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With the recent transnational turn in sexology studies, scholars have been highly effective in demonstrating the dialogical nature of exchanges between sexologists and other professionals. Even so, the problem of what counts as ‘sexological’ still haunts the field. One way to circumvent this impasse on the vexing question of disciplinarity is to, first, think about knowledge production in relation to knowledge exchange and second, bring gender into the frame. Drawing on the critique of popularisation developed by historians and sociologists of science, this article turns to the British Society for the Study of Sex Psychology as a case study to argue that popularisation is a blunt instrument, providing limited understanding of the gendered nature of knowledge acquisition and circulation. A different model – termed ‘ventilation’ – allows the historian to step outside the logic of popularisation to explain how dissemination itself bestowed agency to ordinary women and men, who became co-producers of modern sexual knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I analyse the historical constructions of menstruation in mid‐twentieth century Britain. I examine the complex intertwining relations between the female human body and the female nonhuman body. My argument is twofold: firstly, I argue that endocrinological experiments on nonhuman animals' reproductive cycles were mobilised towards affirming a binary division of female/male, animal/human. This facilitated the perpetuation of patriarchal ideologies in British biomedical research. Secondly, I argue that as a result of these dualistic conceptualisations, the female nonhuman body intersected with the female human body in scientific discourses. These bodily transmutations in scientific research contributed towards a form of social control over women, strategically rendering them as 'Other' with nonhuman animals. I illustrate this using Carol J Adams' (2015) concept of the absent referent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the example of the British television series,The Bletchley Circle (ITV, 2012–14), my article explores emotions as cultural processes that are socially generated and publically shared. Set primarily in 1952, the series follows the experiences of four women who, during the war years, held positions in the top-secret, Nazi code-breaking work at Bletchley Park. They reunite to pursue a serial killer stalking and murdering young women in London, using their cryptographic skills to track down the killer. Rather than focusing primarily on the economic, social and political realities of women’s lives during and following the war years,The Bletchley Circle Uses the narrative device of a dual generic structure, interweaving historical drama with detective story, to emphasise how the women feel in the aftermath of those exhilarating years at Bletchley Park. I argue that The Bletchley Circle Exemplifies mediated storytelling’s capacity to explore the felt experiences of what it means to live through an era of historical significance [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationships, both real and imagined, that developed between German prisoners of war and women on the British home front during the First World War. Through an analysis of press coverage and archival materials, it adds a new dimension to the history of women’s wartime experiences. Contact with German prisoners challenged the authorities’ capacity to both control and protect British women on the home front. News of women’s interest in German prisoners jeopardised the morale of British soldiers and the idealised image of British women as potential wives and mothers while threatening the balance between the battle and home fronts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 7 December 1916, in a dramatic coup, Lloyd George supplanted Asquith and became prime minister. This marked the death of a great party and has generated huge controversy. For long, Lloyd George was condemned as the culprit but latterly his reputation has risen sharply. Asquith and Lloyd George came from very different wings of the party, imperialist and Little Englander. Asquith seemed the supreme insider, Lloyd George a supreme Welsh outsider. However in peacetime government, they formed a tremendous partnership. Their close association continued to the formation of the first coalition in May 1915. Then serious division came over military conscription, with Lloyd George moving towards his old foes, the Unionists. As minister for munitions, then secretary for war, he became publicly very critical of the conduct of the war. A great conflict arose over his demand for a new war committee. This was directed against the generals: he did not wish to become prime minister. It looked as if a compromise was possible. On 3 December 1916 Asquith agreed to such a committee but, fatally, reversed his view the next day, Crucial was his misjudgment of the Unionist leaders, especially Balfour. On 6 December the king asked Lloyd George to form a government. Asquith seriously exaggerated his own strength while Lloyd George now had growing Unionist support, the backing of Labour and of a majority of Liberal MPs mobilised by Addison. So Asquith fell and a governmental revolution followed - a new small war cabinet, a cabinet secretariat under Hankey, a secretariat of private advisors in the 'Garden Suburb' and an inexorable move towards prime ministerial (or quasi-presidential) government. In May 1918, the 'Maurice debate' saw the Liberals divided into pro- and anti-government factions; they were crushed at the subsequent general election. The party was thereafter haunted by December 1916 and responsibility was bitterly contested. Yet it should be remembered that before 7 December 1916, the two Liberal leaders formed a dynamic and commanding partnership, which changed British politics profoundly and irreversibly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the small number of British subjects who visited China and North Korea during the Korean War with a view to influencing British opinion. Although none were brought to trial, all experienced some form of punitive action, whether the loss of employment, loss of passports, or damage to their reputations. The subject is placed in the context of the Cold War, and the wider concerns about disloyalty on the Left at the time, as well as the controversies surrounding the Korean War in Britain. It concludes that the actions of these individuals have to be understood in terms of their alternative loyalties (such as to the 'new' China, or to an alternative vision of the United Nations), which ultimately outweighed allegations of disloyalty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most prior work on historical female labour supply has been confined to looking at the female labour force participation decision. This article uses the detailed information on weekly hours of work and wages contained in the New Survey of London Life and Labour ( NSLLL) (1928-32) to provide the first estimation of both the participation and the hours-of-work decisions for female workers prior to the Second World War. The main finding is that the labour supply curve was negatively sloped-women worked longer hours at lower wages. It is also possible to compare the determinants of the labour force participation decision and the hours of work decision among females in the NSLLL. It appears that the labour force participation decision was more strongly related to household income level than to own wages, while the hours of work decision among working women was more strongly related to the wage level than to household income. Finally, the article also examines the differential labour market behaviour of married women, female household heads, and young single women; most striking among these results is the evident added-worker effect on married women of the onset of the Great Depression in 1930. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an overview and appreciation of the scholarship of political scientist David Allen of Loughborough University in England, a frequent contributor to the publication who died in 2012. The authors discuss his analysis of the relationship between Great Britain and the European Union (EU), including his view that over many years the British government handled EU relations in a narrow manner, without building a public consensus around the value of European integration. Other topics in Allen's work that they discuss include the effect of European integration on national governments, the development of EU foreign policy, and the nature of EU policy-making.

