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The paper assesses Black Sea politics through the lens of regionalism as the path to a security community, the effects of an outdated and dysfunctional pan-European security architecture, and the shared hegemonic potential of Russia and Turkey in the region. Drawing from diverse strands of literature, the paper critically discusses integrative schemes and their circumscribed successes amidst a volatile pan-European security order and the poor prospects for ‘bigemony’, or shared hegemony, in the Black Sea region. It concludes that none of the following regional governance options, regionalism, or embeddedness in an integrated pan-European security or Russo-Turkish hegemony, has materialized. The paper also underlines the importance of the linkages between the Black Sea area and unfolding Middle Eastern politics for the evolution and study of Black Sea politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper starts with a thesis on the dialectical structure of modern law that goes back to the European revolutionary tradition and constitutes a legal structure that is at once emancipatory and repressive. Once it became democratic, the modern nation state has solved more or less successfully the crises that have emerged in modern Europe since the 16th Century. Yet, this state did not escape the dialectical snares of modern law and modern legal regimes. It's greatest advance, the exclusion of inequalities, presupposed the exclusion of the internal other of blacks, workers, women, etc., and the other that stemmed from the non-European world that furthermore was under European colonial rule or other forms of European, North American, or Japanese imperial control. Yet, the wars and revolutions of the 20th Century led to a complete reconstruction, new foundation, and globalization of all national and international law. The evolutionary advance of the 20th Century was the emergence of world law, and this enabled the construction of international and national welfarism and the global expansion of the exclusion of inequalities. Nevertheless, the dialectic of enlightenment returned and led to new forms of post-national domination, hegemony, oppression, and exclusion. The final section of the paper tries to detect some ideas and principles for how to overcome the crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In post-war years, penicillin played a fundamental role in radically changing the system of pharmaceutical research and production, with US firms and research centres taking the lead. As with other areas of science and technology it also became a domain in which European actors sought to adapt to and counter US policies and practices of hegemony, becoming part of a broader pattern of US—European relationships during the Cold War. Three European companies succeeded in catching up with the Anglo-American companies and became large antibiotics producers. This paper reconstructs the story of one of them, Lovens Kemiske Fabrik (now Leo Pharma), and of its Leo-penicillin, focusing on previously unexplored material from Leo Pharma corporate archives and on other archival sources. Loven's case is particularly interesting, because the Danish firm had no substantial pre-war expertise in fermentation, the key technical skill required in penicillin production. More specifically, the argument is that the choices of pharmaceutical companies played a major role in the European answer to the invasion of American penicillin, finding market, rather than state-sponsored, methods to counter US hegemony. This response, though, also highlighted the limits of European capabilities in the 1940s and the early 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a careful look at the relationships between discursive constructions of minorities and discriminatory policy making in order to better account for the ways hegemonic cultural standards are prevalent in Europe, not only in prejudiced discourse, but also in apparently neutral practices such as institutional law making. By examining the different discourses surrounding a particular controversy-Italy's so-called 'Maroni census'-I illustrate how public rhetoric and policies regarding contemporary Europe's different ethnic groups reduce racism and discrimination to the blatant deployment of essentializing categories. As a consequence, European institutions are fostering a European identity that, by refusing to acknowledge the existence of dividing, discriminatory lines, is reinscribing the inequalities that come with society's reliance on those same lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the connection between Italian communism and political violence between 1921 and 1948. It states the publication of the paper "L'Ordine Nuovo," founded and published by Antonio Gramsci along with Palmiro Togliatti, Angelo Tasca, and Umberto Terracini. It discusses the division of the reformist and revolutionary strands of European socialism. It mentions the Communist Party of Italy's (PCd'I) efforts to build on its underground organisation. It also notes the relationship between mass movement and armed struggle. Communists' strategy to overthrow Fascism and their action to mobilize a mass response to Nazi-fascism are presented. Moreover, it cites defensive or offensive violence for the Italian communists as a political tool to gain social hegemony.

