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Scholarship on migrant identity increasingly shows that migrants can—and often do—construct multifaceted identities. Yet, questions around migrant identity formation remain contested in France, given a strongly assimilationist policy context that (in theory) precludes multiple identification. This paper explores intergenerational patterns of migrant identification in France using a nationally representative sample of 1st-, 1.5th-, and 2nd-generation migrants in France from five diverse sending regions in the Trajectories and Origin Survey. We conduct a latent profile analysis to identify qualitatively different unobserved (or latent) categories of migrant identification based on observed responses to questions of identification and belonging. These analyses suggest there are five distinct "identificational orientations" among migrants: assimilated, active bicultural, othered bicultural, detached bicultural , and ethnic. While the assimilated and ethnic categories provide some support for a traditional assimilation framework, biculturalism is widely prevalent and multifaceted: We identify three distinct varieties of biculturalism (active, othered, and detached). We also provide evidence of segmentation in identificational assimilation by region of origin and conduct multivariate analyses that shed insight into the experiences that correlate with different identificational orientations. Our findings question the presumed threat of strong ethnic identification to France's national cohesion and offer starting points for future research on how complex identities are formed within strongly assimilationist receiving contexts like France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women of many cultures and religions find a means of coping with stress and ill health in faith-based practices, such as meditation and prayer. It is customary for Muslim women to participate in such activities, usually with a special dress code, which often includes a hijab. The headscarf ban in French and formerly in Quebec public schools not only forces Muslim female students to shed theiressentialreligious dress code, but also fails to address the resulting health consequences and to acknowledge the cultural aspects of head-covering. This paper argues that the ban on head coverings in public schools is not only an infringement on religious and cultural freedoms, and violation of human rights, but that it is also an unhealthy policy intervention, as it undermines health by restricting prayers, mindfulness and spirituality. Furthermore, the ban has taken away Muslim women's choice to wear a hijab, thus restricting a sense of self-autonomy and in turn causing additional negative health implications. By synthesising these ideas, this paper holds a novel and critical perspective that the headscarf ban policy in France should be re-examined not only because of its infringement of human rights, but also to assess the negative health impacts on affected groups. For these reasons the paper advocates a reversal of the ban, as has happened in Quebec, Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses specifically on the incorporation of ethnic minority children within the education systems of England, France and Germany. The trends in policy development after World War II in these countries are examined through the prism of three ideal-typical incorporation strategies – integration, assimilation and separation. This is done to test the theories of universalism, parallel development and particularism, which anticipate different trajectories with regard to these strategies. The paper finds evidence for convergence towards integration with regard to provisions for extra support in the host country’s language. This supports the theory of universalism. However, no evidence of convergence towards integration is found in four other policy areas. For instance, country-specific trends emerge on minority religious education and enrolment into mainstream schools, which is consistent with the particularist perspective. As there is little evidence of the three countries drawing closer in terms of all three adopting a strategy of incorporation promoted by transnational agencies, the expectation that national states can borrow in a straightforward fashion from internationally advocated models of ethnic minority incorporation appears unfounded. The paper further finds that local practices are sometimes significantly at odds with national educational policy, suggesting that future research should be directed more at the local level to determine the policies affecting ethnic minority children. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

New research on the history of nineteenth-century Flemish migration into the North of France shows ample evidence of a complex pattern of transfer procedures taking place between the source and target cultures, both via institutions such as newspapers, magazines and associations and via practices such as popular theatre, almanacs and songs. The strong local embedding of migrant communities within a specific urban setting, i.e. industrial cities (Roubaix, Tourcoing, Lille), as well as the strong integration policy of the target culture, explain how and why Flemish cultural items are transferred and undergo a process of formal and functional hybridisation with the available institutional, linguistic and discursive models of the target culture. The following paper examines one type of transferred items, i.e. Flemish language elements, that are given particular emphasis in popular songs constructed by Flemish second-generation migrants. The analysis of these songs aims to show how procedures such as codeswitching and codemixing are used by migrant singers in order to construct a new hybrid language that may escape both uniform rejection and assimilation by the target culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among individuals coming from abroad to live in France, some pursue long-term settlement, while others return to their country of origin or migrate onward to a different country. Data that might foster better knowledge of their characteristics are extremely rare. Whether this is a matter of a selective process is a puzzling but important question. Do people remigrate because they are less integrated? Does that mean that those who stay are the most integrated? Using data from the Permanent Demographic Sample, the author responds to these questions and shows how to take remigration into account to measure the extent to which immigrants remaining in France are integrated into the labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyze the assimilation patterns of Muslim immigrants in Western countries with a unique identification strategy. Survey and experimental data collected in France in 2009 suggest that Muslims and rooted French are locked in a suboptimal equilibrium whereby (i) rooted French exhibit taste-based discrimination against those they are able to identify as Muslims and (ii) Muslims perceive French institutions as systematically discriminatory against them. This equilibrium is sustained because Muslims, perceiving discrimination as institutionalized, are reluctant to assimilate and rooted French, who are able to identify Muslims as such due to their lower assimilation, reveal their distaste for Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to examine the process of online Europeanisation of political communication, both theoretically and through empirical analysis. On one hand, the text emphasises the relationship between the public sphere and the legitimacy of the European Union and examines different concepts of the public sphere on a European level. On the other hand, it touches on the significance of the World Wide Web, a relatively new medium, and its propagation to a pan-European public arena. Furthermore, the article stresses the role of political actors, especially political parties, in communication about Europe. It discusses the extent to which national political parties' arguments and political claims on their official websites contain references to shared values or common EU identity. To illustrate the theoretical framework, seven French political parties have been chosen and the online contents of their official websites will be explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The records of the rabbinic court in late eighteenth-century Metz offer substantial evidence of acculturation and integration in the decades prior to the attainment of Jewish civic equality. In the modern state, the wide application of judicial procedures imposed on minority populations such as the Jews an unprecedented attachment to the larger society. This is reflected in the internalization of norms of legal culture, particularly in matters relating to business partnerships, purchase and sale, torts, inheritance, registration, and familial obligations. The administration of talmudic law in eighteenth century Metz therefore entailed familiarity with royal legislation and local ordinances, as is apparent in two discrete areas: the routinizing of civil procedures in the beit din and the navigation of plural jurisdictions exercised by the Jewish and French justice systems. The Jews of Metz met the challenges of legal pluralism by adapting to the prevailing system of law within French society and by acknowledging the interdependence of cases brought before the beit din and in the French civil court system. Decades before the Jewish population of France was admitted to citizenship, Metz Jews had little choice but to accommodate to general civil law and its structures. Within the realm of law, there emerged new rules of engagement between the Jewish minority and the surrounding society and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The adoption of multiculturalism and multiethnic views of society seems to be a convergent tendency among Western democracies where population flows are becoming increasingly heterogeneous. However, the established citizenship models and migrant groups' experiences have different impacts on the multicultural discourse in each country. This 'integration without assimilation' thesis has been examined comparing two countries - Israel and France - that differ largely in their definition of nationhood. Despite large demographic changes in both countries, the evolution of conceptions of citizenship in France and in Israel reflects a reaffirmation of existing models - the particularist Israeli ethno-nationalism and the universalist French republicanism and laicite - and the continuity of their assimilationist and homogenizing tendencies towards a Jewish uniform identity in the former and towards a uniform secular (or catho-laique) identity in the latter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A central concern about immigration is the integration into the labour market, not only of the first generation but also of subsequent generations. Little comparative work exists for Europe's largest economies. France, Germany and the UK have all become, perhaps unwittingly, countries with large immigrant populations albeit with very different ethnic compositions. Today, the descendants of these immigrants live and work in their parents’ destination countries. This article presents and discusses comparative evidence on the performance of first and second-generation immigrants in these countries in terms of education, earnings and employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Media help in the formation of identity. For ethnic communities, ethnic media can play a dual role, aiding in the acculturation process and assisting in holding onto ethnic identities. This study examines media and identity negotiation. Specifically, this study analyzes differences in media usage among French-Muslims. The principal researcher interviewed 42 first and second generation French-Muslims to explore their media usage and the relationships between their media usage and ethnic identification. Analysis uncovered two key findings. First, second-generation French-Muslims prefer to use ethnic media more than French produced media as a form of protest against French assimilationist policies. Second, abandoning ethnic media is equated with becoming French, which is something first and second generation French-Muslims resist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the connections between fluctuations in French policies directed at Levantine migrations into the kingdom, and depictions of Ottoman Levantine peoples in French travel literature during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. French characterizations of the Levantine and Turkish other were not consistently negative. On the contrary, during the height of Colbertiste mercantilist expansion, from 1660 to 1683, the French favourably assessed Levantine lands and peoples in travel literature, and initiated an open-door policy in the French Mediterranean port of Marseille that encouraged Levantine Armenian and Jewish migrations into France. French and Levantine peoples, the argument went, shared common characteristics, histories and mores. By the end of Colbert's tenure, however, such inclusive ideas