parsimonious perspective on time horizons, i.e. discount rates. As a result when examining long lasting conflict it is tempting to see new rounds of bargaining as an iteration of the initial interaction. However, over long periods of time, actors and arenas of interaction can change. As such, this paper proposes a dichotomy of ‘sequels’ and ‘spin-offs’ of initial interaction. In the former, arenas and actors are the same over more than one round of bargaining, whereas the latter accounts for changes in arenas and/or actors, where nonetheless, the nature of bargaining has remained consistent. Perceptions of time can also change. As a result discount rates, as measures of perceptions of time, are of limited applicability. If actors have a ‘historicist’ perspective on arresting change, perceptions of time then exist extemporaneously to actual political change and no real distinction can be made between immediate and future gains. On the other hand, actors can also employ ‘experimental’ lenses through which time is viewed as change. Unlike the ‘historicist’ lens there are no a priori preferences fixed in time and thus the ‘experimental’ lens can incorporate discount rates and their reassessment over multiple rounds of bargaining. Thus, after the initial round in a long-lasting conflict, actors can find themselves either in a ‘historicist sequel’, a ‘historicist spin-off”, an ‘experimental sequel’ or an ‘experimental spin-off.’ This paper contends that the conflict in Kashmir shows signs of being in an ‘experimental sequel’, as a result of Pervez Musharraf’s 4-point plan and the proposal for the emergence of a ‘soft-borders’, whereas, due, in part, to the ascension of Hamas and the death of Yasser Arafat, the Arab-Israeli conflict shows signs of being in a ‘historicist spin-off.’ This paper contends that despite the routinized, and perhaps anti-democratic nature of ‘sequels’, particularly when they perpetuate military dictatorship, the unfixed nature of ‘experimental’ perceptions can compensate for the latter. On the other hand, while ‘spin-offs’ can imply a break from the status quo and the possibility of real change, a ‘historicist’ lens can trump these prospects by falling back on an idealized, extemporaneous, perception of time. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There have been in existence since the past couple of decades international soft law and legally enforceable instruments on the protection of minorities and different ethnic groups, supplemented by regional systems as well as the presence of domestic legal regimes. However, in India, particularly its North East Frontiers, it has been a sad and unfortunate experience that over the past few decades pent up feelings of an identity crisis by the minorities, have led many of the groups into a belief that there is lack of sincerity on the part of the government and that they have to resort to an armed struggle to secure the right to self- determination, which of course has been subjected to diverse interpretation and misinterpretation as well. Perhaps, the perceived continued sense of utter neglect and migration from within and across the State; both legal and illegal resulting ,in loss of their hearth and homes to such migration, has added fuel to the fire, enabling the protagonists to avail of the opportunity of cashing in on their ethnic feelings to the hilt. Matters seem to be compounded further by the lack of proper understanding by the federal government as well as the federated governments, who have without analyzing the root causes and addressing them have in fact been considering the issue as a law and order one or that of an upsurge having political dimension. They have been responding to the issue by way of repression. This, to many, has further alienated the section of the people lending support to their perceived cause of liberation through an armed struggle. This has compounded the matter further, due to the hostile terrain resulting in victimization of innocent civilian population, the very linguistic and ethnic minority people of the land. Thus placing the common civilians sandwiched between the “terrorist” and “insurgents” and law armed forces of the state has helped neither parties.The paper proposes to investigate dispassionately the causes and effects of the long drawn out struggles by the one hundred odd such organizations in the region that have taken to arms. It is further proposed to examine and describe the traditional ethnic groups through other parameters. The existing practices of state intervention and counter insurgency measures and their fallout on the ethnic groups in the society are also proposed to be addressed. It proposes to look into some of the minority groups that they vouchsafe to represent and the extent to which they have their unstinted support on the basis of the investigations that have been carried out so far. This should perhaps lead to a finding of the extent of support such ethnic groups provide in various ways either for a share in the administration under the political system or other means and lead to the conclusion that such support is misconceived, and possibly even provide strength to the alleged role of cross border external agencies in fulfilling their hidden agenda. It is felt that an in depth analysis would provide a mechanism for the ultimate establishment of an effective reporting system on violence, develop procedures for regulating and systematically collecting and analyzing relevant data about not only those suffering from violence, but also those who commit violent acts themselves. Moreover, we feel that the reasons why legal reforms have not proved to be useful in this regard could also be identified in the post 9/11 developments. Since the development issue is very intimately connected, the same will be taken up for consideration and an attempt at examination of any possible effective policy for combating violence on the ethnic minorities of the region would be made. The aim of the paper is to analyze certain problematic issues leading to the perpetration of violence keeping in mind the effectiveness of implementation mechanisms among others. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

