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The article explores the political history of Canada during the administration of prime minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Emphasis is given to aspects of foreign policy such as procurement for the armed forces, Canada's commitment to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and collective defense against the Soviet Union.

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the papers regarding the constitutional crisis after the collapse of the Meech Lake Accord in Canada. The authors who were strong supporters of the Accord look into its substance, process and the intergovernmental policy that surrounds its negotiation to be able to come up with the lessons from its failure. The authors cite the option of asymmetrical federalism that calls for the decentralized special status of Quebec. One of the author argues that the Accord failed due to the attempt of the elitist politicians to amend the constitution illegitimately without consultation.

A list of books concerning Canadian politics and government is presented. The books include "The Taxation of Controlled Foreign Corporations: An International Comparison," by Brian J. Arnold; "Technology Innovation and Change," by Brian Elliot; and "Public Power and Public Administration," by Aaron Wilenski.

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Criminology & Criminal Justice is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1962, the Board of Broadcast Governors (BBG), an arm of the Canadian federal government responsible for broadcasting, made the unprecedented move to force the national public broadcaster to televise the Grey Cup, the championship game of Canadian football, ostensibly because it was in the national interest. However, research reveals that this decision was not necessarily made because it was in the national interest, but more so to assist the new struggling private television network, CTV. The important content, allegedly linked to cultural citizenship, was not the national championship, but the television commercials. This paper explores why the BBG intervened and how the dispute was settled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Historical Review is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Kanada-Studien is the property of Gesellschaft fuer Kanada Studien e.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Advocates have called for universal, quality child care in Canada since the 1970s, but the issue seldom appeared to acquire political urgency. The 2006 election campaign seemed different. The governing Liberals promised to devote billions to a nascent national program. The Conservatives promised parents a cash allowance for young children. Child care seemed to be emerging as a significant issue in a political campaign. How was ECEC written about before, during and after Canadian election campaigns? Who is quoted and how? Our project mapped articles about child care in four major Canadian dailies between 2000 and 2008. We found that coverage spiked in 2000 and 2005-2006-during federal elections. Coverage nearly doubled in 2005-2006 in all but one paper. Using content analysis, we compared coverage of child care and sources in the 55 days before the start of campaigning, 55 days of campaigning, and 55 days following the 2006 election. We mapped and compared who said what, and how about child care policy and related issues, in Canada. We found: (1) that newspapers' ideological slants are apparent in their choice of sources and focus; and (2) that more importantly, despite ideological differences, political figures outnumbered activists, parents and child care providers. With only minor variations across the newspapers, the voices of parents and child care activists were marginal especially in the 55 days of campaigning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how democratic legislatures oversee the military, using Canada as a case. The paper argues that the tendency to engage in intrusive oversight versus reactive oversight is shaped by institutional structures and party preferences. Canadian institutional structures discourage parliamentary defence committees from engaging in intrusive oversight of the armed forces to achieve policy influence, and encourage opposition parties to focus on reactive oversight efforts that complement their vote-seeking preferences. Vote-seeking, the paper argues, incentivises opposition parties to be public critics of the government’s handling of military affairs, rather than informed but secretive monitors of the armed forces. The paper then addresses a key case where the opposition was able to use an exceptional constitutional power of the House of Commons to force the executive to disclose classified information regarding the military: detainee transfers by the Canadian Armed Forces in Afghanistan. This case highlights the trade-offs that parliamentarians face when they demand information to perform more intrusive oversight of the armed forces. This suggests that party preferences are a significant, yet understudied, aspect of how legislatures vary in their oversight of the military. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we are concerned with the fundamental question of internal party democracy. Must political parties that depend upon a substantial membership inevitably end as oligarchies? Has the emergence of the cartel party, the “public utility” of modern democracies, spelled an end to active citizen‐partisans? To approach this issue we explore the cartel theorists’ suggestion that stratarchical organizational forms might provide parties with a way out of an apparent democratic dead end. The paper considers the logic of such parties and then examines how Canadian parties have been organized around stratarchical principles. The second substantial part of the paper turns to an assessment, in terms of the standards adopted by the Canadian Democratic Audit, of how, and to what extent, these parties might be considered democratic institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Canadian federal and cross-provincial higher education policy from 1960 to 1990, a critical time when provisions for vocational and adult training came under the auspices of governmental concern, justified under both an economic rationale and as a way to address persistent forms of inequality. The problematisation of skill during this period had particular gendered implications, as addressing inequality through education subsidies intersected with the perceived training needs of employers and the market. Employing Nancy Fraser's theory of a ‘triple movement’, the following paper ‘takes stock’ of how the three political forces of social movements, marketisation, and social protection have shaped gendered discourses of education and training, the implications for which are of continued relevance to those trying to understand the education and training within the contemporary neo-liberal state. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Review of Sociology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is concerned with the impact of medical inadmissibility provisions in Canada's immigration law on applicants with disabilities. The paper draws on key informant interviews, policy analysis, and Ministry of Immigration data on medical inadmissibility findings. We follow the lead of recent mobilities scholarship to examine how the immigration system is enacted, reproduced, and contested over time. From this perspective, we see that recent court challenges to the statutory provisions have created additional procedural space for applicants to contest findings of inadmissibility. However, the legitimacy of excessive demand as a basis for exclusion remains firmly in place, while recent immigration policy changes signal an intensification of measures to limit the social reproductive costs of immigration. Les personnes handicapées, l'inadmissibilité pour motifs sanitaires et la politique d'immigration sélective Cet article s'intéresse aux effets des dispositions de la législation canadienne en matière d'immigration relatives à l'inadmissibilité pour motifs sanitaires des candidats ayant une incapacité. L'article se fonde sur des entretiens auprès d'informateurs clés, des analyses politiques et des données du ministère sur les décisions d'inadmissibilité pour motifs sanitaires. Les recherches récentes portant sur la mobilité forment le point de départ d'une exploration du mode de fonctionnement du système d'immigration, sa reproduction et sa remise en question au fil du temps. Vues sous cet angle, les contestations actuelles des dispositions légales devant les tribunaux ont permis de dégager un espace de procédure supplémentaire pour les candidats afin de contester les verdicts d'inadmissibilité. Cependant, la légitimité de la demande excessive en tant que motif d'interdiction perdure, tandis que les changements récents apportés à la politique d'immigration annoncent une intensification des mesures visant à limiter les coÛts sociaux de l'immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Public Administration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper argues that public policy and legislation have significant influence in fostering or hindering co-operative development. Factors that influence co-operative development, such as financial mechanisms, technical assistance, and sector support infrastructure, are often treated separately in the literature without sufficiently focusing on the importance and role of public policy and legislation to establish the necessary mechanisms to effectively promote co-operative development. This paper argues that while the aforementioned factors are relevant, without grounding in a comprehensive public policy strategy, they paint only a partial picture of the co-operative development phenomenon. Public policy can create all the formerly mentioned mechanisms to develop co-operative organizations more effectively. By learning from Canadian and international co-operative experiences, this paper offers insights into enabling co-operative policy mechanisms that can benefit the Canadian social economy sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Industrial Relations / Relations Industrielles is the property of Universite Laval, Department of Industrial Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Review of Sociology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It has been well documented that forms of media help create new communities, such as the public sphere and the nation. However, the origin of one major political institution has rarely been considered in this light: the political party. This paper brings together the theory on early party formation in North America and the theory on mediated communities to argue that the first public political organizations in Canada, which resembled modern parties in many ways, should be seen as constituted by the media. The paper presents the case of Upper Canada (1820–1841) where newspaper distribution linked partisans into new communities, and editors and politicians ‘imagined’ new political communities in the pages of their newspapers. Modern political parties should thus be seen as essentially mediated communities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the court case Daishowa Paper Manufacturing Ltd. v. Canada regarding the impositions of liabilities on silviculture reseeding in accordance to the provincial law in Canada. It highlights the need of reforestation by Daishowa Paper Manufacturing Ltd. of the lands which been cleared due to timber cutdowns for tax profit under the Alberta law. It highlights the Alberta law on regulating the company for timber rights until the sufficient reforestation.

