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A conference paper that reviews the specific effects of the 1969 Organization of African Unity (OAU) Refugee Convention thirty years since its adoption within the context of refugee jurisprudence is presented. It shows that it brought about novel concept, most important of which are the influences on domestic refugee law and the migration of the expanded definitions to other regions. On the other hand, it also notes that despite the novelties, it missed opportunities to address a number of Africa-specific questions, and recommends its renovation.

Among the 100 million refugees and displaced persons in 2022, the category of "climate refugees" has become more salient, yet countries still do not know how to handle it. Two aspects of climate refugees also remain understudied; how climate refugees are perceived, since they are viewed through the dual lenses of climate risks and migratory flows and how these perceptions impact policies. Climate refugees are thus doubly impacted by the spill-over effect of securitization processes in the fields of climate change and immigration. This paper analyzes how climate- and migration-security legislation in a resource-constrained nation conceptualizes climate refugees, and how their diverse conceptual categories spill over into policymaking and create a mutually beneficial and humanitarian approach for host and migrant populations. This paper uses India as a case study based on its historical practice of refugee protection despite significant resource constraints, high risk of inbound climate refugees, participation in key global agreements, and domestic discourse over climate and immigration securitization. Using policy analysis and expert interviews, this study demonstrates that India successfully exemplifies a broadly humanitarian climate mobility regime in the South Asian region through relocations, Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief operations, and ad hoc legal protection. Despite crucial structural limitations, India illustrates a democratic global south template implicitly recognizing migrants' vulnerability to climate change and attempts to minimize risk, with potential for replication in other developing and developed nations. This normative policy framework, notwithstanding its limitations, presents an alternative to the threat-centric and unsustainable securitization of climate migration practiced in the Global North. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberal theory has long fetishized state law as a fortress against disorder, anarchy, and private violence. To prevent violence writ large, it advocated, the nation-state should be endowed with its monopoly, as the impartial and rational guardian of civilization and social peace. Yet, as critics suggest, the normative binary of law/violence and the legal purity of the state is empirically untenable and, as such, remains an ideological construct sustained and perpetuated through law and its fictions. In this paper, I revisit these debates to reflect on legal fictions in the context of migration policing. I draw on ethnographic research I conducted with immigration and police officers in the UK. Amid the growing economies of illegality that rely on migrant labour which these officers are in charge of suppressing, their everyday work reveals spaces of legal murkiness and ambiguity. The paper explores the paradoxes, dilemmas and contradictions that such legal ambiguity gives rise to and their implications for state sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article comments on the papers presented by Virginia Yans-McLaughlin and Leonore Davidoff regarding the history of working-class women and the immigrant families in the U.S. The author states that the two essays have so much bearing on very important questions on the relationships between industrialization, the working-class family, women's and children's work and cultural values. The interpretation of Yans-McLaughlin of the experience of in-migration and work in Buffalo of southern Italians postulates a separation of cultural traditions from economic and social factors.

One of the most salient findings in research on immigration has been that immigrants experience substantial economic mobility as they accumulate more years in the host-society labor force and eventually approach earnings parity with their native-born counterparts. However, we do not know whether this progress is sustained in retirement. In this paper, I develop a framework of Latent Cumulative (Dis)advantage and hypothesize that even as immigrants are approaching parity with the native-born in terms of current earnings, they accumulate disadvantages in lifetime earnings, job benefits, and retirement planning that eventually lead them to have growing disadvantages in income in later life. Drawing on decades of longitudinal data from the Health and Retirement Study, I find that while foreign- and native-born men in the United States both experience a decline in income after age 50, the decline is much more substantial among foreign-born men. As a result, immigrant men's economic assimilation is reversed in later life. I find evidence that this phenomenon is driven mainly by immigrants' lower lifetime earnings and cumulative exposure to worse job benefits. Given that the foreign-born elderly population in the United States is projected to quadruple by 2050, findings from this paper have important implications for long-term policy planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents several studies on the right to freedom of movement for the United Nations Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities. It include a study regarding an analysis of the trends and developments and the study of discrimination in respect of the right of everyone to leave any country and to return to his country. It adds the working paper on the right to freedom of movement and related issues prepared by commissioner Volodymyr Boutkevitch.

