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Considerable uncertainty surrounds the intentions and aspirations of rising powers, particularly the extent to which they are status quo or revisionist. How a new power behaves with some of the weakest members of the international system provides a useful indicator of how it will go on to behave as it emerges as a Great Power. In this paper, India's engagement with East Africa is analysed. East Africa offers a particularly rich ground for conducting such an analysis: it comprises some of the world's poorest countries with which India has had a long history of foreign relations, and has also attracted considerable involvement in recent years by China (another major power on the rise). While the central focus of the paper is on India's East Africa foreign policy, China's presence in the region offers an important point of comparison that helps us identify some of the unique features of India's pathway to power. The analysis generates several interesting findings on India's negotiation strategy as a rising power, its willingness to provide leadership, and a set of development ideas that it offers as a potential alternative to not just the Washington Consensus but also the Beijing Consensus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global nuclear order has been built around the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), primarily aimed at addressing the challenges of nuclear non-proliferation. In the last two decades, this order has faced growing challenges from the demands of emerging nuclear powers which it has been unable to meet effectively. These powers have either been outside the order, like India, Israel and Pakistan, or withdrawn from it, like North Korea, or could leave in future due to arguably compelling security concerns, like Iran, Japan and South Korea. These nations and the challenges they pose to the global nuclear order are mostly considered unique and are treated as exceptional. This paper examines the case of India which has found partial acceptance into the extant order from being a pariah nuclear state outside the NPT to a de facto nuclear weapon state designated by the US-India civil nuclear cooperation pact of 2008. It explicates the ongoing process of its integration into the order, underlining why this task remains daunting. Other than factors unique to India, the case of its rise in the global nuclear order captures the structural shortcomings of the extant order. While these underlying shortcomings remain, new nuclear powers, with or without support from the established ones, are likely to challenge the order in future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the end of the Cold War India confronted unprecedented challenges and opportunities in the midst of a new era of globalization. This paper argues that, despite the eagerness of the Hindu nationalist BJP to gain recognition for India as a major power, Indian foreign policy remains primarily responsive and characterized by relative caution. The paper begins by considering the political and economic context within which foreign policy is made and how this has changed in the past decade and a half. It then focuses on two key aspects of post-cold war Indian foreign policy: the adoption of nuclear weapons and relations with the USA. Evaluating the realignment that has occurred in Indian policy, it concludes that over the past decade India has made headway in evolving a foreign policy that assures its emergence as a power with an effective presence on the international stage. Ultimately, however, success will depend not just on adapting to changes in the wider international arena but on the proximate and interdependent factors of economic growth, political stability and regional peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main argument of this contribution is that the distinction between internal and external is at best blurred and in reality does not make much sense in the case of India’s foreign policy. It may start and end at the border and be determined by negotiations, diplomacy or brute force but there is no conclusive evidence in the literature to decide what determines what. There are important dynamics and interplays across the thin line between the domestic and international spheres, especially in terms of understanding the reciprocal challenges related to how factors of culture and ethnicity relate with the legitimacy of the state. The aim of the paper is to serve four purposes. To unpack and give a critical overview of the debates concerned with the internal and external aspects of India’s foreign policy; to situate the literature dealing more specifically with domestic issues related to culture and ethnicity and outline the main approaches involved; to give an overview of how external factors impact foreign policy conduct and relate to India’s role in defining international norms and regulations; and, finally, to give some theoretical markers, suggestions and concluding remarks. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Central Asian Republics (hereafter CARs) are strategically important to India as an important energy supplier. To quote Prime Minister Manmohan Singh: "energy security is second only in our scheme of things to food security with energy increasingly being viewed as a vital component of what is now broadly defined as national security."1 Therefore, developing friendship with CARs is a must to diversify energy import partners and minimise dependence on the volatile Middle Eastern region, keeping in view India's growing oil demand from the current levels of 72 per cent to 83 per cent by 2030; hence, the anxiety to reconceptualise its strategic perspective.² What can be a more viable destination for India than Central Asia -a home to an estimated 4 per cent (270-360 trillion cubic feet) of the world's gas reserves³ and the oil reserves pegged at 2.7 per cent (13-15 billion barrels).4 The present paper seeks to reconceptualise the changing dynamics of India-Central Asia relations and emphasise on India's current position in Central Asian energy sector. Since the scope of the present paper is limited to energy factor, it would, as such, reconceptualise the changing dynamics of India-Central Asia relations from the view point of India's energy security. It would also examine as to what extend CARs can meet India's growing energy demand? The paper also offers several suggestions regarding India's policy options to ensure energy security in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With this paper I consider the role of diffuse nonstate and subnational actors working together in networks in Indian climate politics. The Indian government has maintained several core principles in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change negotiations since the emergence of climate change as a major international issue, and until recently the engagement of nonstate and subnational actors has been limited. However, new networked political actors are emerging that are widely linked into transnational networks, often supported by external funding and bringing new, diverse organisations into the debate. I argue that to understand their role and significance we must be more attentive to the spatiality of the policy process and must reconceptua-lise the relationship between nonstate actors and the state. The international arena is not the only area of climate politics, or necessarily the most significant, and attention to the role of local politics could develop a more rooted understanding of Indian climate politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the foreign policy of Pakistan to explain the country's Middle East orientation. The country is more affiliated with the Middle East than it is with Asian countries to which it shares geographical and cultural similarities. This paper argues that emphasis on ideology had shaped a foreign policy that favors Islam and Islamic unity. The implications of the country's Middle East orientation for its relations with India are discussed.