This article evaluates critically the meta-narrative that there is no alternative to capitalism. Building upon an emerging corpus of post-structuralist thought that has begun deconstructing this discourse in relation to western economies and the majority (third) world, this paper further extends this critique to Central and Eastern Europe by investigating the degree to which people in post-Soviet Ukraine rely on the capitalist market economy for their livelihood. Reporting the results of 600 face-to-face interviews, the finding is that only a small minority of households in this post-socialist society relies on the formal market economy alone to secure their livelihood and that the vast majority depend on a plurality of market and non-market economic practices. The outcome is a call to re-think the lived practice of economic transition in post-Soviet societies more widely in order to open up the feasibility of, and possibilities for, alternative economic futures beyond capitalist hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In October 2005 UNESCO produced its Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity. This was largely a response to the worries of countries, especially in Europe and not least of which France, which feared the damaging effects to their cultures if trade in entertainment products remained too one-sided. Generally the argument of this paper is that while initial tensions between the United States and Europe were motivated by the usual commercial concerns, Europeans were increasingly worried about the cultural impact of this commerce. The Japanese, however, have not been nearly so concerned as the Europeans about becoming 'Americanized'. This lack of tension between the United States and Japan in the area of film and television is due to several factors. First, there is a complementarity between American entertainment and the Japanese electronics industry. Second, the Japanese are major players in some aspects of the entertainment industry, most especially in the area of animation, and they are especially influential in Asia. Finally, issues of cultural conflict between the United States and Japan are simply less salient to Tokyo than those which characterize Japan's relations with its Asian neighbors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the hegemonic relations between Europe and the Greek-speaking world as these are reflected in Greek perceptions of the Self and Others. It argues that how Greeks think about Turks—the stereotypical religious, ethnic and cultural Other—cannot be understood outside the context of Greek cultural dependence on Europe. As European attitudes to Others change from blatant ethnocentrism to patronizing multiculturalism, so do, in a similar vein, Greek attitudes towards Turks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regionally based processes of political and economic integration, security co-operation, and even social identification have become increasingly important and prominent parts of the international system. Nowhere have such processes gone further than in Western Europe. Somewhat surprisingly, similar patterns of regional integration have been steadily developing in East Asia – a region many observers consider unlikely to replicate the European experience. This paper uses an historically grounded comparative approach to examine the historical preconditions that underpinned the formation of the European Union, and then contrasts them with the situation in East Asia today. While the overall geopolitical and specific national contexts are very different, such an analysis highlights surprising similarities and differences, particularly in the role played by the United States in both periods. A comparative analysis allows us to understand and rethink the incentives for, and constraints on, regional integrative processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compared to the larger projects of the Single Market and Economic and Monetary Union, cohesion policy has often been ascribed a secondary role. Considered as a side payment from the richer to the poorer member states, it has been reduced to the political margins of European integration. In this paper, we set out to question this interpretation by placing the `cohesion issue' in a broader socio-economic and political context. It is the main claim that cohesion policy forms part of a contest between competing political projects at the European level, and as such has played a crucial role in the renewed integration wave from the mid-1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of literature pertaining to anti‐blackness and racism in Poland. Much of the literature on anti‐blackness and racism in Europe has focused on certain hegemonic powers in Europe. This literature reviews seeks to add another country to explore the topic. The article first discusses how anti‐blackness conversations are formulated in general and then shifts to examine Poland, exploring how these conversations on immigration, economic issues and Islamophobia add to a broader discussion of Europe's problems with anti‐blackness more broadly. From here, the article examines and dismantles the