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Four decades of rising incomes at the top, combined with income stagnation and declining intergenerational social mobility for the majority of American households, have combined to produce what has been widely described as a "new gilded age" in the United States. Yet analyses of the best available survey data reveal little evidence of a proportional increase in policy demands for redistribution over time. What explains this puzzling pattern of non-responsiveness? One classical explanation, revived in recent economic literature, postulates that high and persisting levels of optimism about the chances for advancement and social mobility reduce Americans' willingness to support redistributive public policies. Although seemingly paradoxical in the current economic environment, the "prospect of upward mobility" (POUM) hypothesis is consistent with cross-national survey evidence revealing relatively high levels of support for such beliefs. What about trends over-time? This raises an important and largely unexamined question: Have underlying beliefs about POUM also shaped Americans' attitudes toward redistributive policies during the era of rising inequality? In this paper, we examine the POUM-policy preference link, and how it has changed in recent decades. We find that POUM beliefs have shaped how individuals form policy attitudes toward inequality and taxes, net of partisanship, income, and confidence in government. Study findings provide new and provocative evidence in support of the POUM hypothesis, and we discuss implications for models of inequality attitudes and more generally scholarship on the politics of rising inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The number of asylum seekers and refugees across the world is rapidly increasing. Negative attitudes toward these groups are globally prevalent and typically hostile because most receiving country citizens perceive them to be a security threat and an economic burden. This paper aims to understand the antecedents of negative attitudes toward a large refugee group currently garnering a great deal of attention—Syrian refugees, and experimentally test ways to ameliorate negative attitudes. In Study 1 (N = 122), we investigated predictors of social distance—as a proxy for prejudice—and found right‐wing authoritarianism and intergroup anxiety to be significant predictors. In Study 2 (N = 162), we tested whether perceived acculturation orientation would predict social distance and found that Americans were less prejudiced toward Syrians who preferred to assimilate rather than integrate. Finally, in Study 3 (N = 153), we tested if a form of vicarious contact could reduce social distance via reduced intergroup anxiety; we found initial evidence for this mediation link. We discussed the potential for the vicarious contact intervention to foster positive intergroup relations and contribute to refugee wellbeing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The objective of this research was to statistically compare employee's use of sources of guidance (SOGs) at work in the United States and Brazil and discuss results in the light of differences concerning national cultural characteristics. Method - 220 employees from a Brazilian university and 166 employees from an American university filled out a paper-and-pencil questionnaire. Pearson correlation tests (r) and Student t-tests were run to investigate statistically significant differences between the two samples, which were discussed in the light of national cultural characteristics. Main results - Americans presented significantly higher means than Brazilians on Informal Rules and People Outside Organization, and Brazilians presented significantly higher mean than Americans on Formal Rules and Procedures. The discussion showed that some of these differences are compatible with national cultural characteristics. Relevance/Originality - Recognizing the importance and the role of national cultures on individuals' attitudes and behavior within the organizational environment is fundamental in the search for effective and contextualized management practices. Theoretical/methodological contributions - Up until 2020, only 12 theoreticalempirical studies about SOGs were developed. Hence, the present study theoretically and empirically contributes to knowledge about this very important work-related construct. Social/management contributions - The results suggest to managers, human resource professionals, and psychologists important differences in the attitudes of American and Brazilian employees concerning the use of sources of guidance at work, contributing, for instance, to recruitment and selection processes in multinationals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper examines claims of a growing cultural divide in the United States. We analyze social change in beliefs about gender over a period of 36 years (from 1974 to 2010) in the United States using data from the nationally representative General Social Survey (GSS). We find evidence of growing gender egalitarianism until the mid-1990s, with a reversal between 1996 and 2000, and a decline in state differences in beliefs about gender over time in our decomposition analysis and multilevel models. Although we find significant differences in gender beliefs among states in the 1970s based on their voting record on the Equal Rights Amendment and based on patterns of family formation and family life associated with the Second Demographic Transition, these differences among states decreased or disappeared entirely by the early years of the twenty-first century. We highlight the implications of our findings for the ongoing public and academic debate surrounding growing cultural differences among states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A substantial literature claims that the strong increase in inequality over the last decade in Western industrial countries such as the United States (US) would lead to increasing tensions between different socio-economic groups which might in turn hamper economic growth. The population’s fading hopes regarding the outlook on the future seem to confirm this. This paper qualifies this interpretation using survey data collected by the Pew Research Center for the People covering 1999-2014. Over the first decade, the decline in hope cannot be traced back to the rising inequality. However, recent data from 2014 suggest that inequality is now a major driver of a lower than ever level of hope. Hence inequality is a recent factor, not the driver of the long-term decline in hope. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose Scholarly research provides few insights into how integrating the western values of individualism and low power distance with the eastern values of collectivism and high power distance may influence cross-cultural conflict management. Following the framework of the theory of cooperation and competition, the purpose of this paper is to directly examine the impacts of organization-level collectivism and individualism, as well as high and low power distance, to determine the interactive effects of these four factors on cross-cultural conflict management.Design/methodology/approach This is a 2×2 experiment study. Data were collected from a US laboratory experiment with 80 participants.Findings American managers working in a company embracing western low power distance and eastern collectivism values were able to manage conflict cooperatively with their Chinese workers. Moreover, American managers working in a company valuing collectivism developed more trust with Chinese workers, and those in a company culture with high power distance were more interested in their workers’ viewpoints and more able to reach integrated solutions.Originality/value This study is an interdisciplinary research applying the social psychology field’s theory of cooperation and competition to the research on employee-manager, cross-cultural conflict management (which are industrial relations and organizational behavior topics, respectively), with an eye to the role of cultural adaptation. Furthermore, this study included an experiment to directly investigate the interactions between American managers and Chinese workers discussing work distribution conflict in four different organizational cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1988, Andrei Markovits first published the argument that soccer in the United States encounters an ‘exceptional’ experience because America’s ‘hegemonic sports culture’ has ‘crowded out’ the sport by virtue of historically determined factors, including popular acceptance. Twenty years after USA ’94, it seems appropriate to revisit this idea. In this paper, I utilize survey data from multiple sources to make three arguments. First, interest in soccer among the public has been generally stable over time; second, relative to other countries, American fans are not discernibly exceptional; third, what discerns fans are characteristics that appear to be a function of the sport’s diversity. This makes the ongoing ‘exceptional’ characterization ironic, as the binary continues to serve those who deride soccer as ‘un-American’. While Markovits has identified a critical period in soccer’s past, moving beyond the deterministic exceptionalist model is imperative for future research on the American game. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

According to public opinion polls majorities in the UK and US believe that increased immigration poses a serious threat to maintaining a shared common culture, strains social services, compromises national security and undermines the employment opportunities of long term native born residents. The average American believes the United States is 39% black, 26% Jewish, 33% Latino, 38% foreign born and 25% gay. These beliefs and estimates of group size are incorrect or vastly distort the impact immigrants have on society. What are the public policy implications, particularly for the foreign born population, when such distortions are the basis for how individuals respond to public policy survey questions? This paper examines how survey research may unintentionally cement stereotypes and result in public policy measures which increase social inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multilevel governance poses several challenges for the politics of climate change. On the one hand, the unequal distribution of power and interests can serve as a barrier to implementing coherent policy at a federal level. On the other, these features also enable policy leadership among sub-federal units. In the context of wide variation in climate policy at both national and sub-federal levels in Canada and in the United States, this paper utilizes an original data set to examine public attitudes and perceptions toward climate science and climate change policy in two federal systems. Drawing on national and provincial/state level data from telephone surveys administered in the United States and in Canada, the paper provides insight into where the public stands on the climate change issue in two of the most carbon-intensive federal systems in the world. The paper includes the first directly comparable public opinion data on how Canadians and Americans form their opinions regarding climate matters and provides insight into the preferences of these two populations regarding climate policies at both the national and sub-federal levels. Key findings are examined in the context of growing policy experiments at the sub-federal level in both countries and limited national level progress in the adoption of climate change legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 9/11 terrorist attacks, research on attitudes towards the use of torture on suspected