SUMMARY The present concise report on international migration and development has been prepared in accordance with the terms of reference of the Commission on Population and Development and its topic-oriented prioritized multi-year work programme, which was endorsed by the Economic and Social Council in its resolution 1995/55. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reviews two microfilms about immigration and refugee policies. "Papers of the Select Commission on Immigration and Refugee Policy: Meetings, Consultations, Legal Materials, Selected Subject Files, and Staff Report with Appendices," part I; "Papers of the Select Commission on Immigration and Refugee Policy: Records of Regional Hearings," part II."

Flows of international migration are needed in the Asia-Pacific region to understand the patterns and corresponding effects on demographic, social, and economic change across sending and receiving countries. A major challenge to this understanding is that nearly all of the countries in this region do not gather or produce statistics on flows of international migration. The only information that are widely available represent immigrant population stocks measured at specific points in time—but these represent poor proxies for annual movements. In this paper, we present a methodology for indirectly estimating annual flows of international migration amongst 53 populations in the Asia-Pacific region and four macro world regions from 2000 to 2019 using a generation–distribution framework. The estimates suggest that 27–31 million persons from the Asia-Pacific region have changed their countries of usual residence during each year in the study. Southern Asia is estimated to have had the largest inflows and outflows, whilst intra-regional migration and return migration were highest in Eastern, Southern, and South-Eastern Asia. India, China, and Indonesia were estimated to have had the largest emigration flows and net migration losses. As a first attempt to estimate international migration flows in the Asia-Pacific region, this paper provides a basis for understanding the dynamics and complexity of the large-scale migration occurring in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces a new mechanism to distribute refugees within the European Union. The usual approach of assigning mandatory refugee quotas has been heavily opposed by several countries. Our mechanism adjusts these quotas to countries' preferences on immigration. All countries become weakly better off, even though they do not exchange monetary transfers, which are ethically controversial. We formally model refugee relocation as a division problem with single-peaked preferences. Our 'quota adjustment mechanism' is the only one satisfying strategy-proofness, Pareto efficiency and a novel concept of fairness that takes account of the asymmetry across countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extensive research investigates how immigration shapes natives' anti-immigrant sentiment. However, several areas require further scrutiny. This paper explores how processes of immigration affect anti-immigrant sentiment in a new immigration destination country—Japan—drawing on longitudinal data to examine these processes over time and explicitly testing the mechanisms of perceived threat and intergroup contact posited to underpin this relationship. Through this analysis, the paper aims to: examine how generalizable the immigrant share/immigration attitudes theoretical framework is to non-Western societies; refine our understanding of the mechanisms underpinning this relationship; and more robustly test its causal assumptions. To pursue these aims, the study draws on two sets of nationally representative Japanese data, designed to generate complementary insights, including: four waves of longitudinal panel data (2008–2014) and a unique cross-sectional dataset containing measures of perceived threat and contact. Applying multilevel and fixed-effects panel data approaches, the findings demonstrate that as immigration increases in Japanese prefectures and municipalities, residents become increasingly averse toward immigration (although there is some evidence of non-linearity at the municipality level, with sentiment improving again in high immigrant share environments). This overall relationship appears largely driven by two competing processes. In higher immigrant share environments, perceived threat is higher, increasing anti-immigrant sentiment. However, concurrently, intergroup contact also increases in these environments, reducing anti-immigrant sentiment. Therefore, despite the overall negative relationship (driven primarily by perceived threat), rising contact exerts a countervailing positive effect as immigration increases. Taken together, this research demonstrates that theories of attitudinal-change with higher immigration, developed within Western-contexts, also appear salient for newer destination, non-Western societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few social problems engender as much public and political debate as the alleged link between immigration and crime. Contrary to the findings of much empirical literature, the majority of the public believe that immigration increases crime and that the foreign born are especially prone to offending. Among many factors, the way prominent news media describe the immigration-crime link may help explain the disconnectedness of scholarship and public