That states and markets are ‘mutually constituted’ has become a respectable position in both political science and sociology. For all its respectability, however, there are few works that explicitly theorize this mutual constitution. Building on works on state formation in comparative politics and comparative historical sociology this paper proposes a framework for studying this mutual constitution, which is expressed as a function of the power relationship between pre-state governing elites and capital holders in a society. Power is defined as dependence, and as such is not an attribute of an actor or a group of actors, but a property of the social relation under investigation. The paper further uses this framework to illuminate the effects of colonialism on state and market formation by comparing such relationships in the United States to those in India over time. This is done by linking the variation in the relationships between rulers and capital holders to changes in the structure of capital markets across countries and over time within the same country. This problematizes institutions as legacies of past relationships and thus affords us a better understanding of how and why such relationships and their institutional avatars change. Also, by changing contrast spaces from intra developed country comparisons or intra developing country comparisons to historical comparisons between now-developed countries and now-developing or underdeveloped countries that we can throw new light on phenomena or conceptual categories that are often taken for granted in the context of the now- advanced industrial states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical experiences, collective beliefs, and ideas shape the way nation-states behave in the international system. In the conduct of war, or during the construction of foreign policy, actor’s strategic preferences are informed by a cultural system operating at the domestic level. This research papers draws on the constructivist literature in international relations scholarship to trace the strategic cultural shift at present in India, one from non-alignment to that of strategic engagement. It makes the claim that since the time of Indian independence, Indian strategic culture has been defined by a norm of non-alignment. However, in the present strategic context, Indian strategic policy appears to be increasingly informed by a policy of greater strategic engagement. The paper will trace this process of change, and argue that the norm of non-alignement might have perhaps been undermined by polices for greater engagement, but its efficacy and influence is not lost on India's strategic elite as well as its local populace. The paper will demonstrate that ideas with regards to security poliy shapes the ideational lens through which an actor views the world and conducts itself in the international system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT: TITLE: Economic Liberalization and Private Sector Participation in Water: A National Agenda for Water Policy ReformMaking sense of policy processes requires an understanding of how power and knowledge define spaces of engagement, privileging few and excluding the others. To do so calls for a historical perspective that situates contemporary water policy reform in India in the larger processes of neoliberalism that led to a shift away from the development planning of the Nehru Mahanalobian socialist model. This paper provides a historical overview of the particular ways of thinking of trying to manage water problems within the mainstream economic development policy discourse, by understanding how these particular ways of thinking have gained ascendancy in water policy provisions in the way in which water is perceived, defined, managed and tackled. It focuses on how resource management policies in urban landscapes are a complex configuration of interests between a range of actors whose agency matters and whose interactions are shaped by power relations. The paper traces and situates the shifting narratives of water policy reform from a public service to an economic good in the politics of globalization and liberalization of the Indian state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses an empirical phenomenon to question the relevance of "statist" discourses on security at a particular juncture of post-colonial India's political space. By highlighting on the anti-nuclear/peace activism launched by Indian women "at and against" the Indian state, under the political leadership of the BJP, to oppose Indian nuclearization, I deconstruct how certain Islamic (in)security imaginaries "collective and real," have been utilized by the BJP to legitimize India's nuclear policies to serve national interests; how the Indian state's version of security, under its recent Hindu fundamentalist party, has collided with more "people-centric" versions of security; and finally, the space of activism that have enabled Indian women activists to de-center a statist, militaristic, and a communal version of (in)security undergirding the recent Indian nuclearization. Additionally, highlighting the gendered processes in which these women's activism have differed from that of men's and how these women activists themselves (situated along differing class, regional, and social locations) have forwarded different rationales and strategies in opposing India nuclearization, I stitch together, through this paper, the "spirit of inclusiveness" that bring these women's leadership qualities, capabilities, and preferences-as civitas-to re-configure India's national security discourse, making such connections from the national, to the South Asian and the global levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper conceptualises security as a (meta)discourse of violence that masks violence in the name of counter-violence, killing in the name of protection. As the case of Hindutva in India illustrates, violence against minorities is normalised in the name of personal, communal, national and even international security. The will to secure the Self has as its corollary the will to insecure the Other, the desire to control and use violence. Using the example of anti-Muslim violence in Gujarat in 2002, the paper examines some of the ways in which a stereotypical image of Muslim men (the figure of 'The Muslim') is seen as constituting the danger against which the Hindu body politic needs to be secured. The violence against minority Muslims is facilitated and justified in the name of achieving security for the Hindu Self at individual, community, national as well as international levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India has changed dramatically in recent years. The world's second most populous country has radically liberalized its economy and gone from producing simple exports to becoming a world leader in software exports. The country has accumulated foreign exchange reserves of over $120 billion, up from