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International migration is attaining new records, diversifying nations' cultural-social landscapes. The number of international migrants is estimated to be about 272 million globally, with nearly two-thirds being labour migrants, surpassing historic projections. Concomitantly, migrant teachers are becoming more prevalent in educational markets; spaces that may serve as institutional vehicles promoting social cohesion and tolerance. Acknowledging that such spaces have an increasing share of faith-based schools--settings that foreground particular groups' cultural and social values--this critical analysis seeks to identify how migrant teachers' aspirations are shaped and ethically negotiated in seemingly exclusive educational sites. Drawing upon migrant teacher interviews from American and Australian faith-based schools, and utilising concepts of "motility" and "institutional viscosity," this paper captures the schools' 'viscous' conditions and complex facilitation through which educators professionally move and ethically navigate their practice. Bourdieu's thinking tools of "field," "habitus," "capital" and "symbolic violence" provided a supplementary theoretical framework that draws attention to the evolving discourse of the subordinate 'invisible foreign educator' in the faith-based educational setting. The paper portrays strategies of initial institutional welcoming; enabling migrant educators a smooth spatial mobility into the field but challenging them to work against their social mobility aspirations. It illustrates the educators' failed attempts to negotiate intra-institutional transitions; experiencing feelings of trepidation about future professional moves and ethical conflicts between their obligation to adhere to institutional procedures and commitment to operate from an ethic of care. The paper argues for education policies that enable motility over time and empower ethical skilled migration.

This paper enriches the existing set of global trade negotiation simulations by incorporating explicit, country-specific domestic political consequences incurred from trade concessions. Several semesters of testing with undergraduate students in the U.S. and master's students in Argentina demonstrate that the simulation statistically significantly enhances students' understanding of the role that domestic political pressures play in preventing negotiators from reaching the first-best trade regime. Students learn-by-doing that conflicting country philosophies regarding free trade vary substantially not only between developed and developing countries, but also depending on the geography and key industries of each country. The simulation also provides students with current, realistic economic values for the country and the world from freeing trade. Seventeen country tables provide instructors with tremendous flexibility in structuring the negotiation framework. A complete instructor's manual with a detailed description of how to use the simulation, all student handouts and an Excel file that automatically calculates point totals is available via e-mail from the corresponding author.

Within political philosophy and particularly in the work of Chantal Mouffe and Hannah Arendt, "agonism" has been described as representing the notion of being able to challenge and dissent in a productive way. However, little is known about how agonism is used in the educational literature, other than some applications relevant to democratic education. This paper considers the use of agonism in the educational literature drawing on the findings of a systematic scoping review exploring how it has been used in the context of education. Five databases were searched for literature published using agonism within the context of education to map the existing body of work in a systematic fashion, and to explore how agonism has been differently conceptualised and utilised by researchers in the field of education. The findings suggest that there have been a range of attempts to apply agonistic principles in different educational sub-fields (including, citizenship education, early years education, initial teacher training, arts education and international education), and different interpretations of such principles into education based on different philosophical underpinnings (dissociative and associative approaches). As agonism is mostly explored in a theoretical way, we also discuss the potential of abstract theoretical agonistic principles from different philosophical traditions to be translated into meaningful practical applications for education in order to inform curriculum development, infuse democratic principles into classroom practice, and help to negotiate deep-running tensions amongst key stakeholders in education.

As of late, it would seem that the commonly sought after concept of collaboration has lost its appeal and, arising in its aftermath, is a reconfigured front of conflict between the public and private spheres of American life. In this current attack on the public, the stage is ripe for disobedience in all its various forms and functions to stand up against what privatization advocates have so strategically constructed as COMMONSENSE. This COMMONSENSE has evolved into a seemingly natural state that has captured the allegiance of folks who full-heartedly agree, without substantiated expertise, that systems of commodification and privatization will serve as simple solutions to the failures of society. Without forgetting acts of protest in all its forms and fashions, this paper follows the lead of Howard Zinn and revisits the meaning of disobedience as both an intellectual and political project within a world that for many seems stuck at a moral and ethical impasse. Surely, immediate reactions to human indignity are wholly necessary, but this cannot distract an individual from dismantling the symbolic field that systemically sustains this indignity--that of global capitalism and its discontents.