This article discusses the sources of competitive advantage in the interwar British radio industry. Specifically, it examines why sections of the industry that reaped substantial monopoly rents from the downstream value chain failed to dominate the industry. During the 1920s Marconi (which controlled the fundamental UK patents) had a key cost advantage, as had other members of the 'Big Six' electrical engineering firms which formed the BBC and were granted preferential royalties. Meanwhile the valve manufacturers' cartel was also able to extract high rents from set manufacturers. The vertical integration literature suggests that input monopolists have incentives to control downstream production. Yet-in contrast to the gramophone industry, which became concentrated into two huge companies following market saturation in the 1930s-radio retained a much more competitive structure. The Big Six failed to capitalize fully on their initial cost advantages owing to logistical weaknesses in supplying markets subject to rapid technical and design obsolescence. Subsequently, during the 1930s, marketing innovations are shown to have played a key role in allowing several independents to establish successful brands. This gave them sufficient scale to provide strong bargaining positions with input suppliers, negating most of their initial cost disadvantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the evolution and future of the Labour Party, a British political party. Topics mentioned include the work of British politician Tony Benn, the media report on the crisis faced by the party in the 1980s, and how the Labour Party's leaders should reorganize the party and choose a new program.

The article focuses on the general election in Great Britain in 1997 which was won by the Labour Party led by Tony Blair. Topics mentioned include the crisis faced by the Conservative Party, the other main British political party, the Labour Party's campaign which focused on public philosophy, and the social changes it implies.

The article focuses on the political situation in Great Britain after the general election in 1974 during which the Labour Party won the most seats in the House of Commons. Topics mentioned include the unpredictability of the victory of the Labour Party of the Conservative Party, the country's need for a political coalition, and the report of the elections in the British journal "The Times."

A reprint of article which was published in 1979 is presented. Topics mentioned include the tenth anniversary of the civil rights marches, the violence in Northern Ireland that year, and the work of journalist Conor Cruise O'Brien. The author also discusses the political situation in Northern Ireland.