a mere $2 billion in 1991. There is little doubt that India's emergence as a major economic and technological power will rank as one of the principal issues confronting world leaders in next few decades and that its progress demands careful analysis. This paper examines India's aspirations and capabilities- its political resolve to become a great power, rapid industrialization, a focus on high technology, and nuclear weapons -as well as its challenges- the restraints imposed by the international system, the wide gap between its urban and rural populations, and growing unemployment. It considers the effects that its success has had both at home and abroad. India's progress has unnerved some of its neighbours and trading partners. Nevertheless, it continues to signal its desire to integrate into the world economy and great power system by pursuing liberalization at home and encouraging trade, and forwarding its claim to permanent membership of the UN Security Council. The paper concludes that economically strengthened India will increasingly regard itself as a great power and expect more deference from other countries. However, its accommodation as great power in the international system will depend on how prudently it uses its economic and military resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most of the economies of the developing world are now in the process of restructuring in the direction of free market and liberalization with an overall aim at developing outward looking internationally competitive economies, with negative social consequences. India had adopted the New Economic Policy in 1991 in the wake of the debt crisis, as an essential part of the Structural Adjustment Policy urged by the IMF and the World Bank. It was believed that this would make India overcome its foreign exchange deficits, encourage foreign investments and strengthen the balance of payments. The present paper looks at the women in the agricultural sector in India to show that there is a lot of difference between the global rhetoric and the local reality. The paper show that the contemporary process of globalization with emphasis on technical change in agriculture associated with higher capital intensity, greater mechanization of production and post harvest operations, the development of crop and livestock with varied characteristics geared to the requirement of commercial commodity production has been accompanied by changes which women experience in unique ways. These include the loss of knowledge, skills and production contributions. Due to the existing difference between women and men's access to knowledge, skills, responsibilities and concerns and control over resources they are affected widely by the global process. Since women in the informal sector have none they continue to bear the brunt of gender and class inequalities, experience increasing marginalization and pauperization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins in Paris, moves to postcolonial India, and then returns to the Western metropolis through the figure of the migrant. At each stop, I will be trying to unpack how the modern nation works. As will soon become clear the task of unfurling the politics of the nation also involves unravelling some of the basic narratives of modernity. This paper about national politics is therefore, somewhat unwittingly, also a paper about politics under modernity. The paper travels through a discussion of three texts. The first is Walter Benjamin's Arcades Project, a study of Nineteenth Century Paris and, as I will argue, a lucid exposition of how the nation works. The two others are postcolonial theories of nationalism, one by Partha Chatterjee and the other by Homi Bhabha. In each understanding of the nation, there is already implicated an image of the international. In the paper, I discuss how different understandings of time shape how we imagine political possibilities. I compare the idea of time that underpins the modern nation, with different understandings of time which might be explored through the site of the city. Each of the three texts criticises the failure of modern political imagination, while attempting to develop some alternatives. I argue that although Benjamin, Chatterjee and Bhabha go some way towards proposing a reimagined nation, we are still left at the end with an unimaginative, exclusive and narrow understanding of the international. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite recurrent last minute defections, developing countries such as India continue to rely on forming coalitions with other like-minded countries during multilateral trade negotiations. This paper seeks to explain why they do so and to assess the extent to which such a strategy brings benefits by looking at India?s experiences during 1995-2001. It argues that in India?s case coalition formation should be seen within the context of India?s search for a new strategy for multilateral trade negotiation after the conclusion of the Uruguay Round. The impetus for the new strategy came from the perceived ?selling-out? of India?s interests during the Uruguay Round. That experience also generated a negative perception in India about the World Trade Organization, a perception that was further strengthened as its agenda was sought to be expanded by the United States and the European Union beginning in 1995-96. The attempt at enlarging the agenda also strained the meager negotiating resources that India had at the time. On each of the new issues that were proposed, India?s position was farthest from that of the US and the EU. It was obvious that India would have to work hard to protect its interests and in the absence of adequate resources of its own, working in coalitions turned out to be an obvious choice. The strategy has allowed India to have a much larger voice in these negotiations than what we would expect looking at its global trade share. In the area of furthering Indian interests, the success of the strategy has been more modest. . [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that non-elite popular sentiment?often referred to as ?hearts and minds??is central to understanding ethno-religious nationalist movements in India and Kashmir. The emphasis is on ?critical events? in the history of the two movements which illustrate the centrality of mass, popular, non-elite agency. It argues also that standard constructivist understandings, especially those emphasizing ?discourse? as cause of politicization and mass mobilization do not satisfactorily explain the resonance, effectiveness and demand for