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This paper examines the knowledge politics and cultures that shape data relations between international aid organisations and Global South public institutions, taking African libraries as an example. International organisations increasingly rely on data from the Global South, purportedly as a resource for development, which has raised valid concerns about the emergence of new practices of data colonialism. One proposed solution is to expand the capacity of Global South institutions to control their own data processes, so they can likewise control the politico-economic relationships that draw on their data. A pan-African library organisation representing 34 countries is exploring this possibility though a multiyear research project to increase library capacity to use data to partner with development aid organisations. However, this work revealed that data colonialism precedes practices of value extraction. In focus groups, a survey of library systems and interviews with aid organisations, aspects of the data cycle are epistemically framed by aid organisations to undercut Global South control, and subtle neocolonial mechanisms encourage libraries to shape their own data cultures according to desires of aid organisations. This underscores the need to expand data neocolonialism as a frame for confronting epistemic injustice by highlighting Western rationalities embedded in data relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a detailed analysis of the policy design of the current fourth round of state-owned enterprise (SOE) corporate restructuring in China. This time, the state's efforts to improve SOE performance hinged on attracting private capital to take ownership shares in state firms—or so-called mixed-ownership reforms. The article relies on an analysis of policy documents, interviews with policy experts in China, and a case study of local mixed-ownership reform implementation in the city of Nanjing. It discusses implications of mixed ownership for corporate governance amid changing state–Party–business relations in China. It concludes that the reform agenda consolidates a hybrid political-economic system that organically blends planning and market modes of economic coordination, as well as public and private modes of ownership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing the assemblage perspective, the paper examines the relations of exteriority, heterogeneity and fluidity in the development of global health cooperation 'with Chinese characteristics'. Through the case of Chinese health engagement in Africa, the paper (1) reviews the shifting imperatives of China's involvement in global health; (2) identifies the major approaches, institutions and actors in the design and implementation of overseas health projects; and (3) evaluates the linkages among diplomacy, politics and economics in shaping Chinese health cooperation. The findings demonstrate how public health emergencies such as Ebola and COVID-19 have served as catalysts to push forward new developments in the assemblage of China–Africa health cooperation. In particular, the last decade has witnessed a rescaling of the Chinese state to lead international health initiatives on the one hand and to incentivise diverse sub-state and non-state actors to engage in various health-related trade and investment activities on the other. The COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated the move from a state-guided process of health cooperation to a collective project pursued by multiple official and enterprise actors. The pandemic offers an opportunity to strengthen the links between health and non-health imperatives, hence further deepening China–Africa interdependence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent observers from the financial world have described the current status of the economy as "unhinged" and traversing "unchartered territory." These expressions reflect the unprecedented freeing of capitalism from established conventions, norms, practices, and regulations underway since the 1970s and the ascendence of neoliberalism; a process that is not captured by the allied concepts "unfettered" and financialization. Capitalism has been untethering itself from not just the regulations that curtailed action ("fettered" it) across the twentieth century, but also the established conventions, customs, and practices initially described by Marx in Capital I that guided action into the mid-twentieth century, such as acceptable debt levels and forms of financial manipulation. This essay suggests that we have entered a new phase of capitalism with crucial implications for the status of the state and its intervention in the economy and likelihood or not that the current capitalist hegemonic order can be maintained far into the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of regional identity in the German Länder has received only little attention so far. It is of great political importance, however, as a collective identity at the regional level is a favourable condition for binding decisions to be made on that level or for the delegation of competencies from the central to regional governments. Based on data from the German General Social Survey (ALLBUS) 2016 we show that the vast majority of Germans identify with their respective Land. If the Länder have a longer historical tradition and are donors in the interstate fiscal equalisation system, this regional identity is even stronger. We also found the compatibility of national and regional identity to be somewhat lower in Länder with a long historical tradition. Our analyses indicate that even in a seemingly rather homogeneous federal state such as Germany, differences in the historical traditions of individual regions affect regional identity – in the international literature this argument has so far been used exclusively with reference to historic nations, such as Catalonia and Scotland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How did the economic crisis impact social capital in European societies? The empirical studies conducted so far provide contradictory conclusions about the strength and direction of its influence. We argue that to better understand the effects of the economic crisis on social capital (social trust, formal and informal networks) it is crucial to examine both its impact on people's economic situation and the way it reshaped the relationship between individuals and political institutions and altered key political factors (political trust, the welfare state, political