The article focuses on the evolution of the periodical throughout the 1970s. Topics mentioned include the possibility to purchases previous issues, the social and political situation of Great Britain at that time, and the future of the Labour Party, a British political party. The author also discusses the social issues faced by the country the ones related to education and housing.

Interwar British retailing has been characterized as having lower productivity, less developed managerial hierarchies and methods, and weaker scale economies than its US counterpart. This article examines comparative productivity for one major segment of large-scale retailing in both countries-the department store sector. Drawing on exceptionally detailed contemporary survey data, we show that British department stores in fact achieved superior performance in terms of operating costs, margins, profits, and stock-turn. While smaller British stores had lower labour productivity than US stores of equivalent size, TFP was generally higher for British stores, which also enjoyed stronger scale economies. We also examine the reasons behind Britain's surprisingly strong relative performance, using surviving original returns from the British surveys. Contrary to arguments that British retailers faced major barriers to the development of large-scale enterprises, that could reap economies of scale and scope and invest in machinery and marketing to support the growth of their primary sales functions, we find that British department stores enthusiastically embraced the retail 'managerial revolution'-and reaped substantial benefits from this investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to debates about the economic framework of industrial politics by examining aspects of the 1984-5 miners' strike in Britain, focusing on developments in Scotland. It focuses on strike endurance and pit-level variations in strike endurance by examining the contrasting quantity and quality of the material and moral resources available to the strikers at different collieries and in different communities. Powerful local variables in building or inhibiting strike commitment included pre-strike pit-level production, industrial relations, and the impact of debates about the economics and finances of coal-getting; incomes gained for households during the strike by married women in part-time and full-time employment; expenditure saved by households in local authority housing where rents were in effect deferred by sympathetic local authorities; communal attitudes to pits, jobs, and redundancies; the character and weight of political tradition; and the cultural as well as economic role of women. By focusing on developments at community and colliery level the article challenges dominant narratives of the strike, which remain wedded to high politics, the strategy of the union leadership, changes in energy supply and policy, and public order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An annotated bibliography is presented on topics of twentieth-century European history which includes the books "Living the Great Illusion: Sir Norman Angell, 1872–1967," by Martin Ceadel, "Guarantee of Peace: The League of Nations in British Policy 1914–1925," by Peter J. Yearwood, and "Cosmopolitan Islanders: British Historians and the European Continent," by Richard J. Evans.

Using the private papers of Lord Killearn in conjunction with official government documents from the British national archives and the French colonial archives, this article builds upon previous historical scholarship to highlight the importance of Killearn's South-East Asian diplomacy to the resolution of the international food crisis following the Second World War. As Britain's senior diplomat in South-East Asia Killearn had little choice but to become entangled in various international disputes often centred upon French Indo-China - Killearn's failure to do otherwise would not have preserved adequate international rice supplies. Therefore this article not only demonstrates the magnitude of Killearn's concern for South-East Asian rice production during the immediate post-war food crisis but it also reveals the depth of Killearn's frustration towards the chaotic priorities emanating from French Indo-China, and thus it substantiates a more significant and complex understanding of Killearn's diplomatic mission to South-East Asia than has been formerly stated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first half of the twentieth century saw rapid improvements in the health and height of British children. Average height and health can be related to infant mortality through a positive selection effect and a negative scarring effect. Examining town level panel data on the heights of school children, no evidence is found for the selection effect, but there is some support for the scarring effect. The results suggest that the improvement in the disease environment, as reflected by the decline in infant mortality, increased average height by about half a centimetre per decade in the first half of the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the surprisingly muted commemoration of the 25th anniversary of the Anglo-Irish Agreement. It was surprising because not only was the Agreement a major innovation in relations between the two states but it was also the defining political issue in Northern Ireland for almost a decade. It is argued that the significance of the Agreement has been diminished because of retrospective narratives which serve the political convenience of the key parties to the Northern Ireland conflict. The article adapts Oakeshott's notion of the 'dry wall' to re-assess and to re-state the Agreement's place in recent history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the British Empire in Asia, focusing on battles which were intended to prevent the Russian Empire from dominating the continent. Aspects of these events which may be relevant to the 21st century Afghan War are emphasized. It is noted that the reputation of Afghanistan as a graveyard for empires is exaggerated. British forces which invaded Afghanistan in the 19th century, like Soviet forces in the 20th, inflicted far more casualties than they suffered and left in an orderly fashion, after determining that the country was not worth occupying. The adventures of Colonel Francis Younghusband in Tibet in the first decade of the 20th century are also recounted, as an edifying instance of the perils of success.