notions that Poland is isolated from the African continent and that Poland's historical and contemporary population can be viewed as totally homogenous. Self‐identified Afro‐Poles are discussed as a focal population of Black Poles, showing that there are generational interactions between the African continent and Polish society in the last section. This review seeks to add a new case study into the discourse of anti‐blackness and racism in Europe. I argue that cases like Poland are valuable and necessary to develop fuller conceptualizations of anti‐blackness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is set out to study whether Germany's European politics can be confined into Kantian (liberal) or Bismarckian (realism) realm and to what extent these two traditions can shed light on the current policy of Germany within European Union. The clash of idealism and realpolitik are going to be used as a means to shed light on Germany's current hegemony in the EU. It is also aimed to point out how permanent emphasis on national interest is prevailing in Adenauer's period and how Bismarckian way of dealing with international relations still protects its validity today. It is argued that Germany's ongoing integration policy (Kantian perspective) is an incremental tool in service of recognition in the international arena in 50s and then paving the way for a renewed hegemony of Germany in the continent. It is a significant descriptive study since it points out how Kantian approach is utilized as a means to reach Bismarckian Germany since many scholars focus on the overlap of national interest and integration policies but not questioning whether German national interest is the prime beneficiary in the process even after the WWII. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article engages critically with the question of sovereignty, with a focus on the post-colonial state. Building on Stephen Krasner's arguments, it will point to the risks of employing European-centered/ inspired concepts for understanding processes in former colonies. In doing so, the paper will reveal the complexity pervading the discourse and history of sovereignty, beyond the purely legalistic definitions, questioning whether this institution was only a new democratic appearance for a system that remained inherently coercive. In relation to this, some epistemological and methodological issues will be explored concerning the discipline of International Relations as such. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anthropologica is the property of CASCA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Društvena Istraživanja is the property of Institute of Social Sciences Ivo Pilar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose - This contribution, using EU institutions' legitimacy-seeking procedures as an analytical framework, aims to discuss the political traps of EU governance processes taking place in EU bodies in pursuit of a new institutionalisation of the Lisbon strategy. Design/methodology/approach - The approach is in the form of a discursive analysis. Findings - The discursive analysis shows the hegemony of two disciplines and approaches: economy and psychology. These will be shown to be interconnected, as they have together contributed to the depoliticisation of responses to current economic demands and social reforms and to the repoliticisation of individuals (contribution to an identity production policy). This ‘multi-level governance process’ which characterises the regulation of the EES by EU institutions might be transformed into a project of multi-level governance without political government. Originality/value - The paper looks at the process of seeking responses to the labour market crisis within Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the essays presented in the fall 1989 edition of the periodical “International Journal of Political Economy', which reflect the theoretical and empirical orientation developed in the Department of International Relations of the University of Amsterdam since 1974. The research carried out had three main aspects. In the first place, researchers were interested in differences in the labor process in the U.S. and Europe, and more particularly in the time lag that developed in this respect when, in the crisis of 1929 and the early 1930s, the labor process in the U.S. was geared to a system of demand-led mass production of consumer durables, while the European economy remained locked into the pre-crisis pattern. Second, the research focused on the mutual relations between the different industries involved in the Fordist restructuring of Atlantic capital between 1929 and the 1950s. The third aspect of the Amsterdam research program has concerned the relation between economic foundations of the Euro-Atlantic integration process and its political articulation. This last aspect, the development of transnationally effective concepts of control unifying fractions of the ruling class into hegemonic coalitions, has since 1979-1980 become the dominant theme in the research work. The papers in the issue of the periodical reflect that preoccupation and are offered to the reader to judge.