Ranked as one of the great human rights tragedies since World War II, the Rwandan genocide, which left 800,000 dead in its wake, is commonly understood in the context of a tribal internecine conflict between the Hutus and Tutsis. The event that triggered the genocide is imputed to the shooting down of a plane carrying the President of Rwanda and Burundi, responsibility for which has been attributed to Paul Kagame, current President of Rwanda and leader of an army comprising Tutsi refugees based in Uganda called the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF). Before examining the author's claim that former President Clinton was complicit in the genocide, he first examines the meaning of "complicity" and also the obligation of states to prevent genocide as stated in Article 1 of the Genocide Convention. In this paper, the author proves that not only did the United States fail to act on its own or collectively with other states but deliberately took actions to prevent the United Nations from acting on a number of different occasions or to undermine operations already underway. The U.S. pressured the Security Council into reducing its peacekeeping force to an inefficacious number of troops, eschewing the use of the word "genocide" to abrogate the legal obligation to act under the Genocide Convention. An important issue in assessing whether or not former President Clinton shares complicity in the Rwandan genocide is the question of when and how much did he know about the slaughter of Tutsis and moderate Hutus. The author stresses that not only did Clinton know about the genocide, he either was aware or should have reasonably been aware of the genocidal intentions of the extreme Hutus.

This paper explores the way education and conflict have become entangled during the post-9/11 "war on terror" response to "radical Islam" at home and abroad. The paper charts the complex ways that education has been deployed to serve Western military and security objectives in multiple locations in the global south and how these strategies have now returned to the "West" in the form of "countering violent extremism" interventions. Drawing on Foucault's concept of the "boomerang effect" I will explore whether and how education techniques and strategies deployed abroad in pursuit of imperial interests return to the West and are deployed to monitor, control and suppress marginalised communities in a form of "internal colonialism". Finally, the paper brings the two sections together in the Findings to explore commonalities and divergences.

Countering the drive to erect walls between nations and communities, the burden is increasingly on educators to develop in students essential skills and dispositions for a more hospitable future. Global education is essentially aimed at addressing the realities of increasingly networked societies and porous exchanges of knowledge, capital, and products among people and groups around the world. This paper examines how global education is enacted in two schools in Singapore and the United States. Given that a central characteristic of the twenty-first century is globalization, global education is inevitably embedded in the discourse of twenty-first century competencies utilized by policymakers worldwide. However, while global education has typically been studied as a singular subject such as Human Rights or integrated into History, Social Studies, or Civics Education, this study differs as it examines two schools that have adopted a whole-school approach to global education. That is, global education is embedded in the culture of schooling and infused across curricula subjects. The first part of the paper provides an overview of global education and its two key emphases--globalism and global citizenship. The second part discusses the tensions emerging from observations of global education in the two schools.

This paper considers George A. Reisch's account of the role of Cold War political forces in shaping the apolitical stance that came to dominate philosophy of science in the late 1940s and 1950s. It argues that at least as early as the 1930s, Logical Empiricists such as Rudolf Carnap already held that philosophy of science could not properly have political aims, and further suggests that political forces alone cannot explain this view's rise to dominance during the Cold War, since political forces cannot explain why a philosophy of science with liberal democratic, anti-communist aims did not flourish. The paper then argues that if professionalization is understood in the right way, it might point toward an explanation of the apolitical stance of Cold War philosophy of science.

This paper considers several models of politically engaged philosophy with the aim of provoking discussion of George Reisch's "How the Cold War Transformed Philosophy of Science." At issue is the Unity of Science movement's conception of the philosophy of science in particular and what politically engaged philosophy of science might look like in general. The paper discusses the role that the pragmatist Sidney Hook plays in the book and considers some of the questions raised by the role that he plays: What does it mean to be a politically engaged philosopher of science? Do we want philosophy of science to be politically engaged?

Although academic identity has received attention in the literature, there have been few attempts to understand the influence on identity from engagement with the Scholarship of Teaching and Learning (SoTL). In this paper, we (a group of eight scholars from five different countries) describe how our interactions with SoTL have impacted the shaping of our academic identities. We have struggled to define the value, purpose, outcomes, and meanings of being a disciplined SoTL scholar, sometimes in addition to and sometimes in opposition to being a disciplinary scholar. Through analysis of our own 100-word reflective narratives, we identify common conflicts and configurations around our experiences of developing a SoTL identity. We describe how navigating among conflicting identities can lead us into a troublesome but deeply reflective liminal space, prompting profound realizations and the reconstruction of academic identity. Drawing on this notion of liminality helps us to understand our journeys as moving through a necessary and important transformational landscape, and allows us to suggest ways to support those engaging with SoTL to develop an integrative SoTL identity

This paper comments on Reisch's book "How the Cold War Transformed Philosophy of Science." Overall supportive of Reisch's project and perspective, it raises certain points where the data appear inconclusive and either provides additional support or briefly explores some interpretative alternatives.