A bibliographic essay is presented which discusses books and scholarly articles published circa 2009 about the twentieth century history and historiography of Great Britain. Some of the subjects considered include economic history, World War I and II, and feminist studies. Some of the books discussed include "Churchill and War," by G. Best, "Medicine, Madness and Social History: Essays in Honour of Roy Porter," edited by R. Bivins and J. Pickstone, and "The British Working Class 1832-1940," by A. August.

Utilizing archival sources in both the United States and Britain to describe the changes in American policy in Iraq during World War II, and tracing the emergence of the United States as an important factor in Iraq's politics and history, the authors challenge the notion that the United States was a passive bystander to events there during the war. Washington initially followed the British lead, but, beginning in 1942, the United States became more assertive in its relations with Iraq, with American diplomats, State Department officials, postwar planners, and intelligence officers promoting the ideals of the Atlantic Charter while simultaneously aiming to secure Iraq's petroleum and tying it into a network of Western alliances. Iraq's vital strategic position and its rich petroleum resources made it an important part, along with Saudi Arabia and Iran, of the American effort to secure, militarily and economically, the oil-rich Gulf region for the West in the postwar era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines major privately owned British railway companies before the First World War. Quantitative evidence is presented on return on capital employed (ROCE), total factor productivity (TFP) growth, cost inefficiency, and speed of passenger services. There were discrepancies in performance across companies but ROCE and TFP typically fell during our period. Cost inefficiency rose before 1900 but then was brought under control as a profits collapse loomed. Without the discipline of either strong competition or effective regulation, managerial failure was common. This sector is an important qualification to the conventional wisdom that late Victorian Britain did not fail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the links between working-class home ownership and family limitation in interwar Britain. Purchasing a suburban house enabled families to buy into a new, aspirational model of working-class respectability. Embracing this model entailed increased accommodation costs and higher levels of conspicuous consumption, placing great strains on many household budgets. Owner-occupiers therefore sought to limit the size of their families in order to sustain their new lifestyles. Meanwhile the new suburban ideology strongly emphasized improved standards of childcare, based around creating a high-quality domestic environment, and thus directly encouraged families to aim for fewer, but better-resourced children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article outlines the attempts of British central government to react to the perceived inadequacy of official economic statistics. A huge amount of work went into this project, the main aim of which was to speed up the production of statistics so that the economy could be analysed in more detail, and thus better managed. If this was to work, more data was required on the labour market, on productivity, on production, and on the interlinkages between those indicators. British official statistics clearly were more comprehensive and more detailed at the end of this period than they had been at the start. Even so, the effort was usually thought to have been a failure by the early 1970s. More detail took time to produce; it was difficult to recruit the necessary staff; successive administrative reorganizations also absorbed energies. The devolved informality of British government hampered the emergence of an overall picture. Businesses and trade unions resisted attempts to collect more data, especially when it showed them in an unflattering light. Above all, the elite, specialist, and technical nature of the reform process meant that very little political and popular pressure built up to force through further changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Hungarian Revolution and the military phase of the Suez Crisis occurred virtually contemporaneously in the last week of October and the first week of November 1956. While a great deal of historical research and writing has been done on the two crises individually, there has been relatively little investigation of the interconnection between the two episodes. The interconnections were of particular importance in influencing the Soviet decision to use brutal military force to suppress the Hungarian Revolution and in explaining the depth of bitterness in the rift between Britain and the United States over the Suez Crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before 1945, films of the empire genre, produced in Hollywood as well as Britain, celebrated the masculinity of the British adventure hero, and promoted an imperial world view. This article explores the significance of the incorporation of white women into empire films in the late 1940s and 1950s, focusing on three films from different moments in the period. What are the range of meanings assigned to white femininity in these films, and their significance to the politics of race and gender? How is the white woman represented in relation to colonised women and men? In addressing these questions the article considers shifts in the gendering of the empire genre as part of an attempt to address a range of anxieties – about the transition from empire to Commonwealth, the rise of American power, and the collapse of boundaries between colonisers and colonised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a huge popular and literary interest in detective fiction and an extensive academic literature on the history of policing, there have been very few studies of the history of private detectives/investigators. The work of women investigators has proved to be even more marginal. Histories of women and work have tended, for obvious reasons, to concentrate on mainstream industries, occupations and professions rather than the unusual or the unique. Focusing on the memoirs of Annette Kerner, published in the early 1950s, this article examines the range of opportunities that investigation created in the first half of the twentieth century, analysing the interaction of professional, gender and class identities. It highlights, firstly, women's ‘professional’ commitment to an exciting and challenging area of work, exploring their relationships with other occupational groups including women police. Second, it considers how disguise and masquerade presented opportunities for urban exploration and the crossing of traditional boundaries of gender and class. Investigative work developed, historically, at the same time as detective fiction and it has been deeply affected by fictional portrayals. The cultural mantle of ‘the female Sherlock Holmes’ was a hard inheritance to shake off and it suffused women's public presentations of themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on several books and articles, which addressed issues related to the history of Great Britain during the 20th century. "Neville Chamberlain," by David Dutton; "The British Economy in the Twentieth Century," by Alan Booth; "Gentrification and the Enterprise Culture: Britain 1789-1980," by F. M. L. Thompson; "C.P. Scott, the Manchester Guardian, and the Boer War, 1899-1902"; "Impact of the South African War," edited by David Omissi and Andrew Thompson; "Sense of Belonging: The Politics of Working-Class Insurance in Britain 1880-1914," by Timothy Alborn, and published in the "Journal of Modern History."