became increasingly incompatible with the Crown's shifting commercial interests and religious ideologies and its ambivalence towards Turkish expansionism. Writers therefore opted for new narratives of exclusion. Both in travel literature and in policy, the Levantine other was depicted as a threat to French identity, and increasingly vilified as the source of commercial, moral and physical corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France, more than other Western nations, has politicized Islam with a view to regulating its expression. For this reason, France sponsors a “French” Islam (Islam de France), as distinct from the faith one practices at home (Islam en France). The assimilationist strategy employed includes both an institutional and a security-oriented approach. These include, first: elaboration of a Muslim Council conceived to establish a single Muslim voice; and, second: a security regime that allows for the greatest flexibility in matters of detection, repression, and prosecution of “refractory” Muslims. An understanding of the dual nature of this approach is necessary to appreciate the manner in which the state is able, contrary to the Law of Separation, to construct a Council in its own image, but for the backdoor approach to assimilation this represents. This is made simple by the fact that the Interior Ministry is charged to administer both the worship and security services of the nation. Indeed, one discovers that when obstacles to the smooth functioning of the Muslim Council arise, the state is well within rights to harass and expel troublemakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This collection of essays probes the resonances of the sixtieth anniversary of some of France's overseas colonies gaining accession to full integration into the metropole as départements. This event stands out in that it marks the only occasion in European colonial history where colonies on the verge of transformation were integrated into the political structure of the former colonial power. The compound issues undergirding the ongoing departmental relationship suggest a hierarchical structure still predicated on neocolonial patterns of domination and submission, centre and periphery. From négritude through antillanité and créolité, the deployment of various discourses of resistance and identity has not foreclosed the large-scale displacement of French Caribbean subjects to France that followed departmentalization in 1946, resulting in new ethnic and community concentrations and a certain creolization of the metropole itself. It is the tensions arising from these intersections of integration, migration and difference that lead us to interrogate the ways in which this process of exchange produces an increasingly pluralized – and, perhaps, polarized – metropole and its problematization of French principles of universalism. Ce recueil se fixe comme objectif de mesurer la portée du soixantième anniversaire de l'accession de certaines anciennes colonies françaises au statut de départements d'outre-mer. Cet événement exceptionnel marque le seul cas de toute l'histoire européenne où des colonies, à l'aube même de l'ère de la décolonisation, soient intégrées dans la structure politique de l'ancien pouvoir colonial. Les problématiques complexes qui sous-tendent la relation départementale en cours signalent toutefois la persistance des binarismes néocoloniaux, opposant dominant et dominé, centre et périphérie, pour n'en citer que ces deux. Or différents discours identitaires allant de la négritude à l'antillanité et la créolité n'ont guère freiné le déplacement à grande échelle d'Antillais en métropole suite à la départementalisation de 1946. Ce phénomène démographique et sociopolitique a entraîné de nouvelles concentrations ethniques et communautaires au sein de la métropole qui ont eu comme effet de créoliser en quelque sorte le territoire national. Ce sont les retombées diverses et compliquées de cette migration qui nous interrogent: l'intégration doit-elle exclure la revendication de la différence, une métropole plurielle risque-t-elle la polarisation? Autant de questionnements qui problématisent la notion de l'universalisme à la française. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a comparative account of the progress of the managerial revolution in France and Norway over the post-World War Two period. This account is set and framed within theoretical discussions on and around 'Americanization'. We argue that in both the French and Norwegian cases the managerial revolution has been closely tied to a process of Americanization that has had an impact on economic institutions, organizations and philosophy. The process of Americanization has to be contextualized for each of those two countries. The nature of the process has also evolved considerably over time - from 1945 to today. Hence, we propose that the progress of the managerial revolution in France and Norway could be looked at as a non-linear process, albeit with a deep structural logic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the historical trajectory of legal and political campaigns to regulate the flow of newcomers to France. A republican-nationalist consensus against cultural expressions of ethnicity or difference has progressed in unison with the devastation of the urban and industrial landscape that characterized postwar French society for three decades. The stigmatization of African and Southwest Asian immigrants is often cast in a neocolonial rhetoric of integration or assimilation; the historical defense of France's civilizing mission, and its reified national past, are employed as exclusionary, racialized representations of “barbarians at the gates.” It is argued here that the political economy of immigration in recent decades belies the assumptions upon which such views rest. The growing resistance of youths in the banlieues (working-class suburbs) and sans-papiers (undocumented foreigners) illustrates that nativism, xenophobia, and their underlying economic rationalizations, while hegemonic, have not gone unchallenged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the new archetypal figures of the illegitimate that affect equal rights, public policy against racism and discrimination, and new emerging French identities in France. The country's cultural production, highlighting on its three societal dynamics is assessed. Moreover, a scrutiny on the country's fundamentalist republicanism that plays diverse expressions of otherness and singular identities off of one another in order to preserve a soft regime of oppression is undertaken.