terrorists has become common. However, despite acknowledging the identity-rooted relationship between threat and out-group hostility, the possible relationship between identity attachment and attitudes towards torture has been under-explored. Using data from the 2016 American National Election Study, the results of the present study further the understanding of the relationship between identity and support for torture. Two main findings are supported: 1) greater attachment to American Identity increases support for the torture of suspected terrorists, and 2) the perceived threat of terrorism partially mediates the relationship between attachment to the American Identity and attitudes towards torture. Ultimately, the study demonstrates, high attachment to American Identity and the 9/11-generated discursive construction of terrorists as threatening this identity is associated with individuals' attitudes towards torture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study compares changes in American attitudes toward intermarriage with Blacks, Asians, Hispanics, and Whites in the twenty-first century simultaneously, using nationally representative samples from General Social Surveys 2000–2018. Our trend analyses reveal that, since 2000, nearly two thirds or more of Americans have strongly favored, favored, or held a neutral stance on, intermarriage with Blacks, Asians, and Hispanics, but favorable attitudes toward intermarriage with non-Hispanic Whites have either been generally steady or even slightly declined. Our generalized linear ordinal logistic regression analyses show that either including or excluding control variables, American attitudes have become generally more supportive of intermarriage with Blacks since 2002, with Asians since 2008, and with Hispanics since 2010, but have witnessed insignificant undulating changes in support for intermarriage with non-Hispanic Whites in the twenty-first century. The findings have significant implications for social progress and inter-group relations, hierarchies, and distances in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I report findings from a pair of conjoint experiments that presented respondents with a series of profiles of pregnant women and asked whether it should be possible for each to obtain a legal abortion. The profiles varied the reason for the abortion, gestational age, and demographic characteristics of the hypothetical woman. I find little evidence that women's demographic characteristics—including their purported ethnoracial identities—affect these judgments. In contrast, the effects of gestational age and the reason for the abortion are substantial. Notably, the effects of gestational age appear to be linear and unresponsive to trimester and viability thresholds commonly cited in elite discourse. I also find that the reason for the abortion becomes more consequential as gestational age increases. Finally, I consider whether these effects vary with respondents' party affiliation and gender. The findings offer new insights into the contours of abortion attitudes in the United States and illustrate the strengths and limitations of conjoint designs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the gender gap in attitudes toward the use of military force in the United States. Given that the United States has been continuously engaged in war for the last 17 years, we revisit the topic and explore whether a gender gap in attitudes persists by utilizing Cooperative Congressional Election Study data for 2006–16. In addition, given the primacy of partisanship to issue attitudes, we go beyond examining the gender gap to explore the impact of partisanship on these attitudes. We find that women are less likely than men to support the use of force in most circumstances. We also find gender gaps in the Democratic and Republican parties and acknowledge the diversity among women and among men in these attitudes because of partisan identity. Finally, we identify points of cross-pressure on individuals whose gender and partisan identities pull them in different directions, namely, Republican women and Democratic men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Opinions toward gay marriage, also known as same-sex marriage, have become dramatically more favorable in the last 20 years. Given the more accepting attitudes of younger Americans, generational replacement is one widely noted engine of change. However, the pace of shifts in public attitudes has been too rapid for this to be the sole explanation. Identifying other causes of increasing support has been difficult due to reliance on cross-sectional associations. Using nationally representative panel data from 2008 to 2016, we test three potential explanations for changes in public attitudes toward gay marriage. Our findings suggest that increased interpersonal contact with gays and lesbians, declining religiosity, and increasing levels of education in the U.S. all contributed to the rise in public support for same-sex marriage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reciprocity is one of the oldest principles of warfare, but humanitarian norms embedded in international humanitarian law (IHL) prohibit reciprocity over various wartime acts. When it comes to the treatment of prisoners of war (POWs), how do these conflicting norms shape public opinion? One perspective is that citizens who learn about IHL acquire an unconditional aversion to abusing POWs. Alternatively, people may understand IHL as a conditional commitment that instead strengthens their approval for reciprocal conduct. Survey experiments fielded in the United States support the latter view: people's preferences depend on the enemy's behavior, and this "reciprocity effect" is largest among those who believe that the United States is legally committed to treating POWs humanely. Puzzlingly, prior studies do not find a reciprocity effect, but this