activism). Our analysis of European Social Survey data between 2006 and 2012 shows that changes in social trust were smaller than in formal and informal social networks. It also confirms that political factors played an important mediating role in producing these changes: changes in social trust and formal networks can especially be explained by the impact of the political factors, while variations in informal networks are mainly due to the changing economy. Moreover, the analyses show that while the economic crisis generally lowered social capital, some mechanisms such as a sense of togetherness and left-wing political activism, enhanced social capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of proposed reforms to the West African Communauté Financiere Africaine (CFA) franc, as jointly announced by the French and Ivorian Presidents in December 2019, this article considers the changing economic and political backdrop of this post-colonial arrangement. It describes the factors that led to its creation and the elements that have enabled it to endure for over half a century, in contrast to non-Francophone Africa, where monetary links to the former colonial power were quickly severed after independence. It is argued that some of the benefits of the CFA arrangement have receded over time, while the arguments against it have not, both from an economic and a political perspective. Despite these reforms, there is considerable uncertainty and a lack of consensus over possible alternatives to the current CFA franc arrangement, and as a consequence the future monetary geography of West and Central Africa remains unclear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many post-war countries, the relative security brought to rural areas is construed by government officials and business actors as an opportunity for development. This is particularly true for marginal areas, where opportunities for economic development had previously been hindered by the threat of violence. This provides a favourable context for the construction of commodity frontiers. Through the case of Colombia, I show that one of the main challenges faced by frontier policy narratives amounts to differentiating wartime dispossession from peacetime legitimate accumulation. This poses intractable challenges to policymakers and business actors, as it fuels the contradictions between peace consolidation and post-war development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role of gift (donum) and common good in Thomas Aquinas' (c1225–1274) economic teachings. The result is a theory of economic agency, rooted in the concept of mutual assistance (reciprocity), under which Aquinas' account of just price is considered. The paper also relates Aquinas' thought to the work of the "civil economist" Antonio Genovesi (1713–1769). Genovesi's account of the market as a place of virtue and mutual assistance is deeply connected to Thomistic anthropological and economic theses. This would classify Aquinas as a fundamental author for the tradition of civil economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary seeks to stimulate discussion about grassroots resistance that has taken on conglomerates in the faceless and leaderless 2019 pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong. The scale, scope, and time span of these protests is unprecedented in the city and, at the time of writing, there is no sign they will soon abate. Behind eye-catching scenes of black-clad protesters filling the streets, a sea of light in assemblies, rounds and rounds of tear gas fired by police, people covered in blood, and burning shops, is an emerging economic resistance movement that aims to generate alternative political resources in an acutely imbalanced bargaining structure between protesters and the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "rentier mentality" has been a key concept in rentier state theory since its development in the 1980s. It predicts that reliance on state patronage breaks the link between effort and reward, leads to low achievement orientation in economic life and makes citizens politically passive. Yet the rentier mentality hypothesis has hardly been empirically tested to date. This paper seeks to fill this gap through an analysis of a range of GCC survey data, including a previously unpublished survey of Saudi citizens' labour attitudes. A key descriptive finding is that many GCC citizens do indeed evince rentier attitudes when it comes to concrete life choices – but at the same time, a disproportionate share of them claim to be generally in favour of hard work, competition, and a small state. When it comes to politics, levels of interest are unusually high, but are coupled with high levels of loyalty and confidence in government. These results mean that while some aspects of rentier mentality are indeed prevalent, other attitudinal predictions of rentier state theory do not hold up – potentially because rentier states have adapted since the 1980s and used a range of social engineering tools to instil pro-business and patriotic beliefs on an abstract, ideational level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1920s, the discipline and profession of economics in Australia underwent a dramatic transformation. As of 1918, 'economics' was deemed inseparable from ideology, and its practitioners were conceived as activists whose political agendas brought their knowledge claims into disrepute. By 1929, the same word denoted a 'science', a field of knowledge production populated by disinterested experts who proffered truths deemed essential to modern governance. This article returns to the decade in which economists went from pariahs to prophets and restores a sense of contingency to what transpired. Through a focus on R.F. Irvine and D.B. Copland, I argue that this process was underpinned by a reconceptualisation of the epistemic status and function of economic expertise. As Copland's positivism usurped Irvine's normative approach, economic knowledge was seemingly depoliticised. Once positioned above ideology, 'economic scientists' accumulated political power and assumed the norm-shaping role they have inhabited ever since. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author explores neoliberalism and the political ideology of liberal democracy. Topics discussed include the recorded deceleration of economic growth following the introduction of neoliberal policies, the acknowledgment of neoliberalism by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, and the way the U.S. political system influenced the economic situation in the country.

