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The responses of African states to the HIV/AIDS epidemic have varied greatly. This paper will analyze the political reasons that South Africa and Ghana have addressed the HIV/AIDS epidemic in different ways. I will examine the cases of South Africa and Ghana because of their different political experiences, HIV infection rates, and levels of economic development. Politically, South Africa endured over forty years of apartheid and a recent democratic transition. After years of military rule, Ghana recently underwent a transition to democracy. In terms of the HIV/AIDS issue, South Africa has an HIV-positive rate of 20 percent among its 18-49 year old population, while Ghana’s infection rate is 3 percent . South Africa’s GNP per capita of $3,210 is ten times higher than that of Ghana ($390). Data for this paper come from government documents, news accounts, and interviews with policy-makers. This paper questions how several variables shape policies on HIV/AIDS in each country: civil society associations, dependence on donors for health revenue, democratization, political leadership, media coverage, public opinion, and the neopatrimonial nature of the African state. In doing so, the paper illustrates the complex relationship between political forces and aspects of the disease itself that make policy-making to address HIV/AIDS problematic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social orders punish to preserve themselves. What could be more straightforward? Yet every aspect of this simple declarative statement raises questions that are still open after centuries of normative argument: who has the right to punish, what sorts of punishment are permissible, what is the reason or purpose of punishment? All the central decisions that go into punishment need justification because it has such negative social meaning and clear harmful consequences for those on the receiving end. Our perspective in this paper is that normative debate persists unabated not out of lack of good arguments, but because punishment practices require public justification. This is so because punishment is done, by those on the sending end, on behalf of “public” interests, and because it is to be accepted as legitimate by fellow citizens on the receiving end. Our central claim is that punishment is something democratic citizens must “own up to” in ways we rarely do. We argue here that widespread civic participation in the domain of criminal justice is part of what legitimate punishment requires in a democracy. Yet we also argue that mere populism, such as the penal activism behind three-strikes laws, should not count as legitimation. Only public procedures of justification that hold citizens accountable and subject our preferences to scrutiny and questioning can count as legitimation. Our paper begins by showing how classical theoretical attempts at justifying punishment spiral into indeterminacy at precisely the points of most tension today: where citizens wish to assert the purpose and fix the severity of hard treatment for criminal offenses. Indeterminacy is the result of the failure to develop the public component of legitimation essential in democratic institutions. Another missing piece in modern penal theory is an explanation of how accountability is to grow among citizens active in shaping penal policy. We then turn to consider leading contemporary branches of consequentialism and retributivism and argue that they point in the direction of public legitimation and indicate the need for accountability. These features of the theories, we argue, are suggestive but underdeveloped. We need an account of public justification that can help us distinguish kinds of democratic participation that render punishment more acceptable from mere populism. Jurgen Habermas’s recent work in democratic theory is used to suggest the beginning of such an account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political inclusion of minorities has rarely been studied cross nationally and when it has it is most often used as an independent variable. Most often political inclusion is assumed as a component of democracy. This paper explores those factors that increase the probability of minimal political inclusion for minorities. We aggregate the treatment of Minorities at Risk to the state level and examine the causes of minimal political inclusion at the state level. In this paper we examine the impact of democracy on both the international and domestic level on states minimal political inclusion of their minorities. Controlling for a countries wealth and the international security environment. We find that democracy both as an international norm and as a regime have a positive impact on a state having minimal political inclusion for its minorities. The other variables, were not significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large body of literature argues that post-communist publics, even those in the relatively consolidated democracies of East-Central Europe, are becoming disenchanted with politics: participation levels are low, parties, politicians and national political institutions rate poorly in opinion polls, while commitment to democratic values, while broad, is often quite shallow. However, disaffection with democracy is hardly an exclusively post-communist phenomenon: another large body of literature has documented increasing signs of disenchantment and withdrawal in Western democracies as well. Do these two sets of phenomena stem from similar sources, or is the post-communist variant of disaffection with democracy significantly different from its western counterpart? A part of a larger research project, this paper addresses this issue by testing two alternative explanations of disaffection and withdrawal in the post-communist region. The first explanation focuses on the sphere of values and political culture: it is sometimes argued post-communist publics share a syndrome of "civilizational incompetence" that is, a lack of cultural and intellectual preparedness for participation in pluralistic, democratic politics (e.g. a lack of respect for views different from own, a tendency to perceive politics in integristic rater pluralistic terms, a poorly developed sense of civic responsibility for the well-being of the political community as a whole). The second set of explanations has to do with the sphere of political institutions: the source of disaffection, it is said, lies in the manner in which the political system is set up to articulate demands, aggregate interests, provide representation of politically relevant identities, and serve as legitimate decision-making mechanism for a self-aware demos. The institutional structure, in other words, is somehow out of sync with how the general public conceptualizes politics (i.e. there is a mismatch between level of individual political identities and level of political institutions). The paper will test the explanatory power of these two hypotheses utilizing a specially commissioned mass opinion survey conducted in November 2003. