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This paper extends the body of literature on the "clarity of responsibility" and the "incumbent alternatives for dissent" by investigating the effects of economic conditions on individual vote choice in Korea and Taiwan, nations where voters have experienced one-party dominant systems. Particularly I examine the significance of both lifetime economic experience and short-term economic conditions in Korean and Taiwanese elections. I maintain that in a society where one-party dominates individual political preferences are shaped not by short-term economic conditions but rather by individual economic experience with a dominant party. I also argue that lifetime economic experience determines individual vote choice when the succession of leadership within a dominant party is clear. Finally, once voters experience both the dominant and opposition parties in power, they vote based on their evaluations of short-term economic conditions. To test my arguments, I analyze recent presidential elections in Korea and Taiwan to study the effects of lifetime economic experience and short-term economic conditions on individual vote choice. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper will take a look at the individual country efforts at e-government from Singapore’s e-GAP (Government Action Plan) I and II to Korea and Taiwan’s e-Korea and e-Taiwan policies, showing the impact on development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the long-term transformation of technology policy networks in Korea and Taiwan. It hypothesizes that technology policies are the outcomes of complex intertemporal exchanges among political actors. The political institutions of a country constitute the framework within which political transactions are accomplished and shape incentives facing political actors in policymaking process. I apply a transaction cost politics approach to understand the ways in which political institutions affect the transactions that political actors are able to undertake and the quality of policies. The main argument is that tripartite consultative networks involving government, business, and the scientific community have been the core mechanisms of two countries’ choice of coherent and flexible technology policies and their effective implementation from the 1960s to the 1970s. However, the change of political institutions and their interaction affected their networks differently since the mid-1980s. The transformation of Korean political institutions gradually dismantled policy networks through weakening state autonomy and capacity; while Taiwan’s political transformation was accompanied by elaborate high-tech policy networks. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Clarifying the more complicated methods through which technological innovations have come into existence, this paper attempts to qualitatively examine the dynamic that is public-private R&D collaboration in Korea and Taiwan. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the study is to define circumstances to facilitate or impede economic voting. Utilizing the information processing approach, I expect that economic voting is weaker in Korea and Taiwan than in the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent literature on the role of the state in high-tech industrial development argues that the main attribute of a successful developmental state since the 1990s was its global and local network structure. In addition, the role of the state is to empower stakeholders and facilitate cooperation among them in policymaking process. However, they fail to consider the roles of political system and the different political processes behind them in affecting the nature of political transactions and cooperation among political actors. In contrast to those writers, I argue that special attention needs to be paid to how the overall working of political institutions with its specific historical trajectory affects state-industry-science relations in information technology sectors. I apply a transaction cost politics approach to understand the ways in which political institutions affect the transactions that political actors are able to undertake, and the evolution of state-industry-science embeddedness that emerge. This approach is illustrated through a comparative analysis on the different development trajectories of three horizontal technology policies (R&D support, network policy, and venture capital formation) in Finland, Taiwan and Korea. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]