While national electoral reforms in the early twentieth century have received considerable attention, subnational adoption of P.R. systems in otherwise 'non-adopting' countries such as Canada have generally been overlooked. The strategic contexts in which these subnational reforms occurred, involving absent or emerging party systems and limited strategic knowledge, provides a new opportunity to test recent arguments about electoral reform, focused on normative ideas and strategic contexts, against an older 'left threat' thesis. Drawing from analyses of new electoral, archival, and news- paper data, this article offers a comparative explanation of urban electoral reform in four of the most important subnational instances of P.R. adoption in Canadian history (Vancouver, Edmonton, Calgary, and Winnipeg). I argue that the 'left threat' thesis cannot explain these cases; instead, P.R. was adopted as a result of a reform coalition for whom electoral reform was an immediate policy objective. I suggest that two recent challenges to the 'left threat' thesis, fit together into a persuasive alternative interpretation of early-twentieth-century electoral reform in the North American subnational context.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the resumption of great power rivalry, the Western-led liberal order appears to have failed to become synonymous with global order itself. Russia's "pivot to the east" and its deepening partnership with China have raised fundamental questions concerning the future role and pre-eminence of liberal states -- including Canada -- in the emerging global order. Given dueling European and Eurasian elements of Russian identity and foreign policy discourse, Russia remains a good case study for probing the extent to which a future world order can root itself in a monist frame in today's pluralistic world. This paper explores this question from a perspective rooted in the English School of International Relations, with the aim of deriving conclusions regarding the liberal international order's ability to maintain its hegemonic position in global international society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

RCMP executives and the Canadian government promoted community justice forums (family group conferences) in the late 1990s. They did so because CJFs offered a process consistent with the national community-policing strategy. When this strategy changed, executives cut their support for the program. This paper argues that this “rise” and “fall” was a function of the program's theoretical and procedural alignment with shifting strategies of national governance. This raises a question about the role of restorative forums in Canadian governance. If such programs remain desirable, multi-agency forums (police, public schools, child welfare, immigration) may well align with the nascent governmental framework of public safety interoperability. The paper also considers another possibility: non-state local peacemaking forums. The conclusion discusses potential benefits and limits of these possibilities. It also offers general theoretical observations on the role of alignment in governmental programming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been an ongoing debate about how to handle Russia in a Canadian foreign policy in the Arctic. Despite some speculations about the dynamics of future relations between the Arctic players after the Ukraine crisis, few have looked closely at the domestic reaction of the Russian audience to Canada-Russia relations. This research uses content analysis of the Russian press before and after the events in Ukraine in March 2014. This paper will examine the dynamics of Russian-Canadian diplomatic relations from the perspectives of the Russian public media. The comparison between the current academic literature on the subject with the Russian domestic press showed that both sources came to similar conclusions: Russia is looking for peaceful, non-confrontational cooperation in the Arctic. At the same time, the Russian public media emphasized the importance of the role of a new Minister of Foreign Affairs of Canada, Chrystia Freeland in the Arctic politics. This paper is an effort to understand how newspapers have been portraying the two countries when it comes to the Arctic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis, neoliberal governments embarked on austerity programs that include reducing public services, imposing public sector wage restraint, and reorganizing public sector working conditions and labour relations. In this context of economic crisis and austerity, populism has risen across North America and Europe on both the right and left of the political spectrum. The rise of right populism in particular confronts unions with key organizational and strategic challenges as neoliberal governments seek to mobilize right populist discourses in their efforts to restructure work and labour relations. Using a socio-geographic framework, and based on an examination of post-2008 legislative and policy measures undertaken at the federal, provincial, municipal levels in Canada, this paper explores the nexus between 'uneven austerity', rising populism, and union strategic capacities. We examine this intersection of austerity and populism at multiple scales to reveal the implications for organized labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the British Commonwealth Air Training Plan (BCATP), the RAF's major scheme for training airmen during the Second World War. Through this training programme, the dominions of Canada, Australia and New Zealand provided an indispensable contribution to the generation of British air power, a necessary condition for eventual victory. The article first considers the precise ways in which the BCATP extended British air strength, through an analysis of the output of graduates in the UK and the dominions. This is followed by an examination of how the governments of Australia and Canada attempted to ensure the continued national identification of their personnel once these airmen were serving within the RAF, reflecting the increasing political independent-mindedness of the dominions. Although Canada pursued a bolder and more successful policy of ‘Canadianization’, the mixed reception that this initiative received from airmen demonstrated the fact that the importance of national identification to Canadian airmen in Europe varied widely depending on individual experiences; indeed, national political currents were moving ahead of any broad consensus among servicemen. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Canadian Public Administration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Public Administration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)