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much comparative work has been done on societies’ responses to eras of political repression and human rights abuses (e.g., Nigel Biggar, ed., Burying the Past: Making Peace and Doing Justice after Civil Conflict, Georgetown: 2001; Terence Roehrig,Prosecution of Former Military Leaders in Newly Democratic Nations: The Cases of Argentina, Greece, and South Korea , McFarland, 2001 and Lawrence Weschler, A Miracle, A Universe: Settling Accounts with Torturers, Random House, 1990). Leigh Payne, at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, has directed a research project on the role torturers’ confessions play in post-authoritarian truth and reconciliation processes in Latin America, South Africa, Bosnia, and Rwanda. The Legacies of Authoritarianism Project at UW-Madison, also under Prof. Payne’s direction, has sponsored workshops on the production and transmission of collective memory across generations, through literature, art, theater, etc. The project focuses on three areas: the southern cone of Latin America (especially Argentina, Brazil, and Chile), South Asia, and South Africa. A number of scholars are engaged in efforts to analyze the ways in which film, in particular, has contributed to the construction of the memory of repression. Indeed, some filmmakers, such as Patricio Guzman, have assumed the role of creators of memory for particular societies. To my knowledge, however, the studies related specifically to films are limited to single cases or regions with common histories. This paper considers the role of film in a comparative context across regions, in an effort to contribute to the literature on the relationship between politics and culture in a comparative context. In this paper I analyze the comparative role that culture (here operationalized through films) has played in constructing the memory of repression I lived in Argentina during its initial transition to democracy, and did dissertation research on the relationship between politics and culture in Russia in the early post-Soviet period. Since then I have taught about and spent time in Spain and Russia. The questions I will address include the following: Why do some societies try to bury their pasts while others take the first opportunity to explore them through cultural texts? For example, why were Spanish intellectuals so slow to confront the “ghost of Franco,” while Russians were relatively quick to explore issues associated with the repression of the Stalin years after the fall of communism? (e.g., Mikhailov in Burnt by the Sun.) What role does film play in constructing the memories of periods of repression? Does film help to heal societies or does it serve to open old wounds and engender debates that otherwise may not occur? Does the role of film in constructing memory derive from its content, timing of release, the way in which it interacts with other cultural agents, or something else? In other words, to borrow from Michael Schudson, when does “culture work?” When do films play a significant role in the construction of the memory and legacy of repression? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper substitutes variables for countries in analyzing attitudes toward democracy in six Asian nations: Korea, China (Mainland), Japan, Taiwan, Philippines, and Thailand. The working hypothesis of the paper is that national differences in attitudes and opinions reflect underlying socioeconomic variations across nations, rather than inherent cultures within the nations. According to this hypothesis, urban-rural configurations of the populations should dominate opinion orientations, rather than idiosyncratic characteristics of these nations. The fundamental rural-urban cleavage will explain attitudes toward traditionalism-modernism which, correspondingly, will contribute to an explanation of attitudes toward democracy. The data for the study come from probability samples across the selected nations in a multi-nayion study using the same questionnaire in 2001. The analysis shows that rural-urban cleavages, seldom used in cross-national comparisons, are significant explanatory factors within nations. This study examines whether these within-nation associations are also significant for explaining attitudes and opinions in a cross-national analysis. The essential issue is: Is within-nation variance greater than variance among nations on the issues of interest? The inclusion of both developed and developing Asian nations permits examination of whether levels of development contribute to national profiles of public attitudes toward elements of democracy such as preference for democracy over authoritarian forms of government, satisfaction with democracy, desire for democracy, and other indicators of democratic support and consolidation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While democratic reforms of electoral institutions continue, their capacities for deepening democracy are limited by the large, pluralized, complex, and territorial political units through which they work. Much of the institutional innovation in democracy has shifted elsewhereâ€"into “governance,” the development and administration of public policy. The democratic potentials of governance reside in the potentially responsive linkages between what governments do and what citizens receive. From the perspective of democratic theory, however, this “governance driven-democratization” is a frontier. Concepts inherited from participatory democratic theory such as citizen engagement and direct democracy obscure more than they reveal. Most of the new experiments engage a relatively few citizens. Many involve only self-selected stakeholders and activists, and so by-pass broader public interests, or generate new forms of exclusion. In this paper, I specify the concept and domains of governance-driven democratization, and suggest a method for critical assessment. We can ask, on a case by case basis, about opportunities and dangers as measured by the democratic values of inclusion of the affected, empowerment, representation, and deliberation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What induces sitting legislators to change party affiliation, and what deters them from doing so? This paper explores the electoral constraints on switching in place despite incentives to defect from parties. We develop hypotheses about variation over time in switching, positing a peak in switching near the midterm, and use evidence from established and new democracies to appraise hypotheses. We contend that the force that works to hold the party system together between elections is the importance of the candidate’s electoral recognizability when running for office. In highlighting the party label, we echo a recurring theme in research on legislatures, parties, and party systems. Yet to our knowledge, no other scholars have tied the need for the party label to patterns in the timing of changes in party affiliation. That is what we do here. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What impact does domestic politics have on international rivalry? While rivalry research has become an increasingly utilized framework through which to study international conflict, there is still much to be theorized when it comes to the role of domestic politics and structures. Major theories of rivalry often emphasize the role of domestic shocks to rival behaviors. However, much of the work does not, in any great depth, examine the differences between democracies and autocracies in rival relationships, save finding that jointly democratic dyads are less likely to be involved in a rivalry. Some of the most notorious and well-known rival relationships occur between one democracy and one autocracy. This paper examines how combinations domestic structures and processes interact to impact rivalry dynamics such as duration and severity. It builds upon major rivalry theories as well as the Selectorate Theory to generate a new expectations of rival behaviors. The new hypotheses are tested quantitatively across different institutional mixes of rivals and different stages of rivalry. I find that different domestic structural combinations have a substantial impact on rival behavior. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What determines the level of a country's military expenditures?Numerous empirical investigations have addressed this question, butmost of them have failed to provide unbiased results due to problemsof simultaneity or omitted variables. This paper solves theseproblems by estimating a spatial interdependence model of themilitary expenditures of neighboring countries that also incorporatesvariables such as attitude toward risk, participation in amilitarized interstate dispute, potential costs of war, and the roleof democracy. The evidence not only shows that spatialinterdependence is a major determinant of military expenditures, butalso that there is positive feedback between countries. In otherwords, the military allocations of countries are positively relatedto the military expenditures of their neighbors. In addition, thedemocratic nature of countries plays a significant role in thereduction of military arsenals. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate the support for neofascist and populist parties across societies in Europe. Apart from the standard variables, such as immigration and unemployment as well as various supply-side variables, we also consider societal openness (defined on the basis of European Social Survey, 2004), welfare state and democracy. The main contribution of this paper is to establish the meta link between the three institutions (1) societal openness, (2) welfare state, and (3) democracy, and find out their impact on the support for extreme right in Europe. We first establish that, in more open societies the direct effect of openness on neofascist votes is negative; however, openness increases the neofascist support indirectly through immigration and unemployment. Moreover, we find that openness has no direct effect on the support for populist parties, but has indirect positive effects through unemployment. We also find that the effect of openness go hand in hand with that of welfare indicator within countries; however, the link between openness and democracy is less unambiguous. Our results are robust with respect to different classifications of extreme right parties and when endogeneity of immigration is controlled for. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Villagers’ Committee elections in Chinese rural areas highlight the promise as well as the challenge of democratization in a one-party state. Why are there huge regional variations in terms of voter turnout rate? Drawing on the vast literature of voter turnout, we develop a number of hypotheses in this paper. Data from a large survey conducted in 2005 have confirmed some (but not all) of them. Like voters in other countries, Chinese villagers are rational players and motivated by individual interests. More importantly, social organizations and electoral institutions have exhibited positive influence in voter mobilization. These empirical findings reveal important dynamics in China’s village democracy. They also imply some major challenges facing China’s rural democracy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions do ordinary citizens prefer authoritarian rule? Answering this question will help us better understand why many post-communist states have developed authoritarian or hybrid regimes while others have successfully transitioned to democracy. This paper explores the conditions under which citizens in states which meet a minimal electoral definition of democracy tolerate or even demand authoritarian rule. The question is particularly significant for the contemporary case of Ukraine, as the fragile gains of the Orange Revolution are threatened by renewed political and economic instability which affects the preferences of Ukraine’s voters. Using an original nationwide survey of Ukrainians as well as extensive qualitative interviews conducted with citizens across Ukraine, I explore the factors that shape citizens’ beliefs about democracy and dictatorship, and particularly their potential preference for the latter. In doing so, I examine the effects of post-Soviet economic and political instability, Soviet-era ideological influences, and deeper historical-geographical forces arising from the process of nationalization in forming contemporary political beliefs in Ukraine. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study applies and evaluates the framework for analyzing government action on women’s rights developed by Htun and Weldon (2007) in the Nigerian context. Examining a variety of areas of .x000d.women’s rights (including abortion, family law, violence against women, quotas, and constitutional equality), this framework for a comparative politics of sexual equality explains why different factors .x000d.explain change on different women’s rights issues. As the most populous nation in Africa and one that is nearly 50% Christian and 50% Muslim, Nigeria is .x000d.an important case study when comparing policy issues on a more global scale. As a young democracy, Nigeria presents an opportunity to .x000d.examine how federalism and a complex legal system (civil, customary, and religious/sharia) affect policy change for women's rights. This case study included more than forty interviews with Nigerian .x000d.government officials, NGO directors, activists, and scholars. The paper evaluates how well the framework accounts for the Nigerian context, with some reference to the broader African context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research closely examines 220 pro-democracy contentious political challenges that occurred between 1981 and 1995 in seven Latin American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Guatemala, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. The data show that pro-democracy challenges tend to be large, nonviolent (especially using demonstrations), and organized by political parties. The main question addressed in this paper is the effect of pro-democracy protest on democratization processes. The clearest type of potential effect would be what I call the "democracy now" effect, in which pro-democracy challenges lead to regime change, but it is difficult to find clear evidence of this. Another way of looking at the effect of pro-democracy contentious challenges on democratization is to look for smaller reforms. There were twenty cases in which governments did grant concessions to pro-democracy contentious challenges, including loosening certain repressive measures, annulling controversial state and local elections, or reforming electoral procedures. A quantitative analysis showed that less authoritarian regimes were more likely to grant such concessions, as were governments that were weaker and more dependent on foreign aid and investment. Furthermore, challengers could increase the likelihood of gaining concessions by organizing contentious challenges that are longer, have larger participation, and utilize nonviolent yet disruptive tactics. One of the strongest factors was focusing demands on more concrete subnational issues, such as questionable local and state elections, rather than demanding "democracy now." ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will highlight major features of the Chinese political system and elaborate a China’s model of democracy. In a world where democracy has been regarded as a universal value, the political legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has been a suspect. There have been calls for democratizing the Chinese political system, implicitly after the fashion of Western democracies, in particular the American model. Few scholars have questioned the desirability of building a democracy in China, yet it is far from being clear what the Chinese model of democracy should be. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will investigate whether treaties between democracies are more likely to be signed (not necessarily ratified) when states are closer to the beginning of their electoral cycle rather than later in the electoral cycle. It is expected that the frequency of treaty signings will fall as the average electoral cycle increases. This hypothesis contends that new governments will be eager to demonstrate foreign policy success. A variant of this hypothesis will also be tested. It predicts that the decisive variable is the amount of time before the next election. The logic here is similar, in that political leaders seeking re-election will have strong impulses to reach an international agreement. A contrary expectation would be that leaders would be fearful of “giving away the house” and see more political advantage in showing strength in foreign affairs. .x000d..x000d.The dependent variable is the agreement (treaty or other significant binding agreement). The independent variable will be measured two ways:1) average length of time since the government was elected; 2) average length of time until the next executive election is held. The units of analysis will be pairs of democratic states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses OLS regression analysis of pooled data to account for the significant regional variation in the emergence (or absence) of democracy among former British colonies from 1950 to 2000, as British colonial rule seems to have bequeathed a legacy of democracy in some regions (e.g. North America, Australia, India, the West Indies), while others failed to democratize at Independence (e.g. much of Africa, Southeast Asia, the Middle East). Developing a six part typology of colonization within the British Empire, I argue that the pattern of colonization (settlement, forced settlement or Occupation) and the legal status of the territory (Colony, Protectorate or Protected State) affected the poltical institutions established in each territory, and that these institutions, in turn, have affected the capacity of these countries to maintain democratic rule after Independence. In addition to this new typology, I also examine a variety of control variables to assess the validity of counter-arguments such as the level of economic development, the impact of oil production, ethnic fractionalization, religious composition and size. This study contributes to the growing body of literature on the longterm impact of colonization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper suggests that it is fallacious to see democracies as exclusively characterized by either programmatic/ideological, or clientelistic/charismatic linkages (or a combination of both). It is vital to deepen the discipline’s theoretical efforts to conceptualize other forms of party-voter connections. We hypothesize that in democracies with weak state infrastructure, experiences of praetorian politics, powerful veto players and low institutionalized party systems, governability appeals become a crucial variable in voters’ decision making functions. Governability appeals are distinctive because the emphasis is put on the possibility of the candidate in question being able to govern, ensuring certain levels of social peace and public policy effectiveness, and not on the likelihood that s/he will promote X or Y policy if elected. Governability appeals are a type of performance based voting in the sense that voters evaluate past or prospective performance, but they do so at a very general level, focusing on the prospects for stability and minimum standards of governance. We use survey data from Argentina and Peru, two countries that experienced severe governability crises, to test this hypothesis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper suggests and defends a principled way to mediate between the two important but conflicting demands for pre-politically secured individual sovereignty and democratic influence over the matters affecting the many. Revisiting the writings on liberal neutrality and drawing on the Rawlsian distinction between liberty and what gives worth to liberty, it is argued that state policies affecting individual liberty must be pre-politically settled and neutral in aim, while policies affecting the distribution of resources giving worth to liberty may be left open for democratic decision making. This would allow democratic assemblies to adopt non-neutral goals and to distribute resources so as to subsidize non-neutral activities, but would prohibit them from relying on liberty-restricting policies to reach their goals. Thereby, by restricting the means available rather than the range of permissible political goals, we can secure individual liberty without having to restrict the domain of the political as harshly as is done by strict neutralists such as John Rawls or Ronald Dworkin. Finally and in line with this argument, it is suggested that liberal theory should pay less attention to which goals the state may strive towards, and more to how it may do what it sets out to do. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a theory of competition for political leadership between incumbent leaders and their challengers in which the possible equilibrium political market structures range from pure monopoly (unchallenged dictatorship) to perfectly competitive (ideal democracy). Leaders compete sequentially and are constrained by the threat of ?entry,?or their ability to tax (or both), so that a political leader with no challengers may nonetheless implement policies in the public interest. We offer economic interpretations of why some elections are uncontested, why there are good and bad dictators, why democratic countries are associated with higher wages, why resource abundant countries tend to be nondemocratic, and how technological change affects political development. By focusing on the incentives for political entry, we show how trade sanctions and other policies designed to promote democracy may actually have the unintended consequences of discouraging political competition. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a two-level game approach to explain the normative character of the EU’s CFSP. Analyzing the role of democracy and human rights values in the second pillar, it identifies three causal factors that shape the normatively driven policy-making:.x000d.On the supply side, first,under the unanimous voting setting, the final outcomes reflect either a lowest common denominator according to which the idealized and commonly accepted norms would generate little resistance, or a ‘creative ambiguity’, a deliberately designed strategy by member states with vaguely stated foreign policy objectives which members can and do interpret differently when they have to act. Second, the high number of veto points, by decreasing issue ownership and spreading responsibility hinder any effort to define concrete interests or possession goals from normatively driven milieu goals..x000d.On the demand side,high levels of domestic support for common foreign policy lead political leaders to give broad promises and set objectives that conform to the preferences of their constituencies such as protecting human rights. The potential benefits stemming from higher domestic support both for the governmental parties and the EU integration easily offset the costs. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks to the details of the effects of the Enlightenment, Christianity and democracy upon the traditional roles of woman as the eternal feminine, wife and mother. An argument for the necessity of a continuation of the battle of the sexes, and the struggle among men and women is given. The possible role of a noble woman motivated by pride and not vanity as the Ubermensch is discussed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on United States democracy promotion efforts and whether they have are successful or not. The United States has played an important role in democracy promotion efforts. Historically the U.S. “supported” democracy commonly through m ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains the nature of privatization by displacement, which occurs when governmental production of services is gradually displaced by the private sector usually due to public dissatisfaction, or intended withdrawal of the government from service production, yet it depends on local initiatives and entrepreneurship. The central argument suggests that such alternative provision of governmental services encourages public initiatives and participation, but, it may reinforce short-term unilateral strategies as a typical mode of behavior, limit the potential for governmental control and reduce trust in government. Furthermore, when providers and consumers are engaged in extra-legal or illegal activities, displacement of governmental functions imposes threat over the rule of law and the basis of legitimacy of a democratic government. These conditions often characterize developing countries where this mode of behavior diffuses to the bureaucratic and political systems. .x000d.These arguments are illustrated on central socio-political processes which occurred in Israel since the 1980s to the present. These processes included the evolution of wide-spread alternative politics as a typical mode of behavior in Israeli society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the democratic political dimensions of Dewey's pragmatism and critically evaluates the recent Deweyan justification of Confucian democracy from Dewey's democratic political theory. Its key claim is that neo-Deweyan Confucian democrats, while exclusively focusing on Dewey's advocacy of the social self and also rejecting the democratic value of willing individuality, dismissed that in a Deweyan pragmatic democracy, social inquiry refers mainly to the communicative process of public judgment and willing and intelligent participation in the common will-formation. Therefore, for Dewey, the common good is not disclosed but politically constructed at a particular time and in a particular situation. It closes by suggesting to Deweyan Confucian democrats on how to make their vision of Deweyan Confucian democracy a politically practicable democracy and hence remain fully faithful to Dewey's own vision of democracy or, alternatively, whether or not it makes more sense to explore non-Deweyan Confucian democracy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to show that there is stronger correlation between the level of economic development, rather than propensity of government, and openness of foreign policy. It has been known that a general rule of nations’ reaction in terms of foreign relations is difficult to materialize due to contextual particularities of each society. However, it is crucial to examine the society as a body of diverse interests and modes of projecting such interests that leads to the formation of particular foreign policies. Specific interests will be noted along with coinciding interests shared by the losers of the economic reform and the level of openness within a given society. Level of economic reform and democracyâ€"independent variableâ€"and the openness of foreign policyâ€"dependent variableâ€"or willingness to cooperate and dependency towards transnational institutions will be examined. This, as a result, will show that the level of economic development and the concomitant national pride promotes cooperation among nations, thus enabling the formation of regional communities. Some aspects of NATO will be noted in to draw positive conclusions about the prospects of security community formation within North East Asia. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to discover the dynamic relationships between trust in federal, state, and local governments focusing on the effect of civic engagement on the dynamics. Whether trust in these three levels of government move independently or influence each other has not been fully discussed. Previous literature suggests that each level of trust in government is differently shaped but related to each other. Additionally, civic engagement is supposed to work on each level government while the extent of the effect is different between three levels of trust in government. VAR and structural VAR models allow us to examine the mutual relationship and MCMC brings us efficient results. Discovering these relationships gives a clue to an understanding how the hierarchical structure of democratic society forms stability. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vast empirical work on the criminogenic nature of democracies has produced strong â€" albeit suspiciously wide-ranging- claims. This paper reviews existing evidence and methodologies that link crime and democracies. It asks three questions: do theories generate separable and exclusionary predictions enabling their identification and testing? Could results be more conclusive given existing data limitations and the current methodologies state of the art? How far we are for obtaining such results? We conclude that there are far too many arguments with blurry lines predicting just about any result. Data is more likely to constitute the binding constraint rather than methodology issues, despite some caveats in the estimation of causality. Finally, it is a rationalization of scattered sources what is prioritary, which will require overcoming the externalities of a global public good as information is. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The search for religious moderates preoccupies analysts of both American and international politics. However, much of this analysis is deeply flawed, seeking religious leaders from Kansas to Karachi who fit comfortably into a liberal-democratic mold. This paper examines the amorphous concept of the “religious moderate,” and distinguishes distinct forms of moderation that one could seek from religious civil society groups. Such a nuanced look at religious moderation is an important step in increasing social science’s grasp of the dynamics of religion in contemporary international politics. Religious moderation is heavily influenced by national-level variables, especially a state's tradition of religion-state relations. Thus, attempts to export "religious moderation" should be undertaken with great care. The distinct treatment of Muslim civic assocations in France and the United States demonstrates two quite different takes on moderation, and the implications that conceptions of moderation have on the make-up of religious civil society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scholarly debate over sovereignty at the Constitutional Convention of 1787 has focused on whether the American political system is best understood in federal or national terms. Instead of pursuing this question, this paper asks the more fundamental question of whether the United States Constitution is grounded on a single, coherent theory of sovereignty. An analysis of Madison’s Notes on the Debates of the Federal Convention of 1787, treating delegates individually and across time, illustrates that the Founders were committed to a single, multidimensional theory of sovereignty. The theory is multidimensional in that it separates sovereignty into two distinct concepts, principle sovereignty (the authority from which power is drawn) a derived sovereignty (the exercise of power). This theory relies on a principle/agent relationship which is created to deal with the practical problems associated with popular sovereignty. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The resurgence of attention to civil society as a concept of political thought and practice as well as of social science research in the past two decades has been intimately connected to the fall of communism in Europe. In fact, the connection has been so close as to render some of it myopic, not always clear on what it is that one is looking at, what is denoted and what is meant to be achieved by the term ‘civil society’ in reference to the events, actors, and processes preceding, affecting and succeeding the political change in the Eastern block. This paper systematically reviews the various ways in which civil society has been conceptualized and employed in the literature focusing on the past two decades of Central and Eastern Europe, exploring the extent to which certain assumptions underlying the concept have been challenged, explicated, or, conversely, taken for granted. It traces the fluctuating vision of civil society as a tool and as a cause, posited as an explanatory variable and as a dependent variable, but always in connection to transition to and consolidation of democracy, and assesses whether the literature to date has shown the concept of civil society in Central and Eastern Europe to have analytical value-added. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The population ecology theory of interest organizations has moved the subfield of interest groups beyond studies of why individuals join interest groups to a larger understanding of how interest groups interact within government systems in the production of representation. To an extent, interest group studies from an ecological perspective have pursued esoteric outcomes somewhat far removed from democratic practice. In this paper, we seek to examine how the population ecology of organized interests in a state impacts the level of grassroots mobilization into politics. More specifically, we examine how the population density of Christian Right lobbying groups affects the degree of grassroots lobbying that Christian Right supporters conduct in each state. We connect 2006 lobbyist registration data collected from all 50 states and individual-level survey data concerning state-level political activity by Christian Right supporters to test a model of grassroots mobilization to help identify the degree of context dependence of grassroots activism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The policy options political parties put on offer for voters are important elements in the operation of democracy. More versus less party variety of party policy choices has been shown to influence electoral choice, collective representation, political stability, and turnout. This paper steps back from the consequences of party system choices offered in order to distinguish among the ideas used to discuss and analyze party policy variety. We divide the notion of party policy variety into eight concepts and empirical referents. The analysis is exploratory and the results are descriptive. Nevertheless, the descriptions prove informative with respect to the following three observations. First, larger party systems with more polarization, more diversity, and more dispersion along a left-right dimension tend to come from systems with more permissive electoral formats—to be read here as PR systems, in comparison to SMD systems. But, second, because permissive systems are more likely to permit viable entry by both centrist and extreme parties, measurements showing more polarization and dispersion are not uniformly the characteristics of party systems operating under more permissive electoral rules. And, third, because voters in more permissive systems tend to concentrate their votes on one or more centrist alternatives, polarization and dispersion differences between more and less permissive systems are further reduced when the concept of interest is either electoral polarization or electoral dispersion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper argues that arguments in democratic theory about legitimacy should focus on the political legitimacy of the institutions of lawmaking, and not on legal legitimacy or the legitimacy of rules and statutes. Political legitimacy obtains in political institutions which enact and enforce laws, and the search for political legitimacy is an expression of concern about the application of coercive state power. The search for legitimacy is an analysis foremost of political institutions and not of the content of laws. Political illegitimacy persists to the extent that institutions of lawmaking are lack moral authorization to apply coercive power. Controversial laws remain controversial to the extent that they are subject to disagreement about justice. That a state acts legitimately in enforcing a law should not in any way be seen as appropriately curtailing debate about the justice of that law. Under the best conditions (which may be a far cry from good conditions), though, the state will have to coerce coordination on that legal norm even in the face of continuing disagreement about the justice of the norm. We should not describe such a state of affairs as state enforcement of a legitimate law. We should describe it as the legitimate enforcement of a controversial law. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The low marginal cost of internet socializing offers a potentially huge cost-benefit advantage over participation in more traditional types of civic associations. If net communities offer similar existential benefits (e.g. social contact, validation, etc.) as do traditional associations, then those more traditional communities have a competitive disadvantage in maintaining their status as loci of social, and therefore political, discussion. Given limited time to spend on socializing, internet societies alter the subject matter, scope and quality of personal interactions; it may be expected similarly to alter the scope of what is considered to be legitimate political action. The growth of communities based not upon geography and other traditional conceptions of shared-interest but upon selected interests and self-ascribed identity changes any imputed “common good.” Such a shift can be seen as an outgrowth of Madison’s use of republicanism to limit the purview of democratic politics. My paper examines how such changes in the forms and mechanisms civil association as seen on the internet can be expected to alter the political plausibility structures of what people consider to be the proper purview of political action. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The lack of political party development in some postcommunist states but not in others is an important feature of their political development. Variability in party development explains the variability of successful democratization in these states. These outcomes have been influenced by the presence or absence of parties as institutional constraints upon rational political elites’ pursuit of their self-interest rather than the public interest. Parties develop where there are incentives for elites to create them, otherwise elites will not invest in collective action; the electoral system used provides this incentive. PR formulae provide incentives for party creation, whereas SMD formulae offer none. This paper empirically tests these theorized relationships between electoral systems, political parties, and democratization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conduct of free and fare elections has remained a mirage in Nigeria. Public polls held in 1959, 1979 and 1983 were all fraught with crass anomalies ranging from electoral violence, intimidation and harassment of voters, ballot box snatching and stuffing, under age voting, vote buying etc. The 1999 elections marking the end of transition to civil rule showed no improvements from the past. The 2003 and 2007 elections were worse. What does this experience portend for the development of democracy in Nigeria?.x000d..x000d.The paper explores the phenomenon of the futile attempts Nigeria has made at the conduct of elections and presents overt problems that manifested in her 2007 General Elections. Data derived from a post-elections survey conducted in Nigeria’s North-West Geo-Political Zone involving 4,820 respondents are presented using percentage tables and charts. Analysis is made to demonstrate the grave implications of these problems on Nigeria’s fledgling democracy. Also addressed is how these malpractices can be tackled to enhance free and fair elections in Nigeria in the future and brighten the prospects of consolidating her democracy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of party identification outside the U.S. has featured disagreements about such basic questions as whether citizens of other democracies form meaningful and stable partisan identities. We use the German Socio-Economic Panel Study (GSOEP), a longitudinal study including twenty-three waves of annual data since 1984, to analyze the dynamics of partisanship in Germany. The panel spans the period of German unification, allowing one to examine the development of partisan identities in the newly democratized east --alongside the evolution of partisanship in the west, where unification was widely seen to have caused a swift breakdown of partisan ties. A handful of scholars have used this dataset to study partisanship (e.g. Zuckerman and Kroh 2006), but these studies have not addressed the problem of measurement error and have not fully exploited the dynamic nature of the data. In this paper, we present a series of analyses of partisan stability using dynamic discrete choice models which allow for state dependence and unobserved heterogeneity. The richness of the data allows us to examine which groups are most likely to change their partisanship over time and to explore the conditions fostering greater partisan stability. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South African transition from Apartheid to democracy presented the government with the challenge of overcoming a legacy of racism which left a significant part of its population politically marginalized. Today, the lives of a large majority of South Africans have not improved, and they feel abandoned by the government they helped put into power. This essay engages in the recognition versus redistribution debate most closely aligned with Charles Taylor, Axel Honneth and Nancy Fraser, who have shown the limits of government in relation to the achievement of social justice and self-fulfillment. By exploring these authors with regards to the South African context, it becomes clear that there must be more attention paid to the political realm itself, both as a source of injustice but also as a potential remedy for existing injustices. In this way, state-building, social justice, and democracy are inextricably linked. This paper will argue that the struggle in the lives of ordinary South Africans is one for socio-economic citizenship. This can be realized through a rights-based liberalism which will increase political representation of oppressed groups. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have long been interested in the secondary effects associated with direct democracy, most notably a possible positive effect on turnout. Over the past few elections, politicians and media pundits have come to share this interest, especially with regards to social issue ballot measures, such as those relating to same-sex marriage or abortion. Empirical evidence for whether such a relationship exists is mixed, which can be attributed to a theoretical ambiguity about the best way to measure the direct democracy process. Previous measures of the process have both largely neglected the importance of awareness and focused exclusively on initiatives, capturing only a portion of the legislating process available to voters at the polls. This paper addresses these theoretical deficiencies. Employing the Current Population Survey November Voting and Registration Supplement from the past five elections, a unique data set which identifies the issue content of ballot measures, and hierarchical generalized linear modeling to account for the multilevel nature of the data, I find that the number of social issue measures present on the ballot had a positive impact on turnout during the past three midterm elections and one of the past two presidential elections. In contrast, I find that the total number of propositions on the ballot is only rarely associated with an increase in turnout. I discuss the implications of these findings in the conclusion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent distributional theories of democracy postulate that structural conflict between rich and poor affects the likelihood, timing and outcome of democratization. Regime transitions in postcommunist states also featured distributional conflict, with wide differences in economic growth and income distribution resulting from the interaction of policy choices, regime characteristics, and inherited legacies of material and human assets. Through analysis of Russia’s regions, this paper examines the effect of the dual political and economic transition on incomes and income distribution. It finds that, even accounting for the inherited conditions, regions with more open political regimes have enjoyed greater economic growth and a faster reduction in poverty; however, at every level of income, more democratic regions also have higher levels of income inequality. The results are consistent with the theoretical conjectures in recent distributive accounts of democracy that in transitions where middle-income strata are allied with the rich, a partial version of democracy results, where policy-makers are accountable not to the median citizen, but to a restricted set of political and economic elites. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists studying electoral institutions have paid far more attention to their effects than to their origins and thus underanalyzed the endogeneity problem. The recent APSR article by Thomas Cusack, Torben Iversen and David Soskice on the origins of PR in early democracies offers a spirited and provocative foray into this endogeneity debate. Claiming that electoral system choices are endogeneous to economic factors, they challenge the findings of Boix’ influential argument which treated institutions as an exogeneous variables caused by politically shaped preferences. .x000d.This paper looks more closely at CIS’ and Boix’ arguments, subjecting them to closer historical scrutiny evaluating their methodological claim that findings are unbiased and their theoretical claim about the correctness of their specified causal mechanisms. In decoupling the methodological from the causal components of their arguments, I assess them seperately an in the process clarify the endogeneity of electoral systems’ economic effects and the trade-offs of using multi-variate statistical theory testing at stages of theory development that are as early as that of explaining the origins of electoral systems. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern representative democracies face particular challenges, particularly when it comes to reinvesting public money. Political tensions are both managed and fostered through an interaction between the heterogeneity of citizens' preferences and the rigidity of institutional rules. Using Canadian budgetary data, this paper tests if recent Liberals governments have tended to favour public spending in policy domains beneficial to their natural constituencies. A parsimonious Bayesian linear model suggests that this is not necessarily the case. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many developing countries have established competition (antitrust) agencies in recent years, with the aim of eroding anti-competitive rents that may accrue in the absence of regulatory oversight. Other countries have no formal competition agencies. What explains the decision of governments to delegate regulatory authority to independent agencies? This paper presents a simple model demonstrating that the likelihood of delegation decreases with the relative political strength of incumbent firms, who benefit from regulatory laxity. The model shows that incumbent firms' strength decreases (i.e., delegation becomes more likely) in countries with: 1) competition for political office, and 2) --personalistic'' electoral institutions, by increasing the individual accountability of politicians. I test the argument by constructing a new dataset covering over 100 developing countries over the period 1975-2006 that records the year of passage of laws establishing competition agencies. I model the decision to delegate to an agency using proportional hazard models. Consistent with my theory, countries with robust competition for political office are more likely to adopt competition laws that delegate authority to regulatory agencies. Furthermore, I find that personalistic electoral rules deter the ability of the incumbent interest group to block these competition policy reforms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Karl Popper (P.) contended that the well of democratic politics was poisoned, and the scope of democratic state intervention reduced, by the Marxist belief that revolutionary overthrow of capitalism was the sole option for the advancement of working class interests. He viewed the incapacity of mid-20th-century European socialists to resist the advance of fascism to be a direct consequence of contradictions within the Marxist theory of democracy. From his critique of the Marxist conception of democracy P. developed a theory of democracy without sovereignty - democracy without the legitimation of a government's right to rule. This paper 1) explicates P.'s critique of the Marxist conception of democracy 2) identifies P.'s misinterpretation of Marx and Engels' attitude toward bourgeois democracy 3) observes that Marx & Engels' comments regarding administration and authority deserve more rigorous criticism than that offered by P. 4) evaluates P.'s argument for democracy without the sovereignty of the majority 5) notes parallel weaknesses & strengths in P.'s negative theory of democracy and his error-eliminationist philosophy of science 6) considers P.'s critique of modes of democracy that incorporate proportional representation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is there a relationship between internal time consciousness and our political lives? The study of time has a long and storied history (e.g., St. Augustine, Kant, Husserl, Heidegger), but with few exceptions these meditations are kept apart from the study of politics. Through a careful reading of Tocqueville’s work, this paper aims to close this gap. I will argue that in the democratic milieu of America, Tocqueville experienced a “democratic” way of thinking about time. This unique time-consciousness is not only a departure from the old-world, aristocratic time consciousness, but is also a necessary aspect of the epistemology of democracy, which in turn is necessary for legitimate and lasting democratic political regimes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is deception sometimes necessary in democratic discourse? When interlocutors refuse to be persuaded to do what is necessary, especially when the survival of the regime is in question, is shading the truth, spinning or misdirection morally justified? Writers including Plato, Popper, Thompson and Hesk assert that deceptive political rhetoric is a foundational aspect of democratic politics and that regime officials view such practices as being required from time to time. In this paper I will argue that in the Philoctetes Sophocles suggests that deception is not justified in democtratic discourse no matter how high the stakes for the regime. Instead, unpersuadable interlocutors must find common ground outside politics if they are to resolve conflict. Furthermore, the use of deceit so poisons the rhetorical climate that not only does each individual stand to be worse off, but the political order stands to undermine its "justifying myth" as well. By this reading, Sophocles is asking us to conclude that deceit should not be used to overcome barriers created when opponents do not allow themselves to be persuaded no matter how justifiable their positions or how effective the deceit. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasing scholarly attention has recently been focused upon the origins and fortunes of Islamic parties. This paper examines the individual determinants of support for these parties utilizing the fifth wave of the World Values Survey. It is argued that the distribution of individual preferences along political cleavages like left-right, secularism-Islamism, and regime-opposition are critical explanatory variables. The cases under investigation are Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey and Party of Justice and Development (PJD) in Morocco. The results of the multinomial logit show that Islamic parties obtain support from a broad spectrum of voters and this support base is best understood in relation to the distribution of voter preferences for rival parties. Furthermore, left-right and Islamism appear to be the most important cleavages in the electoral markets under investigation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we study the voting behavior of Africans in seven countries currently ranked as "free" by Freedom House International. Thus, we are examining a select set of African countries, each of which hold regular elections at the national and local levels, support a free press and free speech and allow citizens to gather publicly to express their political views. Using the 2005 Round 3 Afrobarometer survey, we study why Africans in these seven free countries choose to support and vote for a particular political party. Studying the political choices of Africans who actually have the opportunity to make such choices tells us a great deal about the characteristics of democracy in these seven countries. What we find is surprising, interesting and encouraging. While ethnic ties affect vote choice in Africa, retrospective evaluations of economic performance are equally important. We find no evidence that patronage relations based on vote-buying have any effect on vote choice in any of the seven countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]