Presents several books on British history in the twentieth-century. `Siegfried Sassoon,' by J.S. Roberts; `Liberalism and the Nonconformist Conscience in Edwardian Britain,' by George White; `The British Union of Fascists and the Olympia Debate,' by M. Pugh; `The Ulster Question Since 1945,' by J. Loughlin.

Presents several books about British history in the twentieth century. `A History of Conservative Politics, 1900-1996,' by J. Charmley; `The Conservatives and British Society, 1880-1990,' by edited M. Francis and I. Zweiniger-Bajielowski; `Eden: A Reappraisal,' by D. Dutton; `The Transformation of British Politics 1860-1995,' by B. Harrison.

The article focuses on responses of the citizens of Great Britain to the Cox Report, released in 1990, regarding the educational curriculum and national identity of English literature. Topics addressed include analysis of the report itself, explanation of two different debates on the report, and the Importance of the report for solving questions of linguistic dominance.

Deals with parliamentary revolt against British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain in May 1940. Factors behind resignation of Chamberlain as prime minister; Features of so-called Norway debate; Politics of maneuver; Examination of voting lists; Need for the basis of government to be broadened; Role of Great Britain's Labour Party leaders in Chamberlain's downfall.

Discusses the role of propaganda in both the mobilization of women in Great Britain during World War II and in postwar employment patterns. Remobilization campaign of the government in 1947; Special difficulties faced by the Ministries of Labor and Information in propagandizing women; Inadequate publicity about both the criteria used to categorize immobile women and the types of employment deemed essential; Examination of film propaganda.

This article deals with bargaining between Australia and the United Kingdom over some main aspects of wartime finance. Australian politicians and administrators took advantage of the wartime emergency to persuade the British to provide cheap loans with which the Australian government met its overseas military spending. The British Treasury also had to guarantee the preservation of Australia's sterling balances in the context of lend-lease arrangements between the UK and America. A number of bureaucracies, public and private institutions were involved, including the Australian High Commission, the Commonwealth Bank, the British Treasury, the Bank of England and the underwriting firm, Nivison & Co. It is argued that the wartime emergency enhanced the bargaining power of the Australians so that they were able to extract substantial concessions from the British. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the state of international affairs in 1991. Ability of the United Nations to provide legitimacy for the U.S. action in the Persian Gulf War to liberate Kuwait; U.N. inability to control the United States under a new world order headed by that country; Great Britain's role in international affairs.