opinion over the past several decades. Using a unique database of over 2,200 news stories drawn from among the highest circulation national papers for 1990 through 2013, the current study employs time-series trend analyses to examine the prevalence of different media frames used to explain the immigration-crime link and whether those frames have changed systematically over time. Our results reveal that most immigration-crime news stories describe immigrants as especially crime-prone or as increasing aggregate crime rates. Moreover, this framing has increased in prevalence over time, as have narratives inaccurately describing undocumented immigration as a crime itself, while framing immigrants as victims of crime has declined significantly over the 1990–2013 period. These changes occurred systematically in only some newspapers. We discuss implications for research, policy, and the public engagement of scientific evidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration detention and deportation are being increasingly utilised in many countries as key state responses to irregular migration. These practices work together to force migrants to their countries of origin or third countries, offering limited choice about whether to stay or leave. Drawing on a multi-sited ethnographic study of British immigration detention, this paper explores how detainees negotiate deportability and their accounts of the spectre of departing the United Kingdom, often against their wishes and occasionally by force. It analyses how deportability and the institutional structures and logics of immigration detention coalesce to shape detainees' understandings of their positions and options as deportable subjects. The paper highlights the materiality of return from immigration detention and the complexities and multiplicities of how detainees account for their possible departures in relation to the themes of identity, belonging, and home. British immigration removal centres can be understood as 'sites of struggle' in which those subject to detention and deportation negotiate these interconnected practices, acting as best they can within coercive and isolating carceral institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research shows that economic, political and social factors all drive migration, but we still know little about their interaction, especially the interplay between increasingly selective migration policies and family relations. Studies stress the role played by social capital in responding to migration restrictions and the importance of intermediaries in encouraging access to institutional resources, but we lack systematic analyses linking migrant networks and recourse to migration-facilitating programs. This paper fills this gap by investigating how siblings' influence and migration programs combine in shaping migration from the French Overseas departments (DOM). Using a survey with detailed information on DOM families' migration histories (MFV, INED, 2010), it assesses whether individuals stay, migrate with or without the support of migration programs, depending on their siblings' past trajectories. A longitudinal approach and the nesting of individuals within families allow controlling for unobserved heterogeneity. Siblings migrating without the programs' support decrease the chances of migration with it and increase the chances of migration without it. Siblings migrating with the programs' support increase the chances of migration with it and decrease the chances of migration without it. This work shows how DOM populations engage with selective pro-migration policies, stressing the role of family relations in driving cumulative patterns of migration. It contributes to uncovering the way social and political factors interact in contexts of high migration prevalence with increased selectivity of migration and especially pro-migration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the effects of immigration from a developing country to a developed country during pregnancy on offspring outcomes. We focus on intermediate- and long-term outcomes, using quasi-experimental variation created by the immigration of Ethiopian Jews to Israel in May 1991. Individuals conceived before immigration experienced dramatic changes in their environmental conditions at different stages of prenatal development depending on their gestational age at migration. We find that females whose mothers immigrated at an earlier gestational age have better educational outcomes. They also tend to work more as adults. In contrast, we do not find any effect among males. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many economic studies use shift-share instruments to estimate causal effects. Often, all shares need to fulfil an exclusion restriction, making the identifying assumption strict. This paper proposes to use methods that relax the exclusion restriction by selecting valid shares. I apply the methods to estimate the effect of immigration on wages. The coefficient becomes much lower and often changes sign, which is in line with arguments made in the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although transgender immigrants are a highly vulnerable and growing population, little sociological or criminological work has examined their experiences. This paper begins to fill that gap through in-depth life history interviews with thirteen transgender women migrants in detention and a survey of fifty-five