The article discusses the November 2005 riots among minority ethnic teenagers in France. The riots exposed a racism that cuts deep in the French nation. In countering the problem, the French government invoked an emergency law, imposed curfews and deployed thousands of police. The public acts of violence brought into the open an often hidden aspect of France's secular republicanism; an explosive mix of poverty, discrimination and Islamophobia.

This article explores colonial education as a site of interaction between French colonisers and elite Moroccan Muslims, from the beginning of the protectorate to the early 1930s. The French administration wished to implement an anti-assimilationist educational policy that would keep Moroccans rooted in traditional culture. However, this policy was challenged by Moroccan elites who hoped to minimise French influence over the traditional institutions of Moroccan society while maximising Moroccan access to French higher education, professions and administration. The resulting compromise was a French-based educational system that was nevertheless steeped in the anti-assimilationist philosophy of the French leadership. This article argues that while the French-based curriculum prompted nationalist accusations of assimilationism, the ethnological, anti-assimilationist ‘meta-curriculum’ complemented the ideas of Moroccan nationalists who denounced assimilationism and challenged the French Berber Policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National identity politics in France have taken an interesting turn since the 1980s, a period accentuated by social movements led by youth of immigration who self-asserted in terms of ethnonational origins. Now, French-born or -raised youth, stigmatized by those origins, self-identify as French, although they are not so perceived in French society. Drawing on a multiyear ethnographic study of African-origin Muslim girls, this article explores how social structures, in particular national education, simultaneously assimilate and exclude these youth. This study provides insights into the mechanisms of cultural transmission and racialization through statist institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the standard Downsian model, voters are assumed to choose parties based on the extent of ideological proximity between the voter's own position and that of the party. Yet it is also well known that there are rationalization and projection effects such that voters tend to misestimate the policy platforms of candidates or parties to which they are sympathetic by overstating the correspondence between those positions and the voter's own preferences (see, e.g., Markus & Converse 1979; Granberg & Brent 1980; Granberg & Holmberg 1988; Merrill & Grofman 1999). Here we follow insights in the psychological literature on persuasion (Shenf & Hovland 1961; Parducci & Marshall 1962) by distinguishing between assimilation and contrast effects. Assimilation refers to shortening the perceived ideological distance between oneself and parties one favors; contrast refers to exaggerating the distance to parties for which one does not intend to vote. Using survey data on voter self-placements and party placements on ideological scales for the seven major Norwegian parties, five major French parties, and two major American parties we show that both assimilation and contrast effects are present in each country to a considerable degree. We also investigate the possible effects of randomness in party placement and scale interpretation — effects that can easily be confounded with assimilation but not so easily with contrast. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how the assimilationist elites have responded to the evolution of Jewish anti-Zionism in France, Germany, Great Britain and U.S. The battle between Zionists and assimilationists in Western and Central European Jewry has brought a great impact in the history of Jewish self-definition as a group. The battle has also opened the opportunity for liberty, equality and economics in France. The development of Diaspora Judaism in the U.S., and the reinforcement of Jewish emancipation in Great Britain are also discussed.

The article presents information on assimilation of foreigners in France. During the past fifty years, the country has become prominent in encouraging immigration. A host of problems has naturally attended this large immigration. Questions of quota, selection, sanitary and professional inspection, protection of the labor market, teaching, welfare and police supervision were among those which faced the French administration. Numerous new departments were created by the ministries concerned, those of Labor, Agriculture, the Interior, Foreign Affairs and more recently by the Department of Public Health, now known as the Ministry of Population. The drawback in having so many departments has been a lack of cohesion in the activity of the agencies involved, each of which acts independently, keeps within the narrow limits of administrative specialization, and thus finds itself unable to view the question as a whole. The article is based on first-hand inquiries carried out on the spot by sharing the life of immigrants and, more particularly, by working with them and living in their midst and study of statistics concerning the alien population in France.

This essay offers object biographies of two examples of Lakȟóta beaded regalia that traveled with Wild West performers to France in 1889 and in 1911, respectively, as exemplars of Gerald Vizenor's concept of survivance. By examining the production of the objects by women artists within the Lakȟóta community and visually analyzing their designs, this article highlights the regalia as an opposition to both settler colonial political suppression and enforced attempts of cultural assimilation. The article stresses that the beadwork's materiality bears traces of its intended circulation and public display that are enacted when Lakȟóta individuals wore the regalia in the context of Wild West performance in France. Both when rooted in the Lakȟóta community and when circulating through Wild West shows, the objects evince Lakȟóta survivance. When the regalia was acquired by non-Native individuals in France, who projected new meanings onto the objects, the function of the regalia as a public statement of Lakȟóta survivance subtly continued to operate through generated revenue for the community and through the visibility of Lakȟóta culture through continued circulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]