The article discusses the history of the two-party political system in Great Britain. According to the author, the two-party politics was introduced in reaction to the political controversy brought by the British General Election in February 1974. Since 1945, two-part politics became a normal practice in the country.

In this article the lack of cumulation in foreign policy studies is discussed by way of analyzing fourteen books on British policy on Western European integration. A surprising non-use of prior studies within the same subject area is found, and the possible reasons for this is discussed. Particularly the lack of explicit hypotheses and conclusions and the tendency to compile instead of select variables is noted. It appears that there is a gap between theoretical and empirical studies in international relations which cannot easily be closed. However, the article concludes with a plea for more comparative studies on foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the revised text of the speech delivered by John Johnston, British High Commissioner to Canada addressed to the Institute of Public Administration which discusses the relevance of diplomacy to a changing world. The writer stresses that despite the revolutions in mobility and communications marking present day existence, there remains a place for the diplomat that is relevant and constantly adapting to the changing conditions of the world. To consider the relevance of the diplomat of today, one must first attempt some analysis of the world on which to operate, including the requirements of the modern state. Past references can also suggest that diplomacy has succeeded over the years in responding to the changing world and the changing tasks of international dealings.

The article describes the diverse activities of British dietitians in the 1990s, including developments within the National Health Service and Social Services. Dietetics became an all graduate profession in 1984, having 2 routes to qualification: a 4 year degree in nutrition or dietetics or a 2-year post-graduate diploma in dietetics. Some of the qualities needed to make a good dietitian include good communication skills, a capacity to explain complex physiological facts quite simply, an ability to cope under difficulties and a certain dogged determination.

Discusses how the Dardanelles campaign of Great Britain in 1914-15 began. Start of the campaign as if it was to be no more than a large-scale punitive expedition against the recalcitrant Turkish regime; Observation that until the failure of the April 25 military landing to bring about the swift collapse of Turkish resistance it was confidently expected that they would put up only a token fight; Sharp drop in Britain's estimation of the Turks after the Young Turk revolution in July 1908.

Discusses the British occupation policy of Germany after 1945 which had the various elements of political re-education, responsible government, the federation of Germany and European partnership. Gradual process of post-war planning which involved various offices, departments, ministries, committees and sub-committees; British plan based on Germany's willing acceptance of a democratic order and of peaceful cooperation with the rest of the world.

The article examines education and broadcasting as apparatus of democracy in Great Britain during the inter-war period of the early 20th century. Topics addressed include the overlapping functions of education and broadcasting, the employment of education and mass media as part of a central cultural strategy in England, and the boundaries between education and broadcasting.

A reprint of the article "The Choice Before the Labour Party" by R. H. Tawney, which appeared in the July 1932 issue, is presented. Topics include reasons for the 1931 election defeat of the British Labour Party, the relation of the party to capitalism and socialism, and the need of the party for a clear programme.

A reprint of the article "Meditation on Abyssinia" by Leonard Woolf, which appeared in the January 1936 issue, is presented. It discusses the conflict between Italy and the League of Nations regarding the Italian invasion of Abyssinia (Ethiopia) under Italian dictator Signor Benito Mussolini. Topics include the opposition of socialism to fascism, British foreign policy in relation to war and peace, and the relation of the League of Nations to aggression by the Japanese military in Manchuria.

The article discusses the British government under the Labour Party during the mid 1960s. An overview of the Labour Party's history from the early 20th century through the 1960s is provided. The role that the Labour Party politician Harold Wilson plays in regard to the Labour Party's electoral support is discussed. The relationship between the political philosophy of the British Conservative Party and the Labour Party, including in regard to socialism and their philosophy on the role that government should play in the economy, is also discussed.

The article discusses the relationship between Great Britain's national interest and its foreign policy during the mid 1960s. British military relations with other countries, including in regard to nuclear weapons, nuclear deterrence and its military presence in Southeast Asia and the Middle East, are discussed. An overview of the United States' foreign policy towards Europe, including in regard to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and with the French President Charles de Gaulle, is provided.