transgender women migrants who experienced detention. Though the detention system allows trans migrants to be classified as such for housing and immigration relief (e.g. asylum), we show that the classification processes that trans women encounter continue to marginalize them and expose them to particularly gendered forms of punishment. We thus argue that adding new categories does little to ameliorate gendered inequalities without a concomitant commitment to shifting organizational cultures of classification. To support these claims, we show that being classified as transgender can serve as a punishment itself, and secondly, that such classification still exposes transgender women to unique forms of gendered violence while in detention. We conclude with implications for the gendered nature of punishment and organizations, suggesting that carceral settings are not only gendered but cisgendered, favoring cis experiences and bodies in ways that disadvantage and punish trans people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussions concerning the social impact of accepting refugee immigrants arise each time large numbers of refugees apply for protection in rich countries. However, little evidence exists on how the integration of refugees into core welfare institutions affects native citizens who depend on and interact with these institutions. In this paper, we focus on whether receiving refugees in a school cohort affects the academic performance of natives, using administrative data from Denmark, which contain test scores on all children in public schools. We exploit variation in the timing of refugees' entrance to schools to facilitate causal estimates. Our findings show that refugees tend to cluster in schools that had poorer performance even prior to the refugees' arrival. When we take this selection pattern into account, the effect of receiving refugees on the academic performance trajectory of natives is both statistically insignificant and substantially unimportant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses papers included in the current issue of "Economic Policy," with topics such as the driving forces of public perceptions expressed in survey data regarding immigration, public opinion on the recent European crisis and national credit booms.

Aramaic-speaking Christian communities used to be found in large numbers in various towns and villages throughout southeastern Turkey before the large-scale migration under duress as a consequence of the hostilities in the First World War and its aftermath. Marga was once the home of one such large community of Aramaic-speaking Christians who fled to northwestern Iraq or dispersed over the globe. This paper documents new data and provides a preliminary grammatical description of the Neo-Aramaic dialect spoken by the Christians of Marga (Margaye) from a comparative dialectological perspective. It presents an overview of the characteristic features, some of which are archaic and are no longer (as) productive in other dialects. This outline is accompanied by a short sample text narrating the tale of Xazalok and Dalalok, a bedtime story well-known to people in this region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the task of estimating a covariance matrix under a patternless sparsity assumption. In contrast to existing approaches based on thresholding or shrinkage penalties, we propose a likelihood-based method that regularizes the distance from the covariance estimate to a symmetric sparsity set. This formulation avoids unwanted shrinkage induced by more common norm penalties, and enables optimization of the resulting nonconvex objective by solving a sequence of smooth, unconstrained subproblems. These subproblems are generated and solved via the proximal distance version of the majorization-minimization principle. The resulting algorithm executes rapidly, gracefully handles settings where the number of parameters exceeds the number of cases, yields a positive-definite solution, and enjoys desirable convergence properties. Empirically, we demonstrate that our approach outperforms competing methods across several metrics, for a suite of simulated experiments. Its merits are illustrated on international migration data and a case study on flow cytometry. Our findings suggest that the marginal and conditional dependency networks for the cell signalling data are more similar than previously concluded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the European Union's collective efforts to address cybercrime and argues that the European Union (consisting of 28 Member States) has more than a single overarching 'strategic cyber culture'. This is due to the differences in attitudes and experiences of cyber security among Member States that has created fragmentation in the EU's cyber security institutional system. This paper therefore considers the institutional developments by examining the main 'carriers' of EU strategic cyber culture such as the Directorate-General for Migration and Home Affairs (DG HOME), Eurojust, and Europol/EC3, together with the strengths and weaknesses of the EU's particular approach to cybercrime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various papers published in this issue including one by Da Lomba and Mulvey on the link between immigration and asylum policy, one by Strang and Ager on citizenship and one by Lewis on the implications of the emphasis on citizenship for refugee integration.