How does information become power, who gains and who loses, and what are the implications of this process? As much of the information we produce today is available to very few global companies and governments it is crucial to develop new concepts and modify the existing theories on information and power. Drawing on the political economy of communication, sociology and information science literature, this paper introduces an analytical framework to understand the mechanisms through which information is turned into power and their social and cultural implications. Volume is defined as the informational resources – the amount and diversity of information and the people producing it. Control is described through two competing and complementary mechanisms: popularization (information relevant to most people), and personalization (information relevant to each individual person). The main argument is that the ability to transform information into power requires controlling the interaction between the growing volume of people and information by balancing popularization and personalization mechanisms. This framework is then applied to demonstrate Google's monopoly of knowledge, its PageRank algorithm, and its inevitable commercial and cultural biases around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the challenge posed by flawed democracies or political regime to the rise of China and its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Topics discussed are attempts of political leaderships in Nepal, Malaysia, Pakistan and Maldives to influence the direction of China's development efforts and flaws in the design of BRI including investment of China in corruption, scale of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) financial obligations and demand for local participation in BRI projects.

Thomas Pynchon's fiction contains an under-acknowledged interest in blood. In particular, in The Crying of Lot 49 (1966), the 'play within the play' The Courier's Tragedy points toward the necessity of understanding blood when reading the novel, as its plot turns on the inheritance rights of the bloodline. Gil Anidjar's work on the extent to which the modern concepts of economy and race depend on a theological understanding of blood offers a way to comprehend this insistent if subtle persistence of blood in Pynchon's work. Concentrating on Lot 49, this article argues that to understand political economy in Pynchon, we first must consider its bloody theological antecedent. I begin by tracing the ways in which the novel signals its understanding of political economy as a secularised iteration of what Anidjar calls the 'Eucharistic matrix'. I then extend Anidjar's work into a theory of narrative, arguing that in the failure of Oedipa's redistributive fantasy at the end of the novel, both she and the text refuse recuperation into the narrative of the nation. In so doing, they side with a radical element of the Tristero, which seeks to establish a relationality that refuses the divisive logic of blood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2014, the New South Wales (NSW) state parliament passed legislation implementing a new Code of Practice (‘Code 10/50’) granting property owners in bushfire-prone areas the right to clear all trees within 10 m, and all vegetation within 50 m, of residences without prior approval from authorities. The Code is a significant departure from previous regimes which often required permits for vegetation clearance. The Code was introduced in direct response to bushfire threat in the wake of the 2013-14 bushfires in NSW. However, the Code has been plagued by controversy, with accusations of abuse in areas with little or no bushfire history, and a lack of any substantial environmental protections, particularly prior to a review in August 2015. In this paper we examine the debates surrounding the enactment of the Code and consider the way in which particular justifications for the Code permeated parliamentary deliberations. Our investigation relies on unpacking how the Code emerged in order to shed light on how a very controversial policy came into being. We adopt a legal geography approach, together with insights from political ecology, to demonstrate that changes in regulatory processes have the potential to fundamentally alter our landscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This round table discusses a collection that explores the circulation of ideas across and beyond the Mediterranean in the long nineteenth century, a space normally consigned to the margins of historiographical concerns and studied in discrete geographical areas. The commentators agree that the diasporic approach centred on biography taken by the collection demonstrates the existence of a plurality of liberal strands and political projects, highlights the importance of exchanges between European peripheries like Russia, the Adriatic and Greece, and challenges the notion of the derivative nature of eastern and oriental political culture. At the same time, the round table suggests new paths for future research, pointing to the desirability of producing a transnational conceptual history of liberalism that connects and compares East and West, and of applying the same transnational methodological approach to other seas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neither self-styled radical 'realists' who reject the sort of liberalism inspired by John Rawls, nor liberal 'realists' who reject other forms of apparently utopian politics, properly take the measure of how far their accounts of realism recall the historical political theory of nineteenth-century European Realpolitik. This article sketches the evolution of that style of political theory in the thought of its conceptual pioneer, August Ludwig von Rochau, and outlines the bases of his understanding of state power. Reconstructing his argument not only suggests an alternative genealogy for modern realism in political theory, but it also offers a challenge. For behind Rochau's Realpolitik lies a strong judgment about how ideas are politically consequential only when aligned with state power under modernity, and that such alignments are both historically conditioned and difficult to judge. Rochau's challenge for realism in contemporary liberal political theory implies that its general antipathy towards writing about the historical evolution of the state and its structural power threatens to leave it as unmoored from practical politics as the so-called ideal-theorists that realists