is due to their use of a no-information experimental control group, which led to a lack of control over the subjects' assumptions about the survey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both psychological and political science researchers have pointed out that Trump policies embrace right wing and authoritarian dispositions. In turn, such dispositions have been related to climate change denial and aversion to wealth redistribution. Nevertheless, little is known about the mechanisms underlying the relationship between individuals' favorable attitude towards Trump and climate change skepticism. We aimed to understand two cruxes in this relationship: (i) whether the favorable attitude towards Trump influences climate change skepticism through the aversion to wealth redistribution and (ii) whether people's interest in politics interacts in the relationships between attitude towards Trump and two social outcomes—climate change denial and aversion to wealth redistribution. We considered a representative sample of the US electorate (ANES 2016 database, N = 4271), assessing attitudes towards Trump by aggregating several indicators concerning respondents' evaluations of Trump. Interest in politics, aversion to wealth redistribution, and climate change skepticism had also been assessed. Results showed that favorable attitudes towards Trump related to climate change denial through the aversion to wealth redistribution. Moreover, the link between such attitudes and both climate change skepticism and aversion to wealth redistribution was stronger for people showing a greater interest in politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do Americans' priorities for combating risks like terrorism, climate change, and violent crime often seem so uncorrelated with the dangers that those risks objectively present? Many scholars believe the answer to this question is that heuristics, biases, and ignorance cause voters to misperceive risk magnitudes. By contrast, this article argues that Americans' risk priorities primarily reflect judgments about the extent to which some victims deserve more protection than others and the degree to which it is appropriate for government to intervene in different areas of social life. The article supports this argument with evidence drawn from a survey with 3,000 respondents, using pairwise comparisons to elicit novel measures of how respondents perceive nine dimensions of 100 life‐threatening risks. Respondents were well informed about these risks' relative magnitudes—the correlation between perceived and actual mortality was .82—but those perceptions explained relatively little variation in policy preferences relative to judgments about the status of victims and the appropriate role of government. These findings hold regardless of political party, education, and other demographics. The article thus argues that the key to understanding Americans' divergent reactions to risk lies more with their values than with their grasp of factual information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Davidai and Gilovich (2018) contend that (a) Americans tend to think about their nation's income distribution in terms of quintiles (fifths), and (b) when Americans' perceptions of socio-economic mobility rates are measured properly (e.g., by asking online survey respondents to guess upward-mobility rates across quintiles), a trend of overestimation (too much optimism concerning the number of people who manage to transcend poverty) will emerge. In this reply, we hail Davidai and Gilovich's new data as novel, important, and relevant to the former (a), but we doubt that they can support the latter (b) claim about population-level (in)accuracy. Namely, we note that even if mobility-rate perceptions could be measured perfectly, inferences about the accuracy of those perceptions still depend on a particular comparator--a point-estimate of the "true" rate of upward social mobility in the U.S. against which survey respondents' guesses are evaluated--that is itself an error-prone estimate. Applying different established comparators to survey respondents' guesses changes both the direction and magnitude of previously observed overestimation effects. We conclude with a challenge: researchers who wish to compute the average distance between socio-economic perceptions and socio-economic reality must first select and justify a fair comparator. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. To characterize US mayors' and health commissioners' opinions about health disparities in their cities and identify factors associated with these opinions. Methods. We conducted a multimodal survey of mayors and health commissioners in fall-winter 2016 (n = 535; response rate = 45.2%). We conducted bivariate analyses and multivariable logistic regression. Results. Forty-two percent of mayors and 61.1% of health commissioners strongly agreed that health disparities existed in their cities. Thirty percent of mayors and 8.0% of health commissioners believed that city policies could have little or no impact on disparities. Liberal respondents were more likely than were conservative respondents to strongly agree that disparities existed (mayors: odds ratio [OR] = 7.37; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 3.22, 16.84; health commissioners: OR= 5.09; 95% CI = 3.07, 8.46). In regression models, beliefs that disparities existed, were avoidable, and were unfair were independently associated with the belief that city policies could have a major impact on disparities. Results. Many mayors, and some health commissioners, are unaware of the potential of city policies to reduce health disparities. Ideology is strongly associated with opinions about disparities among these city policymakers. Public Health Implications: Information about health disparities, and policy strategies to reduce them, needs to be more effectively