This paper investigates the dynamics of wage adjustment to an exogenous increase in labor supply exploiting the sudden and unexpected inflow of repatriates to France resulting from Algerian independence in 1962. I measure the impact of this particular supply shift on the average wage of pre-existing native workers across French regions between 1962 and 1976. I find that regional wages decreased between 1962 and 1968, before returning to their pre-shock level 15 years after. I also investigate the dynamics of skill-specific wages in response to the regional penetration of repatriates and find that the wages of high and low educated native workers declined initially but fully recovered by 1976. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within humanitarian systems and refugee spaces, energy technologies are often invisible and unrecognized. Beyond basic UN and emergency interventions to supply solar lanterns, lie vibrant systems of connection underpinning refugee electricity and cooking access: a world of energy needs and provision exist within refugee camps in East Africa. The article frames energy within forced migration debates on technology: contributing to the social anthropology and migration studies literature by exploring the material culture of energy in humanitarian contexts. The article argues that some forms of energy are highly visible—for example, solar lanterns and cookstoves—while others remain invisible. Certain objects are in danger of becoming fetishized by the humanitarian system while others are neglected and ignored. Analysis for this article reveals the invisibility of energy as a marginalized topic, highlights the methodological challenges of revealing the energy needs of displaced people, and explores institutional ignorance on the importance of energy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

High skilled migrants and the policies designed to attract and select such individuals are widely championed. In formulating and evaluating such policies, however, policy makers and academics alike face significant challenges, since, from the perspective of policy, what it means to be high skilled remains a fluid concept. The resulting ambiguity stymies meaningful international comparisons of the mobility of skills, undermines the design and evaluation of immigration policies and hinders the measurement of human capital. In this paper, we adopt an inductive approach to examine how high skilled migrants are classified based upon states' unilateral immigration policies, thereby highlighting the difficulties of comparing high skilled policies across countries. We further elucidate the challenges in measuring the outcomes of high skilled migration policies that arise due to differing national priorities in recording high skilled migrants. We conclude by making a number of policy recommendations, which if enacted, would bring clarity to scholars and policy makers alike in terms of being able to meaningfully compare the composition, and assess the efficacy of, high skilled migration policies across countries. In doing so we introduce three datasets comprising: harmonised high skill migration flow data, skilled occupational concordances and high skilled unilateral and bilateral migration policy data, which undergird our analysis and that can be built upon in years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the responses of the Church of England's leadership to questions of race and immigration, focusing on the period from 1955 to 1979. Topics discussed include problematic assumption about the relationship between immigration control and good race relations; issues of ethnicity and religion came together to create particular tensions and growing criticism of the failure of the major political parties to advance minority electoral candidate.

Alison Jaggar (2020) recommends a radical break with a dominant approach to the philosophy of immigration shared by both liberal cosmopolitans and liberal nationalists. This paper is intended as an exploration of Jaggar's conclusions and as an attempt to carry them further. Building on her critique, I argue that the characteristic questions asked by both cosmopolitans and nationalists appear inappropriate when seen against the political reality of immigration. In the last part of the paper, I argue that liberal nationalist contributions in particular have problematized immigration and immigrants in ways not fundamentally different from those seen on the racist right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite rapid demographic decline, until recently, low-skilled migrant workers have been welcomed only through 'side-doors' such as technical interns (TITP). Yet pressure for change comes from two sides: the moral critique of the 'side-door' scheme, and the growing economic pressures of a dwindling labor force. In 2018 Japan put in place a short-term bona-fide labor scheme (Specified Skilled Worker; hereafter, SSW) in fields previously largely inaccessible to foreign labor. In combination with the TITP schemes, these workers are allowed to stay longer. But what do these changes mean, how do the farmer-employers see them, and will the SSW lead to a sustainable farm labor supply going forward? We explore stakeholders' views of the current schemes and their opinions on how low-skilled labor migration should proceed in agriculture. Businesses are desperate for labor, but not at any cost. Under SSW, employers are being asked to change the ways they envision and treat migrant labor. The tensions between their expectations and the realities on the ground reflect the contradictions that Japan's migration policies inherit, based in the bureaucratic fiction that only 'skilled' labor is necessary. Data for this paper come from qualitative