so often profess to criticize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review essay discusses Gareth Stedman Jones's biography of Karl Marx from a Religious Studies perspective. It highlights the benefits of this study for ongoing discussions about the relationship between socialism and religion. Despite a substantial body of scholarship from other disciplines, scholars of religion often perceive this relationship from a more or less implicitly Marxist perspective. For this reason, Stedman Jones's critical view on the emergence of 'Marxism,' as well as his historical contextualization of Marx's intellectual development, can help to shed new light on the historical accuracy of Marxist and other socialist narratives that attempted to exclude religion from the history of socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a review essay of Gareth Stedman Jones's biography Karl Marx: Greatness and Illusion. It begins by situating the book in relation to existing biographies before outlining Stedman Jones's approach, which is to conceive of Marx's works as interventions within contexts which the historian of ideas must reconstruct. I argue that although the book provides an excellent account of the political contexts within which Marx lived and worked, its interpretations of his writings are frequently ungenerous, unbalanced, and misleading. I defend Marx against charges that his work was economically confused, politically naïve, and overly abstract, using the Grundrisse in particular for illustrative purposes. I also take issue with Stedman Jones's methodology, questioning whether it is desirable or possible to separate Marx from Marxism and return him to his nineteenth-century context. I end by suggesting that Stedman Jones's attempt to return Marx to his context brings into focus the contexts of Stedman Jones's own intellectual development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across Asia there has been a shift to the right in important democratic polities. This article argues that this conservative or authoritarian shift reflects the emergence of a new form of political regime that Nicos Poulantzas characterised as authoritarian statism. This article presents a theoretical framework - with illustrative case studies of Japan and Korea - to understand the emergence of a distinctive brand of Asian authoritarian statism. These new trajectories of political regimes reflect interconnected political and economic crises of conservative capitalist democracies. These crises are the result of the fracturing of modes and mechanisms of political incorporation due to the transnationalisation of capital. It is argued that the inability of current modes of state intervention or political incorporation to manage these economic and political crises or secure political legitimacy for political projects to deepen market reform has led to a "crisis of crisis management" and the further weakening of the Japanese and Korean states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid the growing literature in English on the work of the Neapolitan political economist Antonio Genovesi (1713-1769), this paper focuses on his conception of civil economy (economia civile) as a theory of government. By contrast with existing interpretations, the argument is that for Genovesi virtue is a significant ordering device of the polity: virtue mediates between passions and reason, and the human capacity for virtue helps individuals better to realise their different talents. This, in turn, means that virtue is central to the division of labour and the right proportions between different activities, including the balance between consumption and trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The renewed interest in studies of Italian Enlightenment after the Second World War has enabled a complex new understanding of the Italian contribution to political economy. In particular, a new line of research that brings together the analysis of commercial society developed by Italian economists, and the canon of « civil life » elaborated within classical civic humanism and the natural legal tradition, has explained the deep ethical and social concerns inherent in the Italian approach to economic studies. This collection of articles takes stock of some of these achievements in scholarship and, at the same time, offers some new elements about the hermeneutical role played by these fundamental relationships between economics and ethics in identifying a more complex and multidimensional structure of scientific discourse. The articles are a selection of those presented at three conferences held in 2013, thanks to the support of the Luigi Sturzo Institute and Milan-Bicocca University, in Naples (Banco di Roma Foundation), Rome (Lumsa University) and Milan (Istituto Lombardo - Accademia di Scienze e Lettere), and they explore the thought of Antonio Genovesi as well as Eighteenth-Century Italian economic thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has become the leading country to develop wind and solar energy industries. By presenting the institutional arrangement and interest constellations of China's regulatory system of renewable energy sectors, this paper argues that the reasons for China's swift expansion of wind and solar energy investment go beyond the notion of a state-led model. It also reveals that due to a series of internal power struggles and external shocks, the current regulatory system is undergoing significant restructuring. A new policy paradigm is emerging that is largely different from the previous decades of policy orientation that centred on capacity expansion and instrumental interests for renewable energy development. The new paradigm would face tremendous challenges from existing institutions and vested interests, and it requires new set of ideologies that can help renewable energy sector to truly competing with the energy incumbents in order to bring about meaningful lowcarbon energy transition in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During crises, ideas play a decisive role in shaping radical paradigm shifts in economic governance. However, not all crises immediately produce such 'great transformations'. Why do some ideas result in incremental rather than abrupt change after crisis? To identify mechanisms potentially explaining this variation, I conduct an exploratory process tracing of an understudied case of incremental institutional change: post-independence Syria. Competing political actors in Syria converged on identical policy responses to crisis despite