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One of the determinants of free, fair and credible election is the security of lives and property before, during and after the electioneering process. Despites the fact that large number of Military and Paramilitary personnel are mobilized for the conduct of Elections, cases of violence, snatching of ballot boxes, loss of lives and property are on the increase in most elections in Nigeria during the fourth republic. In light of the above, this paper examines the challenges and prospects of 2023 general elections with regards to the security of lives and property through the instrumentalities of the Nigerian Police Force and other security personnel. The main objective of the paper is to assess the implications of using the police and other security personnel on national security in 2023 general elections. Methodologically, the paper adopts a qualitative approach for the purpose of obtaining the required materials through the contents analysis of documents from National Independent Electoral Commission, Election (INEC), Independent Observers reports, observations from the participating political parties, the reports of Transparency International and extant laws. The outcome of the paper revealed that the major challenges envisaged from 2023 general elections is the fact that the security of lives and property of citizens may not be guaranteed if the security Agencies carry out assigned responsibilities in an unprofessional and partisan manner. The study therefore recommended that the security agencies should carry out assigned duties and responsibilities in a professional and non-partisan way in order to guarantee the security of life and properties of citizens before, during and after the 2023 general elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper uses methods of historical and comparative analysis and studies the functioning of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) since its establishment. It finds out, that the debate on the institutional performance is characterized by a consensus, i.e. the lack of reforms has led to the lack of its effectiveness. Nowadays, such a finding is even more evident, the aggressive war that one of the permanent members, Russia started against Ukraine, added new arguments of the same logic. The paper draws on secondary data to explore the weaknesses of the UNSC with a particular emphasis on the negative impact of the veto right. It highlights the limits of the UNSC and the attempts of state coalitions to overcome them. It elaborates on criteria for legitimate right to accede to UNSC permanent membership and justifies the relevance of four of them on the grounds of their current appropriateness. Further on, the paper introduces outcomes of a cross-country analysis of a G-4 (Germany, Japan, Brazil and India), the most influential state coalition for UNSC reform. The results of the comparison illustrate legitimate potential of states to become permanent members of the UNSC. The discussion includes policy recommendations for UNSC reforms: adopting criteria for legitimacy of permanent UNSC membership; change in the structure of the permanent UNSC membership; abolition of the veto right and introducing the method of qualified majority voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada has legislated its commitment to implementing the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous peoples (UNDRIP). This legislation requires Canada to reform its laws to be consistent with UNDRIP and to recognize Indigenous peoples' right to self-determination. Little has been written on Indigenous peoples role in federal emergencies. Canada's Emergencies Act and Emergency Management Act do not mention Indigenous peoples. As such there is no requirement for Canada to engage with, or report to, Indigenous peoples at times of emergencies in spite of the often devastating impacts on their people, territories, resources and infrastructure. This paper explores the ways that Canada can recognize First Nation jurisdiction and work with Indigenous peoples at times of emergencies. Experiences with forest fires, floods and invasion of the military provide lessons for how to reform Canada's emergency laws. These reforms must be enacted through engagement with First Nations and with particular attention to capacity building, protocols and agreements for coordination and support. Canada's emergency laws have an important role to play in implementing UNDRIP and the rights and title of First Nations in Canada. With so many natural disasters being caused by climate change, it is critical that First Nations play a strong role in Emergencies in their own territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Security Strategies Journal / Güvenlik Stratejileri Dergisi is the property of