interviews conducted from 2018 to 2022 in Kyoto, Aichi, and Tokyo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It will be politically difficult to liberalize international economic migration without some form of compensation for host-country workers. The paper explores the scope for managing migration using a government-regulated competitive market for work permits (WPs). We propose that host-county workers should be granted the legal option of renting out their WPs for a period of their choice, while foreigners can purchase taxable time-bound WPs. The proposed market is anonymous, with no need for personalized matchings of those on its two sides. The market can have either one price or be differentiated by occupation or region. There would probably be some losers, but potentially large gains, including through enhanced social protection in host countries. Using its power to tax WPs, the host country can achieve any desired floor to labour earnings. The market for WPs can also provide a new instrument for implementing industrial and regional development policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper understands the administration of asylum as a vital element of the current migration regime in Europe and investigates the migration regime 'at work' through an ethnographic case study of street-level bureaucracy. With a focus on the understudied role of social construction in the asylum procedure, I argue that the social practices of decision-making officials in determining refugee status go beyond labelling and categorization and include the construction of facts, artefacts and (in)credibility. The argument is based on a qualitative investigation of the former Austrian Federal Asylum Office, including interviews with government officials in different positions, participant observation of asylum hearings and office life and the analysis of documents, particularly records. While previous empirical studies of the asylum procedure tend to lack a broader theoretical embedding of their findings, this paper seeks to link empirical evidence to post-constructivist and structuration theories. Drawing on this theoretical background to explain and frame the observed practices of the asylum administration, I analyse how the diverse construction processes can be understood as a key characteristic of the present migration regime. Consequently, I argue that the perspective of structure and agency not only emphasizes the interdependence of the different levels of action but also highlights the contingency and volatility of the regime 'at work,' as it is necessarily reproduced and reinvented by bureaucrats in the process of determining refugee status. I conclude by pointing out that the structures of the migration regime might not be as entrenched as they seem at first glance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A significant yet overlooked aspect in many states' extraterritorial migration control efforts is their immigration liaison officers (ILOs) posted to foreign jurisdictions, who make decisions and take actions abroad to support their country's immigration goals. Importantly, this occurs within an interconnected system of nation-states, requiring mid-level officials from multiple states to co-operate. Yet, there is very little analysis on what happens in these foreign jurisdictions where officials from across national and organisational boundaries interact and negotiate the management of migration flows. This article aims to fill this gap by drawing on empirical research on the UK's overseas immigration liaison network. Analysis is based on original interviews with Home Office officials, Freedom of Information requests, and documentary research. I find that UK ILOs are a main contact point between the country they represent, local authorities in the host state, and Global North counterparts from other states, making them key sites for the transnational exchange of information, 'intelligence' and 'know-how'. In this way, they are like 'knowledge brokers', contributing to a 'global–local diffusion' of ideas. Despite power hierarchies, this is not a one-way transfer from the Global North to the South. Instead, I find Global South actors are also key subjects in this process. By going beyond policies on paper and formal inter-state agreements, this study offers important insight into a largely hidden yet central part of a state's extraterritorial migration control: informal spaces of negotiation between mid-level officials from across national and organisational boundaries who negotiate and contest migration control practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the key questions facing immigration policy-makers is which jobs should be eligible for work visas. This question has dominated discussions about the post-Brexit immigration system, which has focused in particular on the issue of shortages. While the UK government resisted calls to open labour migration routes in low-wage or low-skilled jobs with high demand for foreign workers, workers in middle- and high-skilled jobs that are deemed to face a labour market shortage can qualify with significantly lower wages. This paper examines the arguments for and against using immigration policy to prioritize labour migration in 'shortage occupations'. It argues that the idea is politically appealing but problematic in practice. Shortages are more difficult to measure satisfactorily than policy-makers may imagine, and different methodologies produce different results. This makes it unwise to develop an immigration policy that depends too heavily on the notion that the shortage list is an accurate reflection of what is really happening in the labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does migration affect global patterns of political