their very different interpretations of its causes. Although power oscillated between these increasingly bitter rivals in the early 1950s, their ideational consensus on economic issues nevertheless led to a decade of steady institutional change that transformed previously fragile government institutions into powerful vehicles of statism. I derive from this analysis the potential causal significance of two new variables - crisis narrative and crisis response - and hypothesise that their configuration can explain variation in post-crisis patterns of institutional change. Ideas can explain not only the new direction of economic governance after crisis, but also the speed and scale of its movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Annette Weiner used the term 'inalienable possessions' to describe a category of property of fundamental importance in Oceania, and in Europe, from Roman times until the eighteenth century. The archetypal form of this inalienable wealth is the landed estate - the 'immovable property' of Romano-Germanic law. This type of wealth, inherently political and carrying functions we associate with the state, has been historically produced by aristocratic social orders. I argue that classical anthropology missed the opportunity to explore aristocracy as a comparative analytical category. A reexamination of classic ethnographies reveals the importance of both aristocracy and this inalienable power-wealth, even in iconic accounts of 'egalitarian society' such as Evans-Pritchard's study of the Nuer. Further consideration of inalienable property shows it to be central to the early-modern state (Commonwealth) just as it was to the Roman republic (Res Publica), and suggests the possibility of a productive new comparative frame of analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay interweaves two stories—one theoretical and empirical, the other autobiographical. The first story embeds the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the broader political economy of the Middle East and the global accumulation of "capital as power." The second story narrates the authors' personal journey to uncover, theorize, and research this enfoldment. The essay explores and contextualizes the misleading duality of politics and economics; the link between military spending, finance, and stagflation; the concepts of "dominant capital" and "differential accumulation" and their evolution through "breadth" and "depth"; the manner in which these concepts and processes inform the political economy of Israel and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; and the ways in which they help identify the key role of the Weapondollar-Petrodollar Coalition and predict the periodic eruption of Middle East "energy conflicts." In their explorations, the authors have encountered numerous gatekeepers who tried to derail their research as well as a few open-minded editors who sought to promote it, and it is probably fair to say that, dialectically, they have benefited from both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the vast literature on Russia’s transformation into a “militocracy”—a state in which individuals with career experience in Russia’s various force structures occupy important positions throughout the polity and economy—during the reign of former KGB lieutenant colonel Vladimir Putin. We show that (1) elite militarization has been extensively utilized both to describe and explain core features of Russian foreign and domestic policy; and (2) notwithstanding its widespread usage, the militocracy framework rests on a rather thin, and in some cases flawed, body of empirical research. We close by discussing the remaining research agenda on this subject and listing several alternative theoretical frameworks to which journalists and policymakers arguably should pay equal or greater attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the general question of how classroom characteristics are linked with differences among students in civic competence, which is seen to be an important basis for political inequality. A resource-mobilisation account of youth civic competence is presented, and this is tested using hierarchical linear modelling and International Civic and Citizenship Study 2009 data. The determinants of youth civic competence are explored at the individual, family, and classroom levels, where resource and mobilisation factors at each level are examined. Evidence for classroom effects are tested using Campbell’s compensation hypothesis and insights derived from Marsh’s big-fish-little-pond effect (BFLPE). This case study of the Czech Republic shows limited evidence for an open classroom climate reducing civic competence differences between low- and high-SES students, and no evidence of BFLPE increasing such differences among youths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freedom is a core value centralized in Marxism. When applied to the study of political economy, Marxist freedom focuses, in its ontological sense, on the elimination of all forms of class coercion so that public coordination of individual preferences will proceed in a cooperative way to improve material living standards, reduce the working day, and promote all-round development of personality for all members of society. In its epistemological sense, Marxist freedom stresses the importance of developing thorough theories of social class and the state, so that meaningful post-revolutionary institutional innovations can be implemented to facilitate the ontological task of eliminating all forms of class coercion. While classical Marxist theories of social class and the state provide great insights into the class bias of bourgeois approaches to political economy and the adverse impact of capitalist market economy on human freedom, they tend to be ambiguous about the distinction between the state class and privately propertied class. This theoretical deficiency in classical Marxism was evidenced by a lack of consistent effort to build workers’ democratic institutions in post-revolutionary Russia to thwart the rise of the state class in face of objective adversities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethiopia provides one of the clearest examples of a 'developmental state' in Africa. Drawing on a deeply entrenched experience of statehood, the present Ethiopian regime has embarked on an ambitious programme, depending on the central capture of 'rents', to fund a massive expansion especially in communications, education, and hydroelectricity. High initial rates of growth have