Two policy trends have characterized US science education in the last two decades: a strong movement to examine issues of science in society, and widespread adoption of state standards mandating curriculum courses related to science, technology and society, scientific literacy, and socio-scientific issues. However, these changes have not found an entirely positive response among teachers. This paper suggests that the value orientations which motivate many teachers in their work should be taken into account in curriculum policy-making. This paper identifies two types of value orientations that lead secondary-school science teachers to oppose or favour dealing with socio-scientific issues in the classroom: a "traditional" view of science as objective and value-free; and a "higher vision of science" with strong metaphysical, moral, or aesthetic connotations. In addition, a significant number of science teachers examine science and society issues from the perspective of, e.g. often environmental or social, not science-related values. All three of these phenomena play a significant role in the controversies connected with science-education reform. (Contains 15 notes.)

This paper addresses the ethical and social justice implications of an educational movement called, The New DEEL (Democratic Ethical Educational Leadership). In particular, this paper emphasizes the ethical underpinnings of this movement by focusing on the paradox in the form of the dyad of control/democracy. This important paradox is developed through a discussion of the profound contradictions between the accountability thrust and the democratic emphasis in schools, particularly in the United States. The paper attempts to grapple with the inconsistencies within the paradox and provides some suggestions for coping with the challenges of blending these two very different and opposing concepts together during a very turbulent era. It also attempts to illuminate what a New DEEL moral educational leader might value, especially in the area of social justice, as well as how he or she might guide an organization.

Andragogical precepts provide rich opportunities for building cultural bridges, particularly among people in times of strife. Encouraging adults to share their experiences and insights in a learning community of unconditional positive regard can build understanding, hope, and peace among people experiencing conflict and marginalization. An accepting adult learning environment can offer political moderates a new mantra for understanding the Middle East and the West during the current global conflict. As an Iraqi from war-torn Baghdad and an American from the US Midwest, the two writers advocate for engagement of adults in addressing the realities and alternative visions of people.

This qualitative study explores the impact of potential linguistic, technical and educational hegemonies on the learning outcomes for English language students in Hebron, Palestine, and Padova, Italy, who were involved in the Soliya Connect Program, a telecollaboration project developed to explore critical issues that divide the "West" and the "predominantly Arab and Muslim world." The project is organised around weekly synchronous moderated video discussions between students from the U.S., Europe, and the Middle East and North Africa. The authors first discuss the hegemonies that might be at play in this telecollaboration project and examine the specific power imbalances on the macro-, meso- and micro-levels that students in Hebron and Padova might experience. Then, drawing on data from learner diaries and reflective papers, facilitator reports, and questionnaires, the authors provide evidence for the emergence of a third space conceptualised as a site of struggle and conflict, but also a dialogic, fluid and evolving space. The aspects of the project that seemed to contribute most to the creation of a third space were found to be: (a) the role of trained facilitators in addressing power imbalances, (b) the dialogic approach to conflict that the program is based on, and (c) the use of audio-video conferencing which humanises the experience and increases empathy among students. (Contains 1 figure and 3 notes.)

As the authors, a Midwestern American educational administration professor and a Middle Eastern Iraqi doctoral candidate, have continued to interact over the past 3 years, both have come to appreciate the importance of increasing their tolerance for ambiguity--ambiguities in examining cultural, linguistic, and religious customs and complexities in trying to find justice in a world fraught with prejudices. Tolerance for ambiguity is an important skill that may be learned. But, the learning requires volition and the belief that accepting and understanding people across the world may lead to a better, peaceful, and productive life. What people of the world know, what they do not know, and what they may be able to learn about complex and interdependent issues of global conflict requires considerable energy, if not acceptance of ambiguity. When languages, religions, traditions, and governmental systems are different across cultural groups, the danger of limited information, stereotyping, and partial knowledge can create fear and long-term cultural conflict. It may be argued that it takes a perseverant and highly educated person to tolerate complexity and ambiguity, particularly in the face of fear and threats of terrorism and war. This reflection is a small sample of what the authors have experienced in their willingness to teach each other.