Strategic Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Unfortunately, modern liberals have long misrepresented and misused the foundational principles of liberalism, in order to claim that the fundamental function of every democratic state is the pursuit of its citizens' liberty, as well as to viciously attack all states and leaders that do not consider liberty to be sacrosanct. Via an appeal to the essential works of liberalism and realism, this paper has thoroughly contradicted the claims of modern liberalism and has definitively argued that security, not liberty, is the fundamental purpose of every state. Furthermore, this paper has comprehensively analyzed the USA, in order to demonstrate that, if a state sacrifices the liberty of its citizeniy in order to maintain its national security, then the state's actions are not merely just and ethical vis-á-vis its citizeniy, but, rather, fulfill the state's fundamental, protective, function and are, in fact, an inevitable, benevolent, aspect of the state's existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The prolonged military incursion in Nigerian politics in favour of the oligarchy brought agitation for the democratic rule; it exacerbated ethnicity and created the fear of domination of the minority by the majority. The advent of democracy ushered in a new breath of life and took Nigerians away from the shackle of military oppression to civilian rule. The democratic rule became a mirage as a result of prevalent insecurity in Nigeria. Unfortunately, efforts to bring lasting peace to all sections of the country have not yielded positive result till date. The failure has resulted in general insecurity among ethnic groups consequent upon which ethnic militia emerged among groups for the defence of their members or individual groups. The phenomenon also resulted from the unequal distribution of wealth by the military Junta. This trend resulted in general perennial crises. Even the democracy was instituted, the warlords of the various militia groups constituted themselves into obstacles to democratic institutions. Even the democratic institutions deviated from using security agencies for the security of other citizens. Instead, security agencies became politicised, which has remained the dominant factor hindering the actualisation of dividends of democracy. And today, needless to even say that insecurity or unrest has crippled socio-political and economic spheres of life of the nation. This paper examines democracy and security in Nigeria, the security challenges in various regions of Nigeria and the contributions made by the military institutions in maintaining peace and security under demo- cratic rule since 1999 up to 2017. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essence and elements of the Ukraine's national security political and legal support process are researched in the paper. It has been proved that the democratic transition process in Ukraine leaded up to a change in approaches of understanding the essence of national security and practice of its support. Nowadays, a value-oriented approach plays a significant role in scientific thought and at the legislative level. It is deduced that democratic changes in the security and defense sector have not been completed and finally implemented in the process of implementing national security policy. Problems of economic and ideological nature, the unwillingness of society to systemic transformation, the polarization of political actors as for domestic and foreign policy priorities is often the obstacle to democratic transition in the field of national security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The maintenance of internal and external security of the state is essentially the primary duty of the government. In Nigeria, this has become imperative in the face of the myriad of threats to her national security from within and outside. Nigeria has been bedeviled by the problem of insecurity caused by armed robbery, political violence, ethno-religious conflicts, Fulani herdsmen, Boko Haram insurgents and the Niger Delta insurgency. For a country trying to nurture her evolving democracy, security threat in whatever form is antithetic to sustainable democracy. This paper therefore, examines the elements of national security, which include but not limited to military, political, economic, and environmental security. It concludes that the myriad of security threats facing the country requires more than military force to resolve in order to achieve true national security. The paper recommended several measures to be put in place by the government to deemphasize its absolute reliance on the military for national security; ranging from the use of other elements of national power, such as diplomacy, negotiation and law enforcement, social and economic equity to environmental justice.