been achieved. However, the political setting is tightly constrained and the state has not allowed the private sector freedom of action to generate the required levels of production. Ultimate success will depend on the capacity to transform a state that has itself been central to the development process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As development is no longer simply conceived of as economic growth, but also as encapsulating human development, the role of the developmental state must be rethought. Focusing on the state's ability to deliver collective goods such as welfare has become an important task for developing and developed nations alike, and nowhere is this more important than in China. Consequently, intimate connections between the political and industrial elites are no longer sufficient and may actually be counterproductive to the success of the developmental state. Diverging from traditional developmental states, China shows that incorporation of new stakeholders is not premised on principles of human development. The novelty that China brings to re-thinking and re-articulating a new developmental state framework is that the development state of the twenty-first century can create new alliances such as with non-governmental organisations to meet human development objectives, but substantive change with regards to how the state is organised is not a precondition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most striking developments in the global economy in the past decades is the rapid proliferation of preferential trade agreements (PTAs), with many of them concluded among or with participation of developing countries. On the presumption that current popular debates on trade policy are not so much about whether citizens want free trade but rather what kinds of trade liberalization they want, we examine individual trade policy preferences with regard to PTAs that can vary in content along several dimensions. To that end we carried out conjoint choice experiments embedded in representative surveys in three developing countries that differ strongly in income levels, political system, and trade liberalization history: Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Vietnam. We conceptualize trade policy preferences as preferences over the scale and scope of trade liberalization, environmental and labor standards, and labor market access (migration). Two main findings emerge. First, non-economic considerations, such as sympathy/antipathy toward particular countries and environmental and labor rights concerns influence citizens’ preferences at least as much as factors based on standard economic logic. Second, preferences over particular facets (attributes) of trade liberalization, that is PTA content, are surprisingly consistent across countries, despite strong differences in macro-economic and political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As foreign direct investment (FDI) has become increasingly important in the world economy, a large body of literature has emerged regarding the determinants of FDI flows. Some scholars argue that democracy attracts FDI through the mechanism of political constraints, which reduce the risk of negative policy changes. However, the value of policy stability should be conditional on the attractiveness of contemporary FDI-relevant policies. I therefore propose a theoretically more comprehensive argument: political constraints are attractive to investors when the host country policy environment is FDI-friendly, because these political constraints reduce the probability of negative policy changes in the future. When the policy environment is hostile to FDI, on the other hand, political constraints will have little positive effect, and, to the extent they indicate that FDI-relevant policies are unlikely to improve, may even deter FDI. This argument helps explain why the positive relationship between democracy and FDI seems to emerge after a global shift toward FDI-friendly polices. I find robust empirical support for the argument in tests covering more than 100 developing countries from 1970 to 2014, indicating significant effects using a variety of policy and political constraint measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do economic sanctions affect presidential approval? Competing claims have been made about the domestic political consequences of economic sanctions. One claim is that sanctions are unpopular because they have negative economic consequences; another claim is that sanctions are popular because they project an image of strength; and another claim is that sanctions are neither popular nor unpopular because the public is uninformed about international affairs. These arguments imply competing identification restrictions. I test these competing models using a Bayesian Structural Vector Autoregression (B-SVAR) model. The results show that sanctions have a moderate negative effect on presidential approval. I use these findings as a basis for a broader set of auxiliary analyses. Despite received wisdom, sanctions imposed for different reasons against different target states do not produce disparate effects on public opinion. These analyses resolve an important empirical dilemma that weighs on a range of theoretical perspectives in the sanctions literature and highlights fruitful avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addressing a long-standing debate in international relations scholarship, this study shows that international governmental organizations (IGOs) with high economic leverage over their member states, such as some development banks, substantially lower the risk that political disputes experience the use of military force. Empirical tests covering cases of disputatious claims and international crises since 1946 make use of a new classification of IGOs that have economic leverage and use it toward increasing states’ cost of using force in disputes. When pairs of states are subject to the economic leverage of IGOs, they are substantially less likely to use force. For the understanding and practice of interstate dispute resolution and international conflict more generally, the study suggests a specific linkage between institutionalized economic interdependence and conflict escalation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines media discourse and emotions in discourse (pathos) during the week before the Greek Referendum of 2015. Drawing on the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis, we study the interrelation between macro-level (dominant) values