violence and protest? While political scientists have examined the links between trade and conflict, less attention has been paid to the links between migration and conflict. In this paper, we show that greater emigration reduces domestic political violence by providing exit opportunities for aggrieved citizens and economic benefits to those who remain. Emigration also reduces non-violent forms of political contestation, including protests and strikes, implying that high emigration rates can produce relatively quiescent populations. However, larger flows of emigrants to democracies can increase non-violent protest in autocracies, as exposure to freer countries spreads democratic norms and the tools of peaceful opposition. We use instrumental variables analysis to account for the endogeneity of migration flows and find robust results for a range of indicators of civil violence and protest from 1960 to 2010. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the contribution of Zelinsky's hypothesis of the mobility transition to research in migration studies over the almost 50 years since its publication in 1971. The transition is placed in the changing contexts of thinking in migration studies of the time and argues that after an initial flurry, followed by a period in the wilderness, it has emerged to guide a new interest in comparative studies on migration. The transition provides a flexible framework that can be modified to give context to the evidence emerging from a number of recent studies that are briefly outlined. Rather than an inflexible linear model, the hypothesis provides scope to incorporate multiple pathways of changing patterns of migration through time and across space. As important, however, has been its role in providing inspiration to guide generations of researchers in migration studies. The transition itself and modern empirical evidence suggest that despite the current concerns about migration, the world is becoming less migratory but more mobile, contradictory though this might at first appear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economics literature suggests that migration and especially remittances serve as insurance to migrant households in the ex-post recovery. However, the evidence of migration or remittances on ex-ante preparedness has not been focused much in the literature. Additionally, little attention has been devoted to analysing the behavioural difference between migrant and non-migrant households towards ex-post community recovery after an external shock in their country of origin. In this paper, we study the differences in migration characteristics of a household and their behaviour towards the ex-ante preparedness for future disaster. Furthermore, we analyse the differences in their behaviour towards the ex-post recovery of neighbourhood and community in the home country. The earthquake in Nepal in 2015 is considered for the analysis. As migration tends to be self-selected, we use a unique random selection policy of migration to the Republic of Korea as our identification strategy to eliminate self-selection bias. Our empirical results do not find any relationship between migration characteristics of a household and the likelihood of ex-ante preparedness for future disasters. However, we find a substantial difference in their behaviour towards the ex-post recovery of neighbourhood and community. On average, migrant and return migrant households are 18 to 23 percentage points more likely to participate in the community helping and contribute 257 to 279 percentage points more in absolute terms in comparison with non-migrant households. Our findings suggest that international migration increases the relative participation and absolute amount of community helping after a disaster in the home country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While important and timely, the recent effort to 'relaunch' migration systems as emergent entities is premised on a mischaracterization and subsequent dismissal of decades of research showing that systems are ultimately expressed in geographic structures in the form of migration networks comprised of a set of places that are connected to one another by migration flows. In this paper, we reconcile this relaunch with past research on migration systems by considering whether and how changes in some of the actors and dynamics that create and sustain migration systems are expressed in corresponding changes in the geographic structure of migration flows. By elucidating these linkages, our work helps to strengthen the aforementioned relaunch of migration systems by ensuring greater continuity with prior research and, going forward, the continued utility of a migration systems perspective for diverse audiences and issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article discusses legal migration in the EU, in particular labour migration. It addresses the following question: once migrant workers from non-EU countries have been admitted into the Union, should they be treated like workers from EU countries for purposes of free movement? The EU migration acquis is one of the most politically charged issues covered by the EU Treaties. As EU citizens, nationals of member states enjoy a set of free movement and political rights that can be exercised in other member states in accordance with the principle of non-discrimination on grounds of nationality affirmed in Article 18 TFEU. This principle is arguably not applicable to third-country nationals. Thus, member states are free to accord unequal treatment to third-country nationals as compared to privileged EU immigrants. The pressing question is whether it is desirable to maintain different levels of rights for third-country nationals who have been legally admitted and