To ensure world peace and security in twenty-first century, hostile relationship between the two major civilizations in the world today should he managed. Considering the geographical distribution of Muslims in the world today, we can see on the top of the world's known fuel deposits, most important trade routes -- the Mediterranean, the Red Sea, the Bosporus, the Black Sea, and the Straits of Malacca -- are all heavily populated by Muslims. Over the past half-century, many events have highlighted the role of lslam as a cultural and political force in international affairs. They have generated debates and discourses, many of which fall under polemics and apologetics. To understand how and why certain anti-rational tendencies have gained ground in the Islamic world, we need to consider their historical and socio-political context, including the official state policies, notably the attempts to crush major mainstream lslamist movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and the cancellation of Algeria's elections. This paper aims to present a critical reading of some of the problems faced by the Muslim world and their impacts on international system. The method of approach in this paper is descriptive with explaining the relationship among International relations, Islam, peace and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Desafíos is the property of Colegio Mayor de Nuestra Senora del Rosario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes the conditions in which the governments of Argentina and Brazil founded security institutions in the early 1990s, while they were democratizing. It advances the hypothesis that international cooperation in the security field is often linked to the evolution of civil-military relations. Civilian leaders in both countries established institutions and sought international participation deliberately to achieve civilian control and gain leverage over the military establishment, which they sorely distrusted. The need to stabilize civil-military relations at home was therefore the prime motivating force behind the emergence of security institutions in the Southern Cone. Three mechanisms were at work: omnibalancing, policy handling, and managing uncertainty. These mechanisms are derived from three different schools of thought: realism, organizational-bureaucratic models, and theories of domestic political institutions. Besides explaining the sources of nuclear bilateral cooperation, this argument also serves as a critique of two prominent theories in international relations that attempt to explain cooperation and peaceful relations among democracies: neoliberal institutionalism and democratic peace theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Security culture represents an extremely important concept nowadays, as a consequence of the security issues that were characteristic for the last decade and which rose, even close to Romania's borders. Security culture has been and continues to be a powerful tool in the process of ensuring state security. In brief, security culture is a combination of knowledge and attitudes toward the security issues of the state. Since 2010, the concept has been emphasized in the Romanian national defence strategies, which support the need to consolidate such a culture. Due to these strategic documents, authorities in the field of national security have pointed their efforts in the direction of strengthening security culture among citizens. In order to carry out optimally these efforts, it is important to know the evolution of the security culture concept, which elements of the past could hinder the current process of consolidating security culture and what are the issues on which authorities should pay more attention. The way security culture has been shaped during the communist regime is extremely relevant for today's efforts. Also, it is important that the process of consolidating security culture starts from a good knowledge of the Romanian national culture. Therefore, the main objective of this is to present relevant information about the characteristics of Romanian culture and data about how security culture has changed over time, from the communist period to the democratic actual regime. The research method used was "literature review" by integrating multiple data from different findings and perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many interpretations of Thailand's May 1992 mass movement and military crackdown dwell on middle-class democracy formulae and/or mobacracy threats to national security. The paper argues that the two most interesting aspects of the May Events — non-violent tactics and non—governmental organizations - challenged not just the soldiers, but the whole military-directed discourse of political organization in Thailand. Utilizing feminist theory's notion of oppositional consciousness, the non-governmental organization/non-violent action dynamic is framed as a motivating force behind the social movement of April—May 1992. This challenge can be called post-modern because, with its multi-centred organization and centrifugal forces, it jams the discourse of ‘normal’ Thai politics leaving openings for a more participartory democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study discussed Nigerian military, national security and the role of the mass media in democracy. The media are critical stakeholders in the Nigerian project. During colonial rule, the press led the fight for Nigeria independence. During military rule, the media led the fight to return the country to democracy. The study explained that the press has been the foremost instrument of fighting for equity, justice, unity and the development of Nigeria. Journalists should be empowered to tell the powerful stories that will aid our overall collective development; keep our leaders and institutions accountable; foster peace and unity; as well as inspire a sense of patriotic duty amongst the citizenry. To strengthen the media, which is the Fourth Estate of The Realm in democracy is a task that must be done. The mass media in Nigeria should be used to enhance and sustain the security of the nation. This means that mass media should never be used as divisive instrument among the people of Nigeria but rather should be used for the promotion and consolidation of national unity and integration. It is also recommended that security operatives should work with media practitioners as watchdogs of the society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some states possess more advanced military technologies than others? Our study explores the vertical proliferation of land-attack cruise missiles (LACMs), seeking to understand which demand- and supply-side factors best explain why some countries acquire more sophisticated LACMs. We theorize that states' security environments, regime types, possession of related strategic technologies, and membership in the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) influence the possession of more sophisticated cruise missiles. Our analysis employs a unique new global dataset with granular data on every LACM national militaries have deployed. We use this dataset to evaluate the proliferation of LACMs across the international system from 1991–2015. Using a selection model that first controls for the horizontal proliferation of LACMs, we find that insecurity, scientific and technical expertise from related technologies, the possession of highly authoritarian and highly democratic