and views, and the micro-level of media positioning, as retrieved from newspaper headlines. The headlines come from three Greek and two French newspapers of differing political, economic, and ideological standpoints. Focusing on the micro-level, we sketch an integrationist framework of analysis: We conduct a systemic functional analysis to scrutinize the transitivity structures of headlines, and an analysis of pathos in order to track constructed emotions. Among our main findings is that the newspapers, despite their different positionings and interests, converge on a dense discursive and emotional construction that favours the dominant values of a free market and the doctrine of austerity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper discusses the role of standards and standardization in the regulation of security and mobility through the EU’s Mandate M/487 and biometric Automated Border Control (ABC) systems. It argues that the choice for facial recognition as the standard biometric modality was largely pre-configured through the inertia of sedimented infrastructures, and that the restructuring of the EU external borders in the case of ABC therefore to a certain extent lacks political agency. Instead, standardization here follows an approach of business case politics that forecloses alternative solutions, and notably becomes productive of specific types of accelerated mobilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay offers one piece of a larger conjunctural analysis, in an effort to contribute to a better story of the contemporary organic crisis. It considers three elements of the complexity of the ‘crises’ of knowledge: First, it explores the increasingly feltsocialperception that knowledge (and the forms of authority that accompany it) has become less determined and determining, less identifiable, less effective, more troubled. It argues that one must think about these developments historically and contextually, rather than going along with the panic that has surrounded their increasing visibility in recent political events. Second, it considers some of the attacks on the university as well as some of the recent changes in the political economy and institutional forms of the academy. Finally, it argues that academics have failed to examine their own contributions to the crises of knowledge, failed to consider the ways their own cultures and practices can be located within rather than against the crises of knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores the potential for the formation of political solidarities across the spatial divisions being intensified by dominant responses to the European crisis. In doing so, it takes inspiration from Doreen Massey’s thinking around the contested terms on which space and politics are articulated and her engagement with the 2008 crisis through projects such as theKilburn manifesto. We argue that her bookWorld citypowerfully articulates a way of thinking about the spatial politics of a particular conjuncture. The paper traces the ways in which various political interventions in post-crisis politics have been shaped by distinctive ‘nationed’ geographical imaginaries. In particular, we explore how left-wing nationed narratives impact on the discursive horizon and unpack their implications for the articulation of solidarities and emancipatory politics in the context of the ‘European Crisis’. Building on this, we reflect on how trans-local solidarities and alliances might be articulated across socio-spatial divisions and contest the decidedly uneven, racialized, gendered and classed impacts of dominant European politics. We argue that such solidarities and alliances can form a crucial intervention in challenging the dominant spatial politics of crisis and articulating left political strategies on different terms. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Relations between states in the post-Cold War period have been shaped by an increased economic competition including ‘non-market’ factors such as intelligence sharing between state agencies and private businesses, successful economic diplomacy and different techniques to influence and manipulate non-governmental organisations to weaken an economic adversary, among other things. The considerable influence of these non-market factors illustrates the limits of the liberal economic theories that emphasise the dominant role of market forces. Geoeconomics is an interdisciplinary analysis that includes geopolitical factors, economic intelligence, strategic analysis and foresight and has the objective to provide a tool for states and businesses to develop and implement successful strategies to conquer markets, and protect strategic segments of the domestic economy, among other things. This article argues about the growing significance of geoeconomics in contemporary power rivalries, presents some strategic aspects of the role of state in the establishment and coordination of a national geoeconomic disposition, and highlights briefly the importance of the strategic management of information to support geoeconomic strategies. Some arguments of the article ‘Geoeconomic Analysis and the Limits of Critical Geopolitics: A New Engagement with Edward Luttwak’ are briefly discussed as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a response to Antto Vihma’s article ‘Geoeconomic Analysis and the Limits of Critical Geopolitics: A New Engagement with Edward Luttwak’. Taking issue with Vihma’s critique of the limits of critical geopolitics, it argues that it is instead the use of economic strategies in statecraft – Vihma’s state-centric vision of geoeconomics inspired by Edward Luttwak – that is really better understood as limited. To map these limitations, it is necessary to attend to three specific limits: first, the limits of conceptualising geoeconomics in simply instrumental terms as a tool of statecraft; second, the limits of capital and specifically the ways in which the geographical limits created by the on-going tensions between spatial fixity and spatial expansion in capitalism are refracted through the on-going entanglements of geopolitics and geoeconomics; and third, the limits of personal positionality and the emotional fears, hopes, dreams and passions that influence geostrategic discourse more generally. Reflecting on Donald J. Trump’s ascendancy to the US presidency, the paper concludes that it is now more necessary than ever to address how all these force-fields intersect to overdetermine the limits of economic strategy in statecraft. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a new wave of interest in the interplay between commerce and strategy, and ‘geoeconomics’ is again becoming a key concept in policy analysis. In the academia, however, since the emergence of the concept in the early 1990s, geoeconomic analysis has mostly been viewed through very critical lenses. Analysts have portrayed geoeconomics as simplified neorealism, as a neoliberal discourse, and as a securitisation project. This criticism of geoeconomics relies on an incomplete view of IR realism, as well as some oversimplifications of Luttwak, who introduced the term in 1990. This article underscores the relative property of Luttwak’s argument, in which economic means are gaining in importance in relation to military power, and countries are increasingly, but not always, turning to logic of conflict and geoeconomic policies. Luttwak also underscores the role of domestic politics and ideologies in determining whether a country engages in geoeconomic behaviour or not. The article suggests that strategic geoeconomic theory-building, inspired by but not limited to Luttwak, has much to contribute to our contemporary understanding of IR and geography, for example, in the analysis of strategy and the different power capabilities of states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the uprising in 1918–1922 of Ismail Agha of Shikak (a.k.a. Simko) in Iranian Kurdistan and how he has been portrayed in Persian historiography. Painting Simko simply as another Kurdish rebellious chief with no nationalist aspirations leaves important questions unanswered. Simko introduced a number of firsts in Kurdish political history to Iranian Kurdistan, yet his innovations have generally been overlooked. Simko was conscious of, informed by, and founded his politics upon the communal distinctions deemed to legitimize varying degrees of Kurdish self-rule. In addition to his political and military activities, Simko co-founded the first Kurdish school in Iran, published the first Kurdish–Persian newspaper, and made Kurdish the official medium of his reign. This article draws on memoirs, personal accounts, and other unexplored primary documents to show a more complex picture of Simko's resistance, problematizes some idées reçues about Simko and his ethno-nationalism, and explores inconsistencies in the existing literature on the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our political world is impoverished by the lack of the category ‘imperialism’. Academic and media languages have succeeded in consigning it to history. Use of the category imperialism to describe our present condition is often met with derision; it is seen in the bourgeois tongue as too simplistic, as outdated, as Leftist bombast. But what other category do we have to explain the kinds of extra-economic institutional coercion meted out to the Third World during the 1980s debt crisis or to Greece in its ongoing tragedy? Academic and media languages would like to measure these political conflicts in the terms of mainstream social science – as state failure and economic mismanagement, as the imbalance between the greed of unions and the sensibleness of the bankers. Empirical description takes the place of theoretical understanding – a mass of data and information clogs up the arteries, while careful theoretical assessment of the problem is set aside. The Left is on the defensive, unable to explain why the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) wants to bomb this country or why the International Monetary Fund wants to extract its pound of flesh from that country. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The sweeping diffusion of central bank independence (CBI) as an institutional norm in many countries over the course of the 1990s has attracted a lot of interest within the discipline of international political economy. Important strands within the literature have emphasised the role of ideas and of central bank institutions in the diffusion process, although not placing ultimate explanatory weight on central bankers’ actions and activities in order to explain differences in patterns of diffusion between countries. Norway represents an outlier in the diffusion process, not reforming its central bank legislation until 2003 – six years later than the United Kingdom. The article explores this late shift to CBI by building on an ideational approach, investigating whether Norwegian central bankers’ translation strategies and actions adds more explanatory value than the mainly structural arguments dominating the existing diffusion literature. The article finds that central bank action and changing strategies actually helps us a great deal explaining why Norwegian authorities chose to alter central bank legislation when they did. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

De Ville and Siles-Brügge (2016) argue that the politics of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations are entirely new and that it will lead to 'regulatory chill'. We think these two statements are untenable from a logical and empirical standpoint. While distributive political conflict is relatively absent because of firms' integration into global value chains, civil society organizations voice value-based opposition to the prospective agreement, just like in the past. TTIP is also unlikely to undermine contracting parties' ability to regulate the market to promote fundamental social values, because regulatory convergence is generally decided upon in a piece-meal fashion, and is subject to a super-majoritarian (dis)approval threshold in the Council, the European Parliament and national parliaments. Moreover, we show why it is plausible to expect TTIP to result in an upgrading of world trade rules, a benign development on the global level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the 2014 Ecuador-sponsored resolution at the UN Human Rights Council to examine the link between Transnational Corporations and Human Rights, in this paper I review the first major discussion at the United Nations of the role of multinational corporations. The report on Multinational Corporations in World Development (1973) for the UN Department of Economic and Social affair launched the (then) new UN Centre on Transnational Corporations. I examine the report in some detail, compare and contrast this with the Ecuadorian resolution from 2014, and reflect on the continuities and changes in attempts to regulate the conduct of global corporations over the 40 years between these two moments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]