Based on the entire population of Nobel laureates in science from 1901 to 2017, we show that North America’s rise as global power in science started in the 1920s. Following a transition period (1940s to 1960s), its scientific hegemony was consolidated in the 1970s. Yet since the 2000s, North America’s global leadership in science has come under pressure. In that time, its share of laureates across disciplines dropped, although it has retained its attractiveness as a destination for future laureates from Europe and the Asia-Pacific region. In addition, we find that North America has become apparently less effective since 2010 in transferring capacities for conducting ground-breaking research from one generation of scientists to another. Furthermore, both Europe and the Asia-Pacific region have similarly high shares of newcomer organizations with regard to where prize-winning work is conducted, indicating that these two regions are very active in the inter-organizational competition for scientific talent. Despite this competition, however, we find no support for the rise of a new global center of science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transatlantic partnership needs to be reassessed. Since the end of the Cold War, Europe has chosen to bandwagon with the United States and to outsource its security to Washington. Bandwagoning has serious consequences when the use of force is at stake: it may lead to entrapment, where weaker allies may be involuntarily dragged into a conflict. It may also lead to abandonment, where the dominant ally may choose to discard their vital security concerns. With the evolution of the international system towards a multipolar configuration, this strategy of bandwagoning is becoming increasingly costly for Europe while the dominant power, the United States, is progressively confronted by other competitors at the systemic level. These classic dilemmas attached to an asymmetric partnership are exacerbated in a multipolar configuration. In particular, the abandonment scenario may become more and more frequent precisely because there is competition-and thus potential costs-at the international level: the United States may leave Europe alone, not by choice but by necessity. The current crisis in Ukraine illustrates this shift: while some American leaders were keen to escalate the conflict by arming Ukraine, the Obama administration's commitment to the defence of Europe has been minimal and it has largely delegated the management of the crisis to the Europeans themselves. Washington had other and more important priorities. Strategic autonomy is not an option for Europe; it has become a reality, a Gaullist moment where Europeans will have to learn to think and act strategically for themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The criminalization of migration has, over the last decade, gained unprecedented focus in migration, criminology and socio-legal literature. Recently, there have been some developments critically revisiting the criminalization thesis, particularly with reference to the European experiences: criminal law might exist 'on the books' but quite often it is not actually enforced in immigration practice. Therefore, whilst the incorporation of criminal law into the immigration domain serves mainly symbolic functions to demonstrate a government's firm grip over immigration control, it also legitimizes a discourse presenting migrants as potential criminals, cheats and abusers. This begs the following question: how do migrants respond to this increasing conflation between criminal and immigration domains in the wider social context? How are the official and public discourses over 'crimmigrant bodies' reflected in migrants' everyday life experiences? Do migrants resist, reproduce or redefine this criminal labelling? I grapple with these questions while qualitatively investigating the experiences of 270 return migrants from four European countries (Norway, Netherlands, the UK and Portugal): migrants' responses to the stigmatizing force of symbolic criminalisation do not always mean resistance, but, quite often, are placed on a continuum between the contestation and the reproduction of the stigma and the hegemony of the law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My point of departure is Said's rejection of the idea of an 'Orientalist' Hellenism. What might it mean to argue that Orientalism characterises 'intra-European' cultural politics, specifically the colonial geography of western Europe vis-à-vis its 'subaltern' Others? Contra Said, I argue that the function of Hellenism in constituting both the fantasy of Europe and western hegemony has an Orientalist structure. I explore the cultural underpinnings of Greece's relation to 'Europe' in Hellenistic discourses. Then, I argue that the dominant discourse surrounding the odious Greek debt has an Orientalist structure. Pairing a critique of Orientalism with a core-periphery analysis arguably enables a more nuanced understanding of the coloniality of power in today's 'age of austerity', enabling a deconstruction of the racial logic underlying continental integration and revealing the violence inherent in the fantasy of European civilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks first into the nature of the relations between Germany and the CEE countries a decade since the accession of the CEE countries to the EU. The relations are characterized as normalised and intensive with diverse levels of closeness and co-operation reflecting of the conceptual and ideological compatibility/differences. Next, the article focuses on the German attitude to the euro zone crisis. Germany has become a hegemon in the rescue effort aimed at stabilisation and economic invigoration of the euro zone. However, German hegemony has developed by default, not by