Positive intercultural attitudes and civic action are increasingly important for youth around the world given the economic, social justice, and environmental challenges they face. Among U.S. youth and emerging adults, ethnic identity and self-efficacy are related to positive intercultural attitudes and may prompt civic engagement. Youth's efficacy and civic involvement are critically important in sub-Saharan Africa, where rates of civil conflict are among the highest in the world. However, little research has been conducted with East African youth. In this paper, we discuss contextual challenges facing East African youth and the potential role of ethnic identity and self-efficacy in promoting peaceful and sustainable societies. We report qualitative results and scores on standard measures of self -efficacy, ethnic identity, and intercultural attitudes for 554 youth members of environmental clubs in Tanzania, Uganda, and the United States. Ethnic identity was associated with enhanced self-efficacy in East African, but not U.S. participants. East Africans scored higher on ethnic identity compared to U.S. youth and were more likely to reference intercultural attitudes in open-ended responses. Results provide some support for construct relevance in East Africa, however psychometric results, including internal consistency, validity, and factor structure, were mixed. Our results provide a cautionary tale about the import of measures across cultures and contexts. There is a need for international research, measurement development, and further explication of the meaning and function of ethnic identity across cultures. (Contains 5 tables.)

Article comments on contributions to an issue of Educational Policy that focuses on glocal politics of education in multiple national and international arenas. Commentary offered considers the ways in which the set of articles in this issue of EP require readers to take scalar leaps across the semiotic landscape of the local into the global. The problematic of scale that undergirds considerations of the glocal is explored. Discussed are the contributions of the set of articles to highlighting the disruption and dislocation associated with contemporary examples of glocal phenomena in education politics. The possibility that "things fall apart" under conditions of glocalization is contrasted with the hopefulness engendered by stances of vernacular cosmopolitanism. Implications for further research on the shifting scales of education politics discussed in the article focus on questions framing the democratic challenges of technological glocalization. (Contains 21 notes.)

Mahdi is an Iraqi doctoral candidate in adult and higher education and Bright is her doctoral advisor. The two have been involved in intensive dialogue about how they see their cultures, how they perceive the conflict in the Middle East, and how andragogical theory offers hope for changing learning and teaching approaches that can influence political and social philosophies of leadership. This conversation is a reflection of their advocacy for andragogy as a tool for change and peace. They discuss how an inclusive education can bridge two cultures, American and Arab together in meaningful ways. Following their conversations, their combined voices contemplate the following questions: (1) What does andragogy have to offer to people in cultures facing distress, conflict, and war?; (2) What is the relevance?; and (3) Why should people in the field of adult education care? They contend that adult educational theory, process, and research are elemental to a vision of a peaceful world and a stabilized Iraq.

This article will examine a little known but long-standing group, the Lisle Fellowship, that endeavored to open the world to college students and foster international understanding--or "world-mindedness," as the organization's founders called it--ultimately with the goal to contribute to the ideal of world peace. It will also, in particular, explore Lisle's efforts to do so in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics during the Cold War. Founded in 1936 by a pair of former Methodist missionaries, DeWitt and Edna Baldwin, the Lisle Fellowship was an experiential off-campus summer learning program for college students aimed at increasing understanding of different cultures. It is hoped that through this paper more people will become aware that this organization existed, and continues to exist, and that its work continues to strive towards the same ideal--world peace.

This paper describes a pedagogical technique employed for an interdisciplinary course on Cold War America. Students had to "become" a fictional person and discuss how political and social changes during the Cold War era would have impacted that person. By doing a semester-long project that required primary source research, this "quasi-experiential" technique helped students gain a greater appreciation for Cold War culture and a more thorough understanding of the major political events of the era. (Contains 1 table and 4 notes.)