communicated to city policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of evidence suggests that psychological biases can lead different implementations of otherwise equivalent tax incentives to result in meaningfully different behaviors. We argue that in the presence of such failures of “implementation invariance,” decoupling the question of optimal feasible allocations from the tax system used to induce them—the “mechanism design approach” to tax analysis—cannot be the right approach to analyzing optimal tax systems. After reviewing the diverse psychologies that lead to failures of implementation invariance, we illustrate our argument by formally deriving three basic lessons that arise in the presence of these biases. First, the mechanism design approach neither estimates nor bounds the welfare computed under psychologically realistic assumptions about individuals’ responses to the tax instruments used in practice. Second, the optimal allocations from abstract mechanisms may not be implementable with concrete tax policies, and vice versa. Third, the integration of these biases may mitigate the importance of information asymmetries, resulting in optimal tax formulas more closely approximated by classical Ramsey results. We conclude by proposing that a “behavioral” extension of the “sufficient statistics” approach is a more fruitful way forward in the presence of such psychological biases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study on the representations of God and support for sustainability policies among citizens in the U.S. Particular focus is given to the three representations of God such as an authoritarian, as a benevolent personified being, and as a mystical cosmic force. Also discussed are the relationship between the representations of God and sustainability behaviors.

Objectives. To examine the public health and policy-relevant messages conveyed through local television news during the first stage of Affordable Care Act (ACA) implementation, when about 10 million Americans gained insurance. Methods. We conducted a content analysis of 1569 ACA-related local evening television news stories, obtained from sampling local news aired between October 1, 2013, and April 19, 2014. Coders systematically collected data using a coding instrument tracking major messages and information sources cited in the news. Results. Overall, only half of all ACA-related news coverage focused on health insurance products, whereas the remainder discussed political disagreementsover the law. Major policy tools of the ACA--the Medicaid expansion and subsidies available--were cited in less than 10% of news stories. Number of enrollees (27%) and Web site glitches (33%) were more common features of coverage. Sources with a political affiliation were by far the most commonsource of information (> 40%), whereas research was cited in less than 4% of stories. Conclusions. The most common source of news for Americans provided little public health-relevant substance about the ACA during its early implementation, favoring political strategy in coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades inequality in the United States has increased dramatically, but policy responses in terms of redistribution have been limited. This is not easily explained by standard political economy theory, which predicts a positive relationship between inequality and redistribution. One set of explanations for this puzzle focuses on whether and why redistributive preferences are muted in the presence of high inequality. While much recent research has focused on citizens' preferences over government spending, we argue that preferences over taxation are a central piece of this puzzle. This article implements an experimental conjoint survey design to measure American income tax preferences across six income brackets. We find that policy opinions are generally progressive but that preferences do not vary substantially from current tax policies, and support for taxing the rich is highly inelastic. We show that both economic and fairness concerns affect individual tax preferences and find that conflict is primarily over taxing high incomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the relevance of nationalism for politics and intergroup relations, sociologists have devoted surprisingly little attention to the phenomenon in the United States, and historians and political psychologists who do study the United States have limited their focus to specific forms of nationalist sentiment: ethnocultural or civic nationalism, patriotism, or national pride. This article innovates, first, by examining an unusually broad set of measures (from the 2004 GSS) tapping national identification, ethnocultural and civic criteria for national membership, domain-specific national pride, and invidious comparisons to other nations, thus providing a fuller depiction of Americans’ national self-understanding. Second, we use latent class analysis to explore heterogeneity, partitioning the sample into classes characterized by distinctive patterns of attitudes. Conventional distinctions between ethnocultural and civic nationalism describe just about half of the U.S. population and do not account for the unexpectedly low levels of national pride found among respondents who hold restrictive definitions of American nationhood. A subset of primarily younger and well-educated Americans lacks any strong form of patriotic sentiment; a larger class, primarily older and less well educated, embraces every form of nationalist sentiment. Controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and partisan identification, these classes vary significantly in attitudes toward ethnic minorities, immigration, and national sovereignty. Finally, using comparable data from 1996 and 2012, we find structural continuity and distributional change in national sentiments over a period marked by terrorist