design: her leading position is linked with considerable political and financial costs. Germany moved central stage and took the position of a reluctant hegemon. However, German role is contested internationally (it has not the support of the French government in key areas) as well as internally (particularly by the Federal Constitutional Court and the Bundesbank). The article argues that the new situation makes the German-CEE relations increasingly relevant for both sides. The German leadership of the EU increasing split along the north-south divide requires backing by the Northern group countries to which the CEE in general belongs. Given a number of reasons the CEE countries implement three distinctive strategies of co-operation with Germany in European politics. Also military co-operation, which remained rather limited so far, may receive new impulses, given the financial austerity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shipping costs between Europe and Asia were reduced by two-thirds between the 1770s and the 1820s. Copper sheathing and other technical improvements which allowed ships to make more frequent voyages over longer lifetimes accounted for part of the cost reduction. British hegemony in the Indian Ocean, which ended an eighteenth-century arms race, accounted for the rest by allowing the substitution of smaller ships which cost less to build and required fewer men per ton. These changes were at least as important as the elimination of monopoly profits in narrowing intercontinental price differentials during the early nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article argues that rather than being an emancipatory step for the EU, the Common Security and Defence Policy in its current format represents a continuation of US strategic hegemony. Using a neo-Gramscian model of hegemony, by considering both civilian and military aspects of CSDP, the article shows how US ability to export its strategic doctrine to EU member states is undiminished. It argues that respect for US military achievements is a key reason for this, but that this may lead EU states to make poor strategic decisions, which moreover may lack political and public legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

European educational knowledge and practices have been deeply impacted by the colonial experience. While hegemonic knowledge was exported to the colonies, practices of teaching and governing colonial subjects were tested in the periphery and then reimported to the center. This contribution looks at a case of European education outside Europe that did not take place, at least not entirely, in a colonial setting: China. It argues that the (at least potentially) non-colonial encounter with societies that presented possible alternatives to European civilization was as important in refracting and reframing European knowledge, education, and identity as was the colonial encounter. European education outside Europe was enacted not only in settings of hegemony and resistance but also in more subtly nuanced spaces of encounter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically studies the hegemonic discursive construction of the EU's current (2012) economic crisis, as it is articulated by political and economic elites and by mass media. The study focuses on the political economy of the particular crisis and through the critical concept of reification, the study emphasizes the hegemonic naturalization of the economic crisis by the "free market" economistic ideology. The article problematizes the positioning of Greece as the "crisis epicentre" in Europe, understanding Greece as a scapegoat and as a laboratory where political strategies of capitalist restructuring of the EU are performed. Through the frame analysis of Bild-Zeitung's headlines on the coverage of crisis-struck Greece, the article discusses a) the "culturalization" of the crisis and the diversion from a structural public debate on the global economic crisis b) the disciplinary function of crisis' publicity, related to social control and the production of new, neoliberal social subjectivities c) the alienating effect of the culturalist crisis discourses to transnational publics, resulting to the misrecognition of the ideological and structural reasons of the given crisis, the misrecognition of the effects of the crisis and crisis-politics in people's lives, the misrecognition of popular socio-political struggles in countries worse struck by crisis politics, and the eclipse of transnational solidarity and identification to the common issues that European people in particular are facing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lacher, Hannes, and Julian Germann. (2012) Before Hegemony: Britain, Free Trade, and Nineteenth-Century World Order Revisited. International Studies Review, doi: 10.1111/j.1468-2486.2012.01100.x This article argues that neo-Gramscian theorizations of 'hegemony' have failed to illuminate the role of nineteenth-century Britain in the rise of a liberal world economy in three respects. First, they have provided mutually exclusive accounts of the social forces underpinning domestic and international hegemony. Second, they have failed to show Britain's agency in the making of a liberal world order. Third, they have posited a uniformity of social forces and liberal state forms that elides the differences between British and continental societies, thereby obscuring the real reasons for the general shift to liberal internationalism. We argue that it was the structural differences in the economic, social, and political organization of Britain and continental Europe that made free trade without a hegemon possible. Neo-Gramscian theorists of hegemony-just like their mainstream peers-have unduly generalized from the unique structures of American hegemony after 1945. Instead