In the first two decades of Indian independence, members of the Sarvodaya movement—India's popular, non-state program for Gandhian social uplift—sought to partner with representatives of Israel's developmental apparatus to build a communal agricultural settlement at Gandhi's former ashram. Working against the lure of large-scale, Nehruvian development, Cold War politics, and cool formal diplomatic relations between the two countries, Indian votaries of small-scale rural uplift saw in Israeli collective agriculture the chance to give Gandhian "constructive work" a practical program rooted in voluntary, village-based socialism—a goal that eluded Gandhi himself. Israeli planners saw their work with Indian civil society as a means of securing the formal diplomatic sanction largely stymied by India's relationship with the broader Muslim world. Gandhi's vision of the Indian "village Republic" and the Israeli model of agrarian collectivism both owed their origins to nineteenth-century utopian thought, and both projects felt anachronistic by the time of their decade-long joint effort, whose initial promise succumbed to realpolitik and the hegemony of the developmental state. Yet their work foregrounds the enduring international stake that Indian civil society maintained in development and nation-building, long presumed to have withered with the arrival of the nation-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the role of sub-national diplomacy in India with respect to four neighboring countries -- Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Pakistan and China -- and assesses the nature and consequences of such interactions for immediate policy shifts and in wider institutional terms. Except for five states -- Haryana, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Chhatisgarh and Telengana -- all other states in India have international land or maritime borders which make a study of this nature very pertinent. This study focuses on those states that have been more inclined to engage in India's foreign and security policy making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although role theory has been widely used in the field of foreign policy analysis, it has never been comprehensively applied to the study of Indian foreign policy. This article analyzes major foreign policy speeches of Indian decision makers in an effort to identify salient national role conceptions. In the second part of the article, it is shown how in the process of emerging international humanitarian norms, inherent tensions between different role conceptions become aggravated. Thus, Indian foreign policy makers find themselves in the middle of intra- and inter-role conflicts. Taking the Responsibility to Protect and International Criminal Law as examples, the article examines the way in which decision makers have tried to mitigate and to evade conflicting role-derived expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military intervention to halt atrocities is one of the most contentious aspects of R2P and with which India has often expressed disagreement in the past. Since the 2005 World Summit, however, there has been an apparent softening in that opposition. This article takes a close-up look at the empirical record, revealing ambiguity in Indian attitudes from the outset that militates against categorizing them as either 'for' or 'against' humanitarian intervention. The portrait that emerges is of a reactive actor driven incrementally away from a default preference for sovereignty as autonomy, whilst harbouring deep concerns about armed intervention. This article suggests that cautious and reluctant accommodation offers the best description of India's still unresolved stance on humanitarian intervention. That fits in with a broad preference for pragmatism in foreign policy, which has struggled to balance traditional concerns with a 'new' ambition to acquire and sustain greater power-political influence in a changing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maintaining regional supremacy and stability and denying extra-regional actors a military foothold in South Asia have long been key objectives of India's regional policy. In pursuance of these objectives, India displayed a willingness to undertake coercive action against its smaller South Asian neighbours. Evidence of this is seen in the military intervention in Sri Lanka (1987–1990) and a virtual economic blockade of Nepal (1989–1990). However, during the past decade, India appeared to draw away from such overt interventionist policies and even accepted outside actors like Norway and the United Nations being involved in the peace process in Sri Lanka (2002–2006) and Nepal (2006–2011), respectively. Notwithstanding India's apparent shift in behaviour, these actions do not represent a fundamental change in the country's traditional policy towards the region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

India's spectacular rise in recent years has been the source of hyperbolic theorising and speculation on its major power status. Middle power theory offers a set of dynamic analytical parameters which allow for re-evaluating India's global influence and identifying both strengths and weaknesses of its power projection and resources. Placing emphasis on themes of Third World leadership, good international citizenship, multilateral activism, bridge-building diplomacy, and coalition-building with like-minded states, the middle power concept can encapsulate key aspects of India's contemporary agency and account for structural dynamics which constitute a reformist world-view through the reconfiguration of the Indian state within the existing world order. Overall, middlepowermanship delineates fundamental continuities in India's foreign policy tradition, epitomises India's existing position in the neoliberal world order, while providing a good indication of the directions India will take on the global stage in the short and medium-term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the economic partnership that is developing between South Korea and India. The article notes that this development is unusual because of a long-standing disconnect between Korea and South Asian countries. It is also noted that the two countries are beginning to develop a political and security relationship. South Korea and India have discovered that they have much in common when it comes to national partition and dealing with conflict, and they both have uneasy relationships with China.

What structured the fundamental nature of Indian security for the first 50 years of the country's independence? This article draws out four normative parameters that have been tempered and normalised during this period through India's international interaction along with her internal political developments. Using notions of 'security identity', the article unpacks these normative parameters in order to investigate holistically the interaction between both domestic and foreign influences in India's international relations. As such, the article finds a relative consistency to how security has been conceived of in India—displaying sustained threats to its territorial integrity, a continued democratic tradition, ongoing fears of communal violence plus an engrained desire for a greater global role. In turn, it has been the interface between internal and external factors that has structured, and continues to structure, Indian security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essential demographic data and related information for India is provided specifically for the publishing industry. The focus has been placed on the economics, education and computer industry in relation to the complex cultural factors of different languages and religions. The role of India in relation to the other three BRIC countries or Brazil, China and Russia is explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]