regimes, and MTCR membership all have positive effects on the sophistication of LACM-possessors' arsenals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, both the European Union (EU) and the People's Republic of China (PRC) have considerably stepped up their presence in Africa, including in the field of peace and security. This article discusses how the EU's and China's understanding of governance and sovereignty affects their respective security strategies in Africa. It argues that although European and Chinese rhetoric significandy differs in terms of the doctrines of sovereignty and governance, the conventional wisdom of two competing security models is inaccurate. As a matter of fact, Brussels and Beijing pursue converging security interests in Africa, a fact that can open the door for coordinated Sino-European crisis management efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Failed states pose one of the deepest challenges to American national security and international peace and stability. Finding a comprehensive and effective solution to the challenges of terrorism, human rights violations, or poverty and economic development requires some understanding of how to restore failed states. The response of the United Slates and its allies has remained the same: to rebuild the institutions of state control, and, ~f lucky, to plant a working democracy and a market economy within existing stale borders. But many international law scholars remain openly dubious about the ability of states to rebuild-the problem is not failed states but the nation-state as the primary actor in international relations. This paper argues that both American and United Nations policy on the one hand, and the conventional academic wisdom on the other hand, are mistaken. Building a normal nation-state with full sovereignty on every territory in the world, without changing any borders, fails to understand why some states are failing in the first place. Viable states simply do not align with the borders recognized by the United Nations or created during the period of rapid decolonization in the decades after World War II. Academics who see in failed states the rise of alternatives to the nation-state have no practical solutions that do not depend on the political, economic, and military resources of strong nation-states. Without them, supranational governments, trusteeships, or nongovernmental organizations have shown little ability to fix failed states. This Article argues that powerful nations can help by performing the more modest role of promoting and guaranteeing power-sharing agreements between competing groups within failed states. It concludes by illustrating the thesis with the outcome of the surge in Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The armed forces have always enjoyed a special status in the Thrkish Republic. The Thrkish military has seen itself as the guardian of secular, reformist, and democratic goals proclaimed by Ataturk and followed by his successor Inönü. In the last 35 years, military officers have taken over the government from politicians twice and brought down two other prime ministers by means of an ultimatum and other pressure tactics under the aegis of its doctrine of national security. This paper investigates the reasons underlying the military intervention in the political arena which is essential to an assessment of the long- term prognosis for civilian nile. Thrkey's future strength lies in its ability to solidify and expand its democracy, and that depoliticization of the military is critical to this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the change in government policies towards the freedom of media in Botswana. The change has been fueled by increasing violence in the neighboring countries. Botswana is a democratic country with enduring political institutions and efficient civil service. According to the author, the country is economically dependent on and militarily vulnerable to South Africa. The economic development of the country depends on revenue from its citizens employed in foreign countries. The author claims that the political harmony and an overall atmosphere of tolerance and respect for dissent are in danger due to rise in tensions and distrust among both the government and the general public

Sociologists and political scientists have long fretted over the dangers that a politicized military poses to democracy. In recent times, however, civil–military relations experts in the United States accepted retired or indeed still serving generals and admirals in high-ranking political posts. Despite customary revulsion from scholars, the sudden waivers are an indicator that military participation in momentous national security decisions is inherently political without necessarily being partisan, including when civilian authority defers to a largely autonomous sphere for objective military expertise. Military politics is actually critical for healthy civil–military collaboration, when done prudently and moderately. Janowitz and Huntington, founders of the modern study of civil–military relations, understood the U.S. military's inevitable invitation to political influence. Here, we elaborate on two neglected dimensions, implicit in their projects, of military politics under objective civilian control based on classical virtues of civic republicanism: Aristotle's practical wisdom and Machiavelli's virtú. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the author substantiates the advantages of an interdisciplinary dialogue between political science, philosophy and jurisprudence. Philosophy is seen as a methodology of "understanding." It has defined such concepts as "rule of law" and "democracy." It has been substantiated that the official language of international politics is law and culture. The advantages of the hermeneutic method in the context of the philosophy of law are analyzed and substantiated. It has been substantiated that understanding the philosophy of law is impossible without a historical and philosophical component that restores the connection between the continuity of ideas and concepts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade laws have always struck a balance between political freedom and national security. The trade of commercial communication satellites ("CCS") between the United States and Hong Kong is no exception. Until recently, Hong Kong held a special trade designation that allowed it to purchase CCS from the United States. This exception from the strict ban on sales of certain advanced technologies to China was allowed due to Hong Kong's semi-autonomous status. However, China's continued encroachment on Hong Kong's autonomy led the United States to strip Hong Kong of its special trade status and ban the free exchange of advanced technologies. This note examines whether the decision to end Hong Kong's special trade status will ultimately erode their political freedom. Additionally, this note argues that the United States' strict ban on the sale of satellite technology will ultimately hurt its own national security interests. Therefore, the United States should maintain open trade with Hong Kong to ensure political freedom abroad and national security at home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents several abstracts related to business economics and management. Russian investments to several Eastern European countries; Changes in Estonian organizations; Tax evasion through offshore companies.