whose connection to the host member state does not otherwise differ from that of EU citizens who have exercised their mobility rights. To answer that question, this paper examines arguments for and against treating migrant workers from EU countries and non-EU countries equally for purposes of free movement. It will show how these arguments push in different directions depending on whether they concern the political, human, social, cultural or economic impact of such differential treatment. Our analysis strongly suggests that, on balance, there are convincing reasons for aligning the treatment of long-term resident migrant workers from non-EU countries with that of migrant workers from EU member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we investigate how co-ethnic networks affect the economic success of immigrants. Using longitudinal data of immigrants in Germany and including a large set of fixed effects and pre-migration controls to address the possible endogeneity of initial location, we find that immigrants in districts with larger co-ethnic networks are more likely to be employed soon after arrival. This advantage fades after four years, as migrants located in places with smaller co-ethnic networks catch up due to greater human capital investments. These effects appear stronger for lower-skilled immigrants, as well as for refugees and ethnic Germans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a reappraisal of the impact of migration on economic growth for 22 OECD countries between 1986-2006, and relies on a unique data set we compiled that allows us to distinguish net migration of the native- and foreign-born populations by skill level. Specifically, after introducing migration in an augmented Solow-Swan model, we estimate a dynamic panel model using a system of generalized method of moments (SYS-GMM) to address the risk of endogeneity bias in the migration variables. Two important findings emerge from our analysis. First, there exists a positive impact of migrants' human capital on GDP per capita, and second, a permanent increase in migration flows has a positive effect on GDP per worker. Moreover, the growth impact of immigration is high even in countries that have non-selective migration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the “A Voice as Something More: An International Conference,” that was held at the University of Chicago, Illinois from November 20–22, 2015. It offers information on the Department of Homeland Security that established the Victims of Immigration Crime Engagement office (VOICE). It offers information on the metaphor of individuality, identity and agency.

Motivated by recent debates in the media on multiculturalism and national identities, this paper examines the question of whether identity is just a 'label' or whether it matters in affecting outcomes, such as education, employment or political orientation. We begin with an empirical investigation of identity formation, with a focus on parental investment in their child's identity, and use this to understand the impact of the child's own identity on own outcomes, a generation later. Our results suggest that identity does not have a significant effect on education, employment and political orientation, thus suggesting that a strong ethnic/religious minority identity does not constrain the second generation or hamper socio-economic integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the interactions between transnational labour migration, multinational corporations' (MNCs) location strategies, and public policies in the context of contemporary Malaysia. My main hypothesis is that the country's position in global production networks is dependent on the presence of a large pool of foreign workers. To demonstrate this relationship, I develop the concept of 'migration rent' in order to account for the specific characteristics of migrant labour in Malaysia. By showing that this rent allows the optimisation of labour, as a production factor, beyond the sole issue of labour costs, the concept allows an explanation for why foreign direct investment does not move to lower-wage countries. By allowing and organising the recruitment of foreign workers on a large scale, the government has shaped territories where both capital and labour can be relocated to achieve effective production factor combinations. To understand this process, I articulate the concept of 'combined relocation', which describes transnational investment strategies where both capital and labour are moved to a third country—here Malaysia—under the former's command. In so doing, the paper thus adds to the literature on MNCs' spatial strategies, on transnational labour migration, and on Malaysia's political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reflects on the recent development of new and innovative ways of thinking about political subjectivity in international politics as flexible and contingent by specifically considering ambiguity (in-between-ness) as an important, yet under-theorized, aspect of how political subjectivity is experienced. It does so by focusing on the question of irregular citizenship, where people get caught between citizenship and migration. Focusing on the constant question mark around citizenship and around the alternative of being a migrant in the everyday life of certain people in the United States and in Europe, this paper unpacks how ambiguity is constitutive of political identity and belonging. It argues that Julia Kristeva's notion of 'foreignness' offers a useful way of understanding experiences of being political which escape both citizenship and migration and are instead embodied in stylistic emotions (for example, poetry, friendship, family ties). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]