attacks, war, economic crisis, and political contention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Assimilation is theorized as a multi-stage process where the structural mobility of immigrants and their descendants ultimately leads to established and immigrant-origin populations developing a subjective sense of social similarity with one another, an outcome I term symbolic belonging. Yet existing work offers little systematic evidence as to whether and how immigrants’ gains—in terms of language ability, socioeconomic status, neighborhood integration, or intermarriage—cause changes in the perceptions of the native-born U.S. population. I use a nationally representative conjoint survey experiment to explore whether and how immigrants’ mobility gains shape native-born white citizens’ perceptions of symbolic belonging. I find that white natives are generally open to structural relationships with immigrant-origin individuals (e.g., friends and neighbors), with the exception of black immigrants and natives, and undocumented immigrants. Yet, white Americans simultaneously view all non-white people, regardless of legal status, as dissimilar and far from achieving symbolic belonging in U.S. society. The results offer optimism about the potential structural mobility of legal immigrants and their descendants, yet simultaneously suggest that explicitly racialized lines of division remain just below the surface. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses American responses to the trial and arrest of anti-communist Hungarian Catholic martyr Cardinal Joseph Mindszenty in Hungary during Cold War years of 1948 and 1949. An overview of American Catholics' protests over Mindszenty's trial, including petitions created by anti-Communist Cardinal Francis Spellman, is provided.

Using samples from the U.S. and Puerto Rico, we examine cross-cultural differences in cultural value dimensions, and relate these to act and rule utilitarian orientations, and ethical decision making of business professionals. Although these places share the same legal environment, culturally they are distinct. In addition to tests of between-group differences, a model in which utilitarian orientation mediates the influence of cultural values on ethical decisions was evaluated at the individual level of analysis. Results indicated national culture differences on three cultural values, but no between-group differences on utilitarian orientations and ethical decisions. Significant indirect effects were found; act utilitarian orientation mediated the effects of two values activity orientation and universalism on ethical decision making. Implications for international management practices and business ethics are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses physician-patient communication and an informed consent medical law doctrine in relation to the authors' claim that many terminally-ill patients receive too much therapy and life-prolonging care in America as of 2016. Proposals for avoiding overtreatment are addressed, along with data which indicates that an increasing number of Americans believe that physicians should do everything they can to keep patients alive. The wishes of terminally-ill patients are assessed.

How does the convergence of national and religious identities potentially fortify white racial boundaries in the USA? Focusing on openness to racial exogamy as an indicator of racial boundaries, we examine the link between Christian nationalism and white Americans' views towards their hypothetical daughter marrying an African American, Latino, or Asian. Drawing on insights from social identity complexity theory, we argue that the convergence of religious and national identities serves to reinforce in-group boundaries, thereby fortifying notions of white purity, and consequently, strengthening whites' discomfort with potential race-mixing in marriage. Multivariate analyses of national survey data demonstrate that Christian nationalism is strongly associated with an increase in white Americans' discomfort with a daughter marrying any racial minority, and particularly African Americans. We demonstrate how the convergence of religious and national identities in Christian nationalism influences whites' regulating of racial boundaries (evidenced in intermarriage attitudes) above and beyond the independent effects of political conservatism or religious exclusivism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Many studies have examined Americans' immigration attitudes. Yet prior research frequently confounds multiple questions, including which immigrants to admit and how many to admit. To isolate attitudes on the former question, we use a conjoint experiment that simultaneously tests the influence of nine immigrant attributes in generating support for admission. Drawing on a two-wave, population-based survey, we demonstrate that Americans view educated immigrants in high-status jobs favorably, whereas they view those who lack plans to work, entered without authorization, are Iraqi, or do not speak English unfavorably. Strikingly, Americans' preferences vary little with their own education, partisanship, labor market position, ethnocentrism, or other attributes. Beneath partisan divisions over immigration lies a broad consensus about who should be admitted to the country. The results are consistent with norms-based and sociotropic explanations of immigration attitudes. This consensus points to limits in both theories emphasizing economic and cultural threats, and sheds new light on an ongoing policy debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using General Social Survey data, we examine perspectives on science and religion in the United States. Latent class analysis reveals three groups based on knowledge and attitudes about science, religiosity, and preferences for certain religious interpretations of the world. The traditional perspective (43 percent) is marked by a preference for religion compared to science; the modern perspective (36 percent) holds the opposite view. A third perspective, which we call post-secular (21 percent), views both science and religion favorably. However, when faced with competing accounts of events such as creation and evolution, post-seculars root their views in religion rather than in mainstream science. Regression models indicate that perspectives on science and religion do not simply mirror other denominational or ideological differences. Furthermore, religio-scientific perspectives shape attitudes about political issues where scientific and some religious communities diverge, including on abortion rights and stem cell research. Overall, most individuals favor either scientific or religious ways of understanding, but many scientifically inclined individuals prefer certain religious accounts. This suggests that public divisions related to science and religion are cultural and epistemological. This article underscores the complexity of the boundary between reason and faith and highlights the roots of political conflict in perspectives on science and religion in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

National panel data gathered in 2008 (T1) and 2010 (T2) from 420 Black and White US adults aged 18-89 years ( M = 45.37, SD = 15.85) were employed to assess prospective associations between pornography consumption and premarital sex attitudes. Premarital sex attitudes were indexed via a composite measure of perceptions of the appropriateness of adults and teenagers having premarital sex. Wright's () sexual script acquisition, activation, application model (AM) of media sexual socialization was used as the guiding theoretical framework. The AM maintains that sexual media may be used by consumers to inform their sexual scripts but that attitude change from exposure to sexual media is less likely when media scripts are incongruent with consumers' preexisting scripts. Consistent with these postulates, the association between pornography consumption at T1 and more positive attitudes toward premarital sex at T2 was strongest for younger adults, who are less oppositional to premarital sex than older adults. Contrary to the position that associations between pornography consumption and premarital sex attitudes are due to individuals who already have positive attitudes toward premarital sex selecting content congruent with their attitudes, premarital sex attitudes at T1 did not predict pornography consumption at T2. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politicians in the United States frequently cite public anger when they attack “country-club” conditions in prisons. Despite the ubiquity of this rhetoric, it is backed by limited empirical support. Few studies measure American citizens’ attitudes toward prison conditions, and even fewer studies do so with data from random samples of the population. To address this limitation in our knowledge, I measure public perceptions of life in prison and opinions about the appropriate severity of punishment in prison with data from an original public opinion survey administered to a national sample of the U.S. population. I find that a plurality of respondents both perceive life in prison to be unpleasant and voice the opinion that life in prison should be harsher still. I contextualize these findings within the broader study of public opinion about punishment. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Skeptics of Supreme Court power have pointed to abortion policy as an example of surprising limits on the justices' power to change society. I argue, however, that the Court's ruling in Roe v. Wade played a critical role in transforming how Americans think and talk about abortion. I develop an account of the development of the social conception of abortion from a critical reading of twentieth century American journalism and then test some predictions of that account through the use of quantitative content analyses. I conclude by discussing some implications for the study of judicial politics and public constitutionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we propose a shift in race research from a one-dimensional hierarchical approach to a multidimensional system of racial stratification. Building upon Claire Kim's (1999) racial triangulation theory, we examine how the American public rates Asians relative to blacks and whites along two dimensions of racial stratification: racial valorization and civic acceptance/ostracism. Using selected years from the General Social Survey, our analyses provide support for the multidimensional racial triangulation perspective as opposed to a singular hierarchical approach, although findings do not match all predictions by the racial triangulation thesis. Our results also suggest that on average whites are more likely than blacks to have more favorable views of the relative positions of Asians, particularly for family commitment, nonviolence and wealth, but blacks are more likely to assume racially egalitarian views than do whites. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This essay analyzes ten disparate but linked moments in the history of the depiction of the spaces of public housing. Investigating the image of public housing that emerges from a range of cultural forms and practices – from hip-hop to literature to social reform to urban planning to boogaloo – the essay inhabits the perspectives of a host of different actors with an interest in the life of public housing. By surveying a range of attitudes towards public housing from different moments in its history, it hopes to renew a vision of the public goals at the heart of its creation. Understanding the creative use of public housing's superblock spaces offers a way to imagine a form of shared ownership over its fate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]