Copyright of Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces is the property of Gen. Tadeusz Kosciuszko Military Academy of Land Forces and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces is the property of Gen. Tadeusz Kosciuszko Military Academy of Land Forces and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the last four years, fake news has overtaken the cancan and the mundane world to be used as a "weapon" in the arsenal of social manipulation. Fake news is today a very effective tool by which democratic institutions are eroded and the state entities demonized. Although most often the identity of the perpetrator, of the one who triggers a fake news directly or through a software application, is unknown, the state must fulfil its obligation to maintain national security and to ensure the nation's defence, as well as to guarantee the exercise of the fundamental rights and freedoms of man and, increasingly, the obligation to guarantee the right of citizens to be properly and truthfully informed. The eradication of the fourth power, by shifting information from professionalism to the "tweet" news, makes these state obligations much more difficult to fulfil. This article brings to the readers' attention a series of effects generated by fake news and how they have or can have an impact on national security and national defence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recent article has found nationalism to be negatively associated with government respect for several human rights. In this article, I replicate the original study’s findings, I demonstrate that these findings are robust to an alternate model specification, and I then extend the analysis to additional human rights not examined by the original author. Ultimately, I find that in comparison to when the chief executive is not nationalist, when the chief executive is highly nationalist, that state is less likely to be associated with high government respect for six ‘empowerment’ rights (i.e. the freedoms of assembly and association, electoral self-determination, speech, foreign movement, religion, and worker’s rights), and more likely to be associated with low government respect for these six empowerment rights. This study suggests that nationalism’s influence on human rights is greater than previous thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article highlights an international symposium on National Security and Democracy that took place in Tel Aviv, Israel in March 1990. Chaired by Professor Avner Yaniv of Haifa University, the conference recognized the fragile coexistence of security and democracy in Israel during the late 1980s. The key areas that were problematic in Israel are enumerated. The sponsor of the symposium was the Israel Diaspora Institute, which is presently known as the Israel Democracy Institute.

Copyright of Military Science Review / Hadtudományi Szemle is the property of National University of Public Service and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the possible links between regional governance and global governance from a regional perspective. It presents and develops a typology of linkages that include: (1) irrelevance; (2) conflict; (3) cooperation; and (4) harmonic relations. Moreover, it suggests three alternative explanations to make sense of the linkages as a function of the nature of the issue area of regional and global governance, the role of pivotal states, and the importance of ideational factors and the diffusion of norms. It succinctly refers to the Latin American experience as an illustration of the nexus between regional governance and global governance in a comparative perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) opposition to the U.S. policy towards the Vietnam War in 1961-1975. It discusses IPS's call for a reduction in U.S. foreign aid to nations guilty of human rights abuses and its contribution to the debate over war, democracy and bureaucracy. It looks at IPS's efforts to eliminate the divide between theory and activism, and IPS intellectuals's arguments over the rising fortunes of technocrats within the bureaucracy. It also examines IPS calls for direct involvement of U.S. citizens in governance.