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Divorce interventions have been found to be effective in reducing negative outcomes for newly divorced people, including depression and hostility. Typically, divorce interventions cover a variety of issues that may influence people's level of depression and hostility. However, it is unclear whether the interventions differentially affect the outcomes. That is, it may be that intervention participation leads to a reduction in depression, which is associated with a prospective reduction in hostility—or vice versa. The current study used a sample of 1,856 recently divorced Danes, who completed questionnaires at baseline, 3-, 6-, and 12-month post-divorce. Structural equation modeling revealed that while depression and hostility were concurrently associated, there were no prospective associations, except for baseline depression predicting 3-month hostility. Moreover, the associations did not differ by gender. The results suggest that the intervention content may have influenced both depression and hostility. These findings may be useful in guiding future divorce intervention developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the lifespan biopsychosocial model of cumulative vulnerability and minority health as a theroretical lens, the present study proposed two models to test the relationships among racial discrimination, cognitive–emotional factors, and risky sexual behaviors in a sample of 302 Black college students in the United States. Our models provided support for some of the hypothesized direct and indirect pathways. As expected, overt racial discrimination and subtle racial discrimination (i.e., racial microaggression) were both positively related to cognitive–emotional factors (i.e., anxiety, depression, hopelessness, and hostility). Racial microaggressions were significantly positively related to risky sexual behaviors, but overt racial discrimination was not. Hostility was the only cognitive–emotional factor that facilitated an indirect, significant effect from racial microaggressions to risky sexual behaviors. Potential implications are discussed for practice, training programs, and future counseling psychology research with Black college students using the lifespan biopsychosocial model of cumulative vulnerability and minority health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cynical hostility (or cynicism) is often considered as a major factor leading to bad health outcomes. The present research proposes that poor health might represent both a consequence and a source of cynicism. Using cross‐lagged path analyses, we documented bidirectional associations between health and cynicism in a nationally representative sample of Germans (Study 1) and a large sample of the American elderly (Study 2): cynical individuals were more likely to develop health problems, and poor health promoted the development of a cynical worldview over time. These results were obtained using different indicators of health status, including both self‐reported and interviewer‐administered physical measures. Longitudinal mediation analyses showed perceived constraints to mediate the effect of poor health on cynicism. This effect remained robust even when adding an alternative mediator—depressive symptoms. Additional analyses showed that any particular health limitation was prospectively related to cynicism to the degree to which this limitation was associated with an increased sense of constraints in individuals' life. © 2018 The Authors. European Journal of Personality published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of European Association of Personality Psychology [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three negative affective dispositions—anger, anxiety, and depression—are hypothesized to increase physical disease risk and have been the subject of epidemiological studies. However, the overlap among the major negative affective dispositions, and the superordinate construct of trait negative affectivity (NA) are only beginning to be tested. Presented here is a narrative review of recent prospective studies that simultaneously tested anger, anxiety, depression, and trait NA as risk factors for cardiac outcomes. Anxiety and depression emerged as independent risk factors for premature heart disease in population studies of persons nominally healthy at baseline, and for recurrence/mortality among patients with existing heart disease. General trait NA also was a cardiac risk factor in population samples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I agree with the commentators that study of physical disease risk conferred by affective dispositions such as anger/hostility, anxiety, and sadness, should be more cognizant of developments in emotion theory. Emotions differ in their functional value depending on the person’s lifespan trajectory. Discrete emotions have different psychophysiological signatures; and emotional competence, including production, regulation, and knowledge, may be critical in determining whether specific negative affects, or general negative affectivity, are toxic for physical health. Emotion researchers, however, have mainly focused on acute affective experiences and ignored the general effects of negative affectivity, which subsumes the discrete negative affects. Most diseases develop over years so more needs to be known about the biological signatures of chronic specific affects and negative affectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Affect and motivation are known to arise in the social-cognitive process transference, which occurs when a new person minimally resembles a significant other, implicitly activating the mental representation of this significant other (Andersen, Reznik, & Manzella, 1996) and indirectly, the relational self (i.e. Andersen & Chen, 2002). Triggering the significant-other representation should also indirectly activate any self-discrepancy held from this other's perspective, resulting in shifts in discrete affect and self-regulation. Participants (n = 110; 34 men, 76 women) with an actual-ideal or actual-ought self-discrepancy from their parent's perspective (Higgins, 1987) learned about a new person who did or did not minimally resemble this parent. As predicted, this evoked positive evaluation of the new person, that is, a positive transference, and yet, as a function of self-discrepancy, also increased discrete negative mood with ideal-discrepant individuals becoming more dejected and ought-discrepant individuals more hostile and less calm. Self-regulatory focus shifted as well in terms of motivation to avoid emotional closeness. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women who experience violence are significantly more likely to have serious health problems above and beyond any injuries they might incur. The intriguing question is why this is so. In this article, the author describes how three sequelae of violence against women--depression, hostility, and sleep disturbance--can increase the risk of disease. One possible mechanism by which these sequelae increase risk is by elevating levels of pro-inflammatory cytokines. These cytokines have an adaptive function in fighting infection and repairing injured tissues. However, chronically high levels of pro-inflammatory cytokines have been implicated in a wide range of diseases. The author focuses on two illnesses that have not received much attention in the violence against women (VAW) literature: cardiovascular disease and metabolic syndrome, the precursor to type 2 diabetes. Preliminary studies also suggest that treatments that can lower inflammation may be promising adjuncts for survivors of VAW. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regular use of ecstasy (3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine, MDMA) has been associated with depressed mood, anxiety and hostility, but it is not known whether such effects persist after people stop using the drug. Furthermore, little is known about what factors might influence the decision to quit using MDMA. The aim of the present study was to examine the reasons why ex-users had stopped using this drug and to assess their current levels of depression, anxiety, anger and aggression. Telephone interviews were conducted with people who used to take MDMA on a regular basis but who no longer used the drug. The participants comprised sixty-six ex-users who used to take MDMA regularly (at least once every 2 months over a period of at least 1 year), but who had not taken MDMA for at least 1 year (average 3 years). Participants were asked about why they had quit MDMA. They also completed questionnaires to assess trait mood. Ex-users could be divided into two groups based on their reason for quitting: (i) those who had quit for mental health reasons and (ii) those who had quit for circumstantial reasons. Approximately half of those in the mental health group scored in the range for clinical depression. In that group, current levels of depression and anxiety correlated significantly with the cumulative amount of MDMA that they had taken several years previously. These findings suggest that some users may either be more vulnerable to the adverse effects of MDMA or have pre-existing mental health problems for which they self-medicate by using ecstasy. The present study shows that some ex-users experience an impairment to mental health that persists for years after they stop using this drug. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]