of serving as a master concept to organize the history of international relations, hegemony itself needs to be historicized: as a singular and temporally limited possibility of societal and international rule, preceded and succeeded by other forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main focus of the article is to provide an analysis of subtle and implicit racial divisions in higher education institutions that lead to unbalanced power relations. These subtle inequalities emanate from expressed experiences of hostile institutional cultures, untransformed curricula that are largely based on European traditions and norms and a general atmosphere that is tilted towards white supremacy. The article also gives specific attention to the formation of a unifying organisational culture, requisite for dismantling cultural, identity and hegemonic boundaries that are residues of the previously racialised South African higher education system of the apartheid era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Has the global credit crunch shifted the foundations of global financial architecture away from the philosophy of 'neoliberalism'? In this article, we argue that the neoliberal project is most probably dead and buried, despite the apparent commitment, which we detail in this article, to the spirit of neoliberal thinking in economic thought. By analysing three constitutive elements of neoliberalism (its public, private and regulatory components) before and after the credit crunch, we reveal important geopolitical shifts which are likely to prevent a return to 'business as usual' in the world of finance. We find that the defining trend among these changes is the global rise of the Eurozone. Specifically, we argue that the ideal, Anglo-Saxon model of neoliberalism was viable because it was heavily subsidised from around the world. Accordingly, the key to the future of Anglo-Saxon neoliberalism lies with the willingness of European, East Asian and Middle Eastern creditors to continue extending their financial support to the Anglo-Saxon model of finance. We believe that they are unlikely to do so in the future. Spurred by the magnitude of the credit crunch, the rise of Europe is progressively weakening each of the three dimensions of Anglo-Saxon neoliberalism we identify in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

History schoolbooks are part of a much broader legitimation process through which every society's ruling elite secures the uncritical acceptance of the existing political, social and economic system, together with the cultural attributes that re ect its hegemony. In central Europe, the need to justify the creation of nation-states at the beginning and end of the twentieth century has generated proprietary accounts that have pitted the region's national groups against one another. Post-communist democratization has intensi ed these divisions as political leaders feel obliged to employ hoary myths-and avoid inconvenient facts- about their country's history in order to survive the electoral process. In this way they succumb to the "Frankenstein Syndrome" by which the history taught in the schools destroys those who dare to challenge the arti cial constructs of the past. The article surveys history teaching throughout central Europe, with special emphasis on the Yugoslav successor states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, we argue that critical International Relations (IR) scholars must consider American Orientalism in tandem with American Exceptionalism in order to better understand US identity, foreign policymaking, and hegemony. We claim that American Exceptionalism is a particular type of American Orientalism, a style of thought about the distinctions between the “West” and the “East” that gives grounding to the foundational narrative of “America.” While Exceptionalism and Orientalism both deploy similar discursive, ontological, and epistemological claims about the “West” and its non-western “Others,” Exceptionalism is also rooted specifically in American political thought that developed in contradistinction to Europe. As such, we demonstrate that different logics of othering are at work between the West and the non-West, and among Western powers. We implore critical IR scholars to interrogate how the United States and Europe alternatively collude and clash in wielding normative power over their non-Western Others. We claim such research is important for exploring the staying power of American hegemony and understanding the implications of European challenges to American foreign policy, particularly given recent concerns about a so-called transatlantic divide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inspired by the experience of Eastern enlargement, much of the academic debate on EU external relations and the European neighbourhood policy conceives of external influence in terms of the Union's ability to induce third countries' adaptation to predetermined EU norms and regulations. This article introduces a more structural perspective on EU external influence that scrutinizes the institutional extension of sector-specific governance frameworks beyond EU membership. Whereas the traditional notion of influence only focuses on the shift of the EU's regulatory boundary, extended governance involves also the opening up of organizational structures within the relevant policy field. These new forms of horizontal flexible integration are made possible through the internal flexibilization of the modes of policy-making within the EU, and, in particular, the advent of network governance. Despite its integrative potential, case studies from three policy sectors also document that, under current circumstances, extended network governance is not void of hegemonic traits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]