This article discusses the relationship between teachers, classroom controversy and the media. It also features the story of Ayesha, who coincidentally is one of the authors of this article. Ayesha's story is a social studies teacher's bad dream featuring one of her worst fears: (1) public criticism; and (2) controversy over something that has been taught in class. An experience like Ayesha's causes a powerful ripple effect: other teachers become concerned for their own professional safety and quickly examine their curriculum for anything that might make them vulnerable to a similar onslaught. Such self-imposed censorship is a direct threat to academic freedom through prior constraint. Educators are generally not practiced in responding to negative newspaper or television reports much less the fairly new phenomenon of talk radio. The relationship between the educational community and the media is complex and while it is not possible to address all of its many dimensions here, the authors touch on the dilemma of whether to avoid or prepare for possible controversy and on the effects adverse media attention can have on teachers. Increasingly, the debates about education are taking place on the radio, on TV, in newspapers, and on the web. The media has the potential to be either a formidable foe, carelessly or deliberately creating controversy through misrepresentation and exaggeration, or a powerful ally, providing an avenue for teachers to explain their objectives and actions, describe their achievements, and answer their critics. Because of its multidimensional qualities, the outcome of any media engagement is impossible to predict. Consequently, most teachers and administrators are slow to respond to media criticism due to the fear that any reaction may simply fan the fire. Undoubtedly, engaging in a talk radio shouting match is bound to be viewed as especially onerous. The understandable tendency in a case like Ayesha's is to develop an official statement and hope the furor will just go away. Becoming a player on the media stage is fraught with pitfalls and, in spite of the best planning, what gets reported can be incomplete, mistaken, or completely distorted. It would be naive to suggest that what we propose is easily accomplished or doesn't require a generous amount of determination and fortitude. Good planning combined with a knowledge of how the system works will go far in enabling educators to play an effective role on the media stage. (Contains 11 notes.)

This paper examines relationships between 2 dimensions of social integration (community participation and affective community resources) and job and marital quality. Data from the 1995 National Survey of Midlife Development in the United States (n= 1,816) indicate that the level of community participation is unrelated or negatively related to job and marital quality, whereas affective community resources show positive associations with job and marital quality. Relationships between community participation and affective community resources and job stress are partially mediated by work-to-family conflict and facilitation. Family-to-work conflict and facilitation partially mediate relationships between affective community resources and marital satisfaction and risk. The study takes a beginning step in establishing relationships and exploring processes that make up the work-community-family interface.

This qualitative study explores the factors that contributed to limited interactional involvement in a telecollaborative project linking two groups of participants: 12 advanced-level students of English in northeastern Germany and 9 advanced-level students of German in the southwestern United States. Drawing on data from online transcripts, interviews, and questionnaires, I examine the tensions that arise when students' attempts at communicating online result in missed opportunities for engaging with their online partners. I report on the results of a discourse analysis of the online transcripts and rely on extensive interview and survey data to examine which factors made it difficult for students to maintain sustained interpersonal involvement in the online discourse. I document three main contextual tensions that arose from the different socially and culturally situated attitudes, beliefs, and expectations that informed students' communicative choices in the online discourse. I address the pedagogical implications of each of these three tensions. The findings suggest that research needs to focus not only on how students jointly construct online discourse, but how they co-construe the context for their participation. The paper concludes by addressing the implications of these findings for future research promoting language and culture learning online. (Contains 3 tables and 9 notes.)

It is not hard to locate negative or condescending images of the French Revolution in aspects of popular American culture, including film. Despite a handful of instances where nuanced or ambiguous "messages" may be identified, the number of American film interpretations of the French Revolution that might be judged historically "valid" is miniscule. Over the years, directors and producers in the movie industry have shown little inclination to explore in much depth the complex historical issues posed by the Revolution or to offer a genuinely balanced "take" on the events. Instead the work of film-makers, like most popular American assessments of the events of 1789-1794, has tended to conflate the entirety of the Revolution with the Terror of 1793-1794. Scholars from Europe and North America have long been fascinated by the intellectual and research vistas opened up by the events of the French Revolution, but the approach of American movie makers to this period, with one or two exceptions, has been mostly one-dimensional. The discomfort with which Americans have viewed the French Revolution will not come as a surprise to historians. Yet in a number of ways this attitude is difficult to explain, since from an historical perspective the American and French Revolutions and the republics that emerged from them were, in the opinion of many scholars, "sister" events. The affinities, one might think, would lead to sympathetic popular portrayals of the other nation's revolution. This paper considers one manner in which popular impressions of the French Revolution have taken shape in the United States by examining interpretations found in four American films, and then comparing these depictions with other, mostly French, movies. The question of why it has proved such a challenge for American movie makers to offer a historically balanced approach to France's revolution may also offer some insight into the difficulties into which Franco-American relations periodically seem to slip.