ethno-religious and nationalist rhetoric. Finally, a qualified hypothesis is put forward that non-elite agency in ethno-religious nationalist movements in South Asia is consistent with theory developed in the field of social psychology, especially ingrouping theory, and that that work can constructively inform the political science of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper attempts to look at the construction of knowledge and the profession of Information Technology in India from the point of view of Gender and assesses if it has been able to create a digital bridge or digital divide. Though there are major subdivides in India based on region, class, race, caste, location and ethnic origin a major digital divide is based on gender. Many of the constrains which women face are due to the poverty they share with the men. Women?s ability to participate in the country?s IT?s growth is determined by the low status ascribed to women and girls in Indian society and the extreme poverty and poor IT infrastructure that restricts women?s access to education and information Technology. The gender gap- especially the gap between men and women and how they benefit from Information technology has widened because women are less likely than men to receive technical education or be employed in technology intensive work. This is relatively true in rural areas among poorer population where women are already disadvantaged by their relative lack of education. In many developing countries , India being no exception women face challenges in pursuing education at all ages because of lack of time to attend school, familial and household duties and socio- cultural norms that give a low priority to education and low funds to pay for education Globalization has further complicated the issue. There has been an increasing feminization of lower level jobs. Technologies reveal the societies that invent them and use them, and their notion of social status and distributive justice. In opposition to the global capitalism there is a need for an alternative, community based technology redefining knowledge in such a way that the local and diverse becomes legitimate and women get equal representation. In India, the present technology and the way in which this knowledge is constructed, currently reflects man?s world and the struggle to transform it demands a transformation of gender relations [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper provides comparative analysis, based upon field research, into the thinking of South African and Indian leaders and strategists about regional hegemony. Both countries are well-positioned to be hegemons, with GDPs many times larger than the rest of the states in their region combined. South Africa acted as an interventionist regional hegemon during the apartheid era but has been a reluctant hegemon since majority rule was established in 1994 and has often acted within a regional organization, the Southern African Development Community. Exploiting this reluctance, Zimbabwe has challenged South African regional leadership since 1994. From 1947 to 1962, India was a reluctant regional hegemon, due to the pacifist leanings of Nehru. After losing to China in the 1962 border war, India began to assert regional hegemony, especially with its 1971 invasion of East Pakistan and the establishment of Bangladesh. However, Indian hegemony in South Asia has been continually challenged by Pakistan in alliance with China. Through comparative analysis, conclusions are drawn about the exercise of hegemony and the resistance that is most always encountered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Narmada Bachao Andolan (Movement to Save the Narmada) has spearheaded a multifaceted campaign opposing the building of a network of dams on the Narmada River in India. In advocating its position, the NBA has utilized a wide-ranging repertoire or both institutional and extra-institutional political actions at the local, state and transnational levels. This paper explores the development of the NBA’s repertoire by linking concepts of mechanisms with political opportunity structures, resource mobilization and framing. It contends that explanation of a movement’s repertoire must cover both institutional and extra-institutional tactics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India has an advanced legal system in which Engliah common law has adapted well to the local environment and developed in complexity, much in the way that scholars of the common law would predict. Kenya, on the other hand, also with a common law system developed under a British colonial administration, has a legal system which has not adpated well to the culture and environment. For example, in Kenya at independence there were three specific laws which directly affected property ownership. Currently in Kenya there are still just those three laws. Why did legal development and change occur in India and not Kenya? This paper will examine the two cases from a comparative perspective using archival resources as well as interviews to explain why the common law has not taken hold and adapted in the Kenyan context as it did in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the implications for the rise of China have been debated in the global or systemic contexts, as well as regional or bilateral contexts, thin scholarly attention has been devoted to the rise of the other great power - India, and how these two Asian great powers - India and China - perceive the ascendancy of the other state. Yet how these two very different Asian giants with a complex relationship view each other and consequently negotiate their paths in substantially changed international milieus will be important for scholarly interest and policy making. This paper examines how Indian elites - in political, security, and economic arenas - perceive the rise of China and their assessment of the feasibility of Indo-Chinese partnership ("Chindia") or rivalry by employing a mixed-method research strategy, combining secondary literature research, elite interviewing, and direct observation conducted over the summer of 2008. It analyzes the Indo-Chinese relationship through three paradigms - geopolitical, geoeconomic, and geocivilizational. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We often imagine that countries with nuclear energy programs are nuclear weapons states waiting to happen. Yet there are multiple ways that states can enhance their nuclear security, even when they possess the requisite technology for a weapons program. They may undertake diplomatic efforts to reduce the level of threat, they may seek shelter under an ally's nuclear umbrella, and they may adopt unilateral military measures, up to and including the development of a nuclear arsenal. Over the past five decades, India has engaged in all three of these approaches. Since India's pursuit of nuclear weapons is already well-documented, this article focuses on its efforts to elicit nuclear restraint from other states through diplomacy and to seek the protection of nuclear-armed allies. Drawing on archival documents and interviews in New Delhi and Mumbai, it documents how Indian leaders eventually became disillusioned with these two alternatives to nuclear armament. In doing so, it depicts India's emergence as a nuclear power not simply as a response to regional threats, but also as the result of dissatisfaction with alternative paths to nuclear security. The paper concludes by exploring the implications of this finding for possible U.S.-Indian cooperation in nuclear energy in the future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the transformation of India’s party system fromdominance by the Indian National Congress Party to a competitivemultiparty format since 1989. The recent literature has highlighted theimportance of processes of economic decentrali ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the Indian government's response to the outbreak of separatist violence in Nagaland and Mizoram in the state of Assam. Not only were these insurgencies the Republic of India's first experience with the phenomenon of separatist insurgency, they were among the most severe. They required an untested government and military to adapt to a form of political warfare with which they had little experience. Through a process of trial and error, India developed an approach to political violence in the Northeast that would guide its response to future insurgencies.The Indian government's approach was characterized by the use of military force to smother the insurgents and physically separate them from their supporters, while simultaneously making political concessions to co-opt moderate elements of the population. In particular, the Northeastern experience highlights the need for dissatisfied élites to be able to realize their ambitions by working within, not against, the existing political system. The Indian approach in these two cases was also characterized by a heavy emphasis on nation building and bolstering the capacity of governing institutions in under-administered areas. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how India's alignment posture and broader foreign policy orientation is evolving as the country's influence grows. It focuses in particular on India's relationship with the United States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The trade policies of Brazil, India and South Africa have significant historical similarities: these countries are original WTO members; they adopted import-substitution industrialization; promoted neoliberal reforms; have been playing important roles in their regional contexts; and, more recently, they have also formed alliances and coalitions (IBSA, G20) in order to increase their capacity to influence the trade regime. At the same time, they are intensifying bilateral and regional ties which are different in scope and degrees of institutionalization. The result is that, despite of having similar roles which are derived from their status as middle powers, these three countries have developed different strategies concerning their trade policy. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to analyze comparatively the trade policies of Brazil, India and South Africa in the multilateral and regional environments. Our contention is that there are significant differences in their conduct on those two levels, in such a way that it is not possible to establish a fixed pattern of trade policy amongst middle powers, at least not amongst these three. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the increasing economic and strategic clout of China and the vulnerability of the American power in the Gulf, the US policy makers are searching for a new strategy in the Asia Pacific region. Their ultimate purpose is to neutralize the preeminence of China.Pentagon is trying to forge a new alliance of three well-established democracies-US,India and Japan. On April 16,2007 all the three nations began a joint military drill in the Pacific. More or less at the same time, the first India-US Defence Joint Working Group met in New Delhi.These two develpments have certainly raised the temperature in Beizing.Recently China has raised its defence budget by 17.8 percent and successfully tested its antisatellite ballistic missile.No doubt the Pacific military exercise by US, India and Japan has been taken as an alarming signal by China.The proposed paper will try to explore the evolving strategy of the US in the Asia Pacific region.One has to explore as to what extent such a three nation joint exercise is addressing the unprecedented rise of China in the politico-economic and strategic affaires of the region. We will also examine as to how far the existing American policy of strategic engagement with China is being reexamined. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While most view China as the rising power in Asia, the future of the region will also be determined by India. Despite receiving less attention, India is a growing economic, military, and political power in the region and globally. India has the world’s 4th largest economy at $796 billion and for the past decade, has registered economic growth rates over 7 percent. India has the 3rd largest active duty armed force in the world behind China and the United States and is a nuclear power. Finally, India is a respected political player and often cited as a candidate for inclusion in the UN Security Council. Certainly, India faces significant obstacles including over 350 million living dire poverty and an economic infrastructure that needs significant repair. However, Indian leaders have ambitious aspirations and it is a country on the rise. Given India’s important and growing position in Asia, its relations with China and Japan, the other key players in region, will be crucial. This paper will examine India’s economic, political, and security relationship with these other two powers of Asia and the impact these relations have on Indian and regional security. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While almost a decade old, Ted Hopf's observation that the democratic peace is an observation in search of a theory still has some validity. In particular, the mechanisms behind the observed lack of war between democracies are poorly understood, making it difficult for scholars to provide a compelling explanation. While there has been some innovative work, particularly with respect to learning and the ability of an increasing number of democracies to cement democratic norms, Müller and Wolff note that normative and structural explanations are monadic explanations for a dyadic phenomenon. Underappreciated in the existing work is the role of identity and the importance this has for driving the democratic peace. With a focus on developing a dyadic democratic peace mechanism and using a case study approach, this paper utilizes the Copenhagen School's securitization framework to examine how identity plays out in the U.S. response to the Indian and Iranian nuclear programs. It finds that in fact identity does play a significant role in how security policy is constructed. The potential implications of this finding, particularly on policy, are significant. If the democratic peace does rely on identity to trigger the constraining norms that limit the escalation of conflict to violence, it is unlikely the democratic peace can be spread by force and it is possible that states nominally democratic can be excluded from the community of democracies if their behavior or significant other aspects of their perceived identity are at variance with the accepted democratic identity standard. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two papers will focus on creations of “new enemies/rivals” by the Westphalian logic of competition and anarchy: Banerjee and Ling will look at constructions of India and China by mainstream defense intellectuals in the US; Hwang and Chen will examine how defense intellectuals in Taiwan respond to such attempts at “triangulation.” ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will discuss the relevance of India's accession to the TRIPS-mandated regime for its foreign policy on HIV/AIDS matters. This study will investigate whether the formal accession to WTO's norms regarding patents, through 2005's third amendment, eventually brought about a new background for its foreign policy on HIV/AIDS. With concern for Doha's flexibilities, this work intends to show how India's pharma industry and local/global activism might have influenced, respectively, a watershed on the country's advocacy on international health (especially with regard to anti-retroviral drugs). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates "postcolonial capitalism" and the "structure-subject-ideology" conjunction from a psychoanalyticstandpoint. It argues that in the midst of globalization, subjectivities are empowered by performing the logic of interpretationthat renders capital's materiality as "inescapable", "natural", even"objective". I center a postcolonial (transnational) middle class inIndia and the diaspora as the spectral subject-agents of the globaleconomy. Practices of self-representation, self-recognition, and theimpossible desire of the Other produces a fragmented and conflictedconstruction of a self seeking incorporation into the structure of theOther, the ideological materiality of recognition. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper claims that the forging of a common identity among India, Brasil and South Africa based on their role as leaders in their respective regions is a relevant yet neglected aspect of their partnership that will ultimately determine the success of IBSA. The argument is that the foundational south identity of the IBSA initiative retains ideological elements drawn from the heyday of the confrontational politics of Non-Alignment which do not adequately (or at least do not fully) represent the contemporary political and economic context of its members. Linked to this is the fact that, while acknowledged as powers by dint of their preponderance of economic and material means, this has not translated into wide-spread recognition within their respective regions. For all these reasons, IBSA relies primarily on an elite defined form of south activism as a key source of legitimacy for its endeavors. The construction of a strong regional identity for IBSA based on its members' strategic positions in South Asia, South America and Southern Africa is, in our viewpoint, a more convincing common ground to legitimize a sustainable diplomatic partnership between the IBSA states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper interrogates changes and constancies in the meaning of terror in India with a specific reference to the train blasts in Mumbai in 2006. It examines borders broadlyâ€"as shifting thresholds in legislation and as boundaries erected to equal 'war on terror' with 'war on Muslim terror'. In 2002 India launched a new anti-terror law (POTA), which was repealed in 2004; and India is constantly torn between blaming domestic Islamic organisations and 'cross-border terrorism' for involvement in terror acts. In the Indian case the vagueness and ephemeral character of where to draw the frontiers of blame is placing Muslim citizens in an especially precarious situation. Are Indian Muslims collaborators of extremist groups in Pakistan and Bangladesh; where should the boundary between external/internal be erected? Questions unfolding in the wake of terror acts appear to pertain to a complex set of borders linked to a more general reconstitution of the parameters of the Indian nation-state and its ambiguous place in the global war on terror. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyze the factors that determined the position of Brazil and India in the G-20 formation. In order to do so, it will be analyzed a set of factors that determined the size of the win set of both countries. The focus lays on domestic political institutions as well as on the negotiation strategies of both countries in G-20. To be able to understand the G-20, we have to consider the diversity of the economic, social and political conditions that characterizes its members and, consequently, their interests. The Brazilian and Indian positions deserve special attention either because of their political performance as interlocutors of the group or because of their difference of interests in agricultural agenda in WTO.The initial supposition is that these two countries have divergent interests on the negotiation process of agricultural trade. It would be reasonable to think that India would automatically align with USA and EU in defending mechanisms to protect this sector, which would place India in an opposite side from Brazil. However, what we see is an alignment between them and the formation of a coalition against those other proposals. The question which guides this research concerns the factors that made possible the formation and maintenance of G-20 despite the apparent conflict of interest between Brazil and India. This research is structured within an analytical framework that seeks to combine the domestic and international factors in the understanding process of formal and informal international agreements structuring. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests of May 1998, a considerable scholarly literature has compared deterrence in South Asia with the historical U.S.-Soviet context, illuminating similarities as well as important differences. However, one potentially fundamental difference has not been sufficiently scrutinized: recent India-Pakistan crises have played out under a deepening U.S. engagement in South Asia, whereas the Cold War superpowers had no comparable recourse to third-party intervention. Though the possibility of intervention may help stabilize the regional deterrent balance, it might also have the opposite effect: either Pakistan or India--or both--may have incentives to exaggerate their confrontational intentions (through bellicose rhetoric or low-level force use) in order to raise American fears of a nuclear war, in the hope that U.S. intervention might lead to an outcome more favorable to their regional interests. The potential danger of such a strategy is that neither of the principals can neatly compartmentalize the audience for its conduct: rhetoric or action intended to raise the stakes for the U.S. may inadvertently cross an ill-defined "red line" for the adversary, and thus trigger an escalatory response. This paper will argue that South Asian deterrence is a dynamic situation in which both principles have experimented with escalation, at least in part, to "scare Uncle Sam"--Pakistan in the 1999 Kargil War, and India in a 2001-02 major military mobilization along the international border--only to see the strategy backfire and the U.S. intervene in ways that temporarily limited rather than expanded their strategic options. It will also examine the relevance of Timothy Crawford's concept of "pivotal deterrence" to the contemporary South Asian context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interlinking Rivers of India: Implications and ImpactsA. C. ShuklaBiopollution Study CentreDeo Bhawan, 385 FaithfulgunjKanpur-308004IndiaThe world is fast running out of usable water. Anthropogenic activities are polluting and depleting this finite wellspring of life at a startling rate. Industrialization, intensive agriculture, pollution, deforestation, and construction of large dams have damaged the earth’s surface water in persistent ways. Unless we change our ways and practices the world will be living with freshwater shortages in the coming future. Keeping in view the increasing demand for water, the government of India developed a new National. Water Policy which states that “water is a prime natural resource, a basic need and a precious national asset. Planning, development, and management of water resources need to be governed by national perspectives”. While there is excellent literature on different alternatives to water management since independence, the national perspective guiding water resource development in India has focused on a supply-based paradigm as the only alternative to meet water needs for such diverse purposes as irrigation, drinking water, sanitation, industrial and other uses in a sustainable manner. The policy decision to interlink its rivers announced by the government of India for managing fresh water resources in the twenty-first century is based on a linear model of bureaucratic decision-making and its subsequent stages of implementation. This top-down solution to India’s growing water needs has stirred controversy and debate in one of the world’s largest democracies. This paper examines the challenges inherent in the government’s policy decision to interlink rivers as envisaged by the bureaucratic agency of state power, a culture of scientific expertise, a perceived need to mobilize global capital, and the opposition to such plans engendered by the agency of civil society in a bid to examine how different actors conceptualize the project through a discursive approach in face of grave risk and other environmental hazards. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India is an important case for examining emerging norms in national health governance. While the locus of political authority is territorially bounded to sovereign states, national economic, social, and security relations have internationalized through key networks of international organizations, strategic alliances, and nonstate actors. This is especially true as we see what happens as long term global dynamics and short term immediate circumstances interact in such a way that any unexpected development can serve as a tipping point and trigger collective actions seeking to bring about basic changes. Old rules and arrangements that prevailed throughout the industrial era are being exchanged for new forms of governance, and without the presence of formal state or interstate institutions. States have yielded to the pressures of new actors and have cooperatively formed both formal and informal relationships through which the spreading of norms is translated into mechanism of governance. Health governance is broadly the action and means adopted by a society to organize itself in the promotion and protection of health of its population. Therefore, the pressures generated by bottom-up governance has given rise to top down and side-by-side governance that has become a vast network encompassing all levels of governance and diverse flows of authority. How India defines, let alone achieves national health governance in this emerging epoch, remains an enduring challenge. In this paper, I take a first step in analyzing the emerging debate by reviewing the meaning and defining the new features of national governance, and examining the changes in long standing patterns of national health governance in India, in particular. The study looks at the flux and transitions, and assesses the particular impacts on governance when national health is transformed through new authority structures - and the fundamental challenge this poses for promoting and protecting health in a strong nation-state is explained. From this point of departure, the theoretical context of this research lies at the intersection of governance and authority in global politics. In addition, I can begin to analyze the future of governance, authority and health in developing countries, of various historical experiences with one central question: How do we account for the role of new authority structures, and should we envisage this as a normative change in governance? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India has a decade-long experience with independent regulatory agencies in public services as an institutional transplant from the industrialized world. Introduced at the behest of international donor agencies, regulators in India are intended, somewhat naively, to provide an apolitical space for decision making to assuage investor concerns over arbitrary administrative actions, and thereby stimulate private investment. In practice, regulators have had to negotiate a terrain over which the state has continued to exercise considerable control. Regulators have also been been shaped in their functioning by national and sub-national political traditions and by administrative and political practices. The result is a hybrid institutional form that combines politics as usual with intriguing new, and unanticipated, opportunities for political intervention.This paper will explore the origins of electricity regulation as a form of institutional "isomorphism." It will then compare the regulatory experience in India's electricity sector across two Indian states to understand the implications of transplanting regulatory agencies in the global south. An examination of the process through which regulatory decisions are reached illustrates how existing bureaucratic and technocratic networks, transplanted procedures, and administrative cultures combine to conservatively manage long-standing political tensions around electricity. In seeking to manage those tensions, regulators often take decisions - on tariff setting, for example - based on a political reading that belies the technocratic narrative on which institutional credibility rests. At the same time, civil society groups ranging from residential associations to professional associations to individuals are using newly created regulatory spaces to structure a more deliberative decision process. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we propose a theory of emerging powers and apply it to the case of IBSA, a forum of cooperation established in 2004 by India, Brazil and South Africa. We contend that emerging power is a strategic identity that derives from the inability of a hegemon or of a group of core powers to effectively impose their preferred order to the world. That inability creates a strategic position that a small number of countries can fulfill. Fulfillment of that position depends on their ability to contribute significantly to the establishment of a “minimum governance coalition.” The significance of that contribution, in turn, depends on the legitimacy they bring to global governance, the veto power they hold in the functioning of formal or informal governance mechanisms, and the regional balancing power that they bring to the resource mix on which global governance relies.We show that IBSA is a coalition of emerging powers trying to monopolize developing countries access to global governance; and 2) that their internal differences matter less to their alliance than the contribution that they make to each others’ claim to membership in the global governance club. The article is divided in two sections. The first one presents the model. The second proposes an explanation of IBSA’s emergence and of its relative success in terms of that model. This application is not a test but an illustration of the mechanics of emerging power emergence and participation in global governance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Has the rise of political religion on the Indian Sub continent had positive or negative effects on international relations within the region? This paper will report on the provisional findings of two wide ranging seminars held in Delhi and Lahore in February and March this year as part of an on-going investigation into the politicisation of religion in India and Pakistan ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National governments and international donors have become increasingly interested in the idea of "protecting" the poor from the kinds of short-term shocks and long-term stresses that lead to deeper and potentially irreversible forms of poverty. Such thinking has emphasised policies that would provide new and far-reaching forms of "social protection," which, in theory, would help poor people reduce the vulnerabilities that stem from insecure livelihoods, marginal localities and a general lack of fungible assets. Policies of this kind would include efforts to: (1) enhance the quality of infrastructure on which the poor are disproportionately dependent; (2) create employment during times of severe economic and/or ecological stress; and (3) enhance self-employment opportunities through the provision of new or alternative forms of credit and marketing. The challenge of delivering these and other forms of social protection is that non-beneficiaries often obtain access to resources intended for the poor and that intended beneficiaries are excluded from programmes to which they are rightfully entitled. Drawing upon 13 months of primary fieldwork in Andhra Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, this paper documents three programmes (direct democracy in Madhya Pradesh, food for work in Andhra Pradesh and women's micro credit initiatives in Andhra Pradesh), whose design principles varied both in terms of the costs beneficiaries were expected to bear and in terms of the rights governments were willing to grant. Variations in substantive (i.e. state-recognised) and normative proprietary rights, we argue, help to explain variations in both the quality of government services and the ability of beneficiaries to demand the right to better service. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper titled "China-India Bonhomie: An Harbinger of Multilateralism" prepared for the "46th Annual Convention of International Studies Association" held in Honolulu, Hawaii. It examines the mutual political and economic interactions between the two nations. It discusses an agreement, called Declaration of Principles, which was created during the visit of former Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee to China with the aim of peacefully solve conflicting issues.