The focus of this paper is domestic propaganda. The author presents comprehensive reviews of four books: (1) "Bending Spines: The Propagandas of Nazi Germany and the German Democratic Republic" by Randall L. Bytwerk (East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press, 2004); (2) "Radio Goes to War: The Cultural Politics of Propaganda During World War II" by Gerd Horten (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002); (3) "The Male Body at War: American Masculinity During World War II" by Christina S. Jarvis (DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois Press, 2003); and (4) "The Rhetorical Presidency, Propaganda, and the Cold War, 1945-1955" by Shawn J. Parry-Giles (New York: Praeger Publishers, 2001). All four of these book are worthy of individual examination, as each makes unique arguments and produces important insights on the propaganda it scrutinizes. They establish that recognizing propaganda is much more than looking at contextual markers. Instead, a deeper understanding of domestic propaganda is possible only when one examines it inductively, as it was produced and disseminated. (Contains 85 endnotes.)

J. K. Rowling's series about the young, orphaned Harry Potter who escapes his often hostile, nonmagical Muggle (or human) existence for a world of ghosts, spells, and potions, magical objects, and exotic creatures to be found at the Hogwarts School of Witchcraft and Wizardry has captivated a worldwide audience. Since the publication in England of "Harry Potter and the Philosopher's Stone" in June 1997 (titled "Harry Potter and the Sorcerer's Stone" in the United States), the series has become an unprecedented phenomenon in the book publishing industry. In addition to being a publishing phenomenon, the Harry Potter books have, however, become a touchstone for controversy; not all Muggles approve of Harry. There has been a range of responses to the series in literary, religious, and legal arenas. The authors discuss the literary criticism of Rowling's "Harry Potter" series and the challenges to the series's inclusion in school curricula or library collections. The authors also discuss the legal challenges to reading instruction that involves fantasy such as that contained in the "Harry Potter" series. They cite a case of challenges to "Harry Potter" and the court's conclusion in the case, which makes it clear that objections to the placement of books in the school library considered by school officials to have the potential to subvert authority or that consider ideas (e.g., witchcraft or the occult) that some authorities find distasteful are insufficient to deny children's access to such materials. (Contains 6 notes.)

Debate over the proper identification and placement of gifted children in public schools is not new. But the pressure put on public schools by the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act of 2001 has brought advocates and opponents of gifted education into starker conflict. This presents a chance to reexamine the foundational premises of the argument in closer view and to analyze the potential role of law in resolving it. In the first part of this article, the author considers the premises of the equality versus excellence debate as it involves the issue of gifted children and their treatment in the public schools. She concludes that although no innate conflict exists between the goals of achieving educational equality and promoting individual academic excellence, these two goals engage a core "political" conflict that has long thwarted efforts to provide adequate public funding for gifted education. In the second part, she recounts the history of federal support for gifted children from disadvantaged backgrounds, concluding that the political system fails to promote the development of such children and that this fact is unlikely to change. In the third section, she discusses the other legal route to delivering needed services to gifted and disadvantaged kids: the creation and funding of nonprofit organizations. She argues that the philosophy behind the nonprofit sector in the United States--that nonprofits exist, in large part, to increase liberty, encourage diversity, and promote innovative solutions to important social problems--makes devising and funding nonprofit ventures a more promising way to benefit gifted and disadvantaged children than government funding. However, the diversity and diffusion of the nonprofit sector present a formidable obstacle to the kind of coherent and organized mandate that would most effectively help gifted children. She identifies five core goals of such a mandate and describes one program that, in conjunction with the public school system,seems designed to implement all five. (Contains 72 footnotes.)

Reviewed here are approaches to peacebuilding citizenship education in Northern Ireland and the USA, where social education has been responding to intergroup and structural violence. Strategies for peacebuilding have been developed and implemented in response to societal conflicts, government mandates, and available funding. Government support for peace initiatives in Northern Ireland is greater than in the USA, although they both are emphasizing the importance of citizenship education. In recognition of the pivotal position they have as model peacebuilders while educating children, this paper considers teachers' own citizenship training and experiences. Recommendations for teacher preparation and instructional guidelines follow the review of peace-oriented social education, as well as research on training educators and their students for proactive citizenship and democracy in contexts of multifaceted violence.

Compares paths of development in Japan (symbiotic harmony) and the United States (generative tension) of parent-child and adult mate relationships, challenging assumptions that certain processes are central in all relationships or that U.S. relationships are less valued or weaker than Japan's. Suggests need to investigate processes underlying, and adaptive consequences of, these two paths. (Author/KB)