Search

As part of a doctoral research, eighty-eight local truth commissions created in Brazil between 2012 and 2018 were identified. Among them, it was selected the eleven final reports that described partnerships between truth commissions and universities. The paper analyzes the phenomenon of creation of local truth commissions in Brazil and the partnerships established between them and universities, especially, with Archival Science and History programs. It was found that the partnerships were established to make the work of truth commissions feasible and consisted of archival activities such as preservation, description, and scanning as well as research. It concludes that, although the educational engagement of Brazilian truth commissions has been limited, partnerships with universities have provided students the contact with the theme of human rights, in line with the callings for the profession to address activism and human rights within the context of archival education. Finally, the paper suggests that experiences developed by these partnerships could be incorporated into Archival Science programs in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Jurídica (0103-3506) is the property of Revista Juridica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Community participation as a strategy in health aims to increase the role of citizens in health decision-making which are contextualised within the institutions of democracy. Electoral representation as the dominant model of democracy globally is based on the elite theory of democracy that sees political decision-making a prerogative of political elites. Such political elitism is counter to the idea of democratic participation. Neoliberalism together with elitism in political sphere have worsened social inequities by undermining working class interests. Latin America has seen adverse consequences of these social inequities. In response, social movements representing collective struggles of organised citizens arose in the region. This paper explores the theoretical underpinnings of democratic participation in contemporary Latin American context at the nexus of emerging social movement activism and policy responses. The paper will use empirical examples to highlight how such democratic practices at the societal level evolved while demanding political inclusion. These societal democratic practices in Latin America are redefining democracy, which continues to be seen in the political sphere only. Health reforms promoting participatory democracy in several Latin American countries have demonstrated that establishing institutions and mechanisms of democratic participation facilitate collective participation by the organised citizenry in state affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore how the COVID-19 pandemic has been managed in Brazil, especially at the Federal Administrative level, with the focus being on the implications for human rights and public health in the country. Design/methodology/approach: The research is built on a qualitative design made up of a case-study and review of the literature and is based on inductive reasoning. Findings: Main conclusions were that: by not making sufficient efforts to safeguard the lives of Brazilians or to strengthen public health institutions amid the pandemic, Bolsonaro's Administration may be violating the rights to life and health, among others, by omission; it was demonstrated that the President has worked unceasingly to bulldoze anti-COVID-19 efforts, which can be better explained through the concepts of necropolitics and neoliberal authoritarianism. Research limitations/implications: One of the limitations to this research is that this paper was not able to discuss more thoroughly which other human rights norms and principles (apart from the right to health, life and the duty to protect vulnerable populations) have possibly been violated amid the COVID-19 pandemic in the country. Overall, this research can help expand the literature on human rights in health management during and after emergency times. Originality/value: This paper focuses on recent events and on urgent matters that need to be addressed immediately in Brazil. This study provides an innovative health policy/human rights analysis to build an academic account of the ongoing pandemic in the largest country in South America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the implementation of the right to adequate housing in Brazil, China, and Russia, which are part of the BRICS group of countries. The study reveals that while Brazil and Russia have legally recognised the right to housing through domestic law and multinational human rights treaties, China has been less willing to do so. Even when international instruments have been implemented, they have not always successfully ensured state accountability for housing rights violations, and few cases have been brought under individual complaint procedures. This study highlights common housing issues faced by each jurisdiction in the practical implementation of the right to housing, which are similar to those encountered by other countries but are often more severe due to the economic, political, and historical circumstances of the countries under review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite acknowledging the risks of the COVID-19 pandemic for the prison population, Brazil's Supreme Court declined to issue structural injunctions during the health crisis ordering lower courts to consider these risks when making incarceration-related decisions. These injunctions could have been crucial to mitigate mass incarceration and protect the prison population during the pandemic. Through an examination of the Supreme Court's rulings in structural cases and in a sample of over 4,000 habeas corpus decisions, this paper argues that granting these injunctions would have overwhelmed the court with an unmanageable influx of individual claims. Consequently, the Supreme Court acted strategically in anticipation of its limited institutional capacity to enforce compliance with structural injunctions among lower courts. This case study illustrates how practical considerations can hinder structural decisions in criminal law and highlights the limits of structural litigation and constitutional jurisdiction to address mass incarceration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Latin American Studies is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the decline of the AIDS Programme in Brazil, the Latin American country most affected by the epidemic, with emphasis in the second decade of the twenty-first century. For many years, Brazil served as a model in Global Health due to a comprehensive preventive policy, a partnership between the government and health activists and the support of life-saving drugs as public goods rather than commodities. The regression of AIDS policies in Brazil interacted with developments in the United States as well as with multilateral agencies like UNAIDS that emphasised biomedicalisation in the response to the disease where broad human-rights programmes and alliance with activists were not priorities. International programmes like the 'Ending AIDS' campaign indirectly undermined the exceptional status AIDS enjoyed since the late 1980s. The backlash in Brazilian policies to fight AIDS was a result of the fragmentation of the left and the empowerment of radical conservative authoritarian and religious forces. The result was the breakdown of the long-held belief that successful anti-AIDS disease programmes could simultaneously help control the disease and build better healthcare systems and ultimately prompted the end of the special place AIDS' policy had in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In a context of rapid technological innovation and expensive new products, the paper calls for the generation of real-world data to inform decision-making and an international discussion on the affordability of new medicines, particularly for low- and middle-income countries. Without these, the challenges of health judicialization will continue to grow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 2017, the government of Brazil enacted a new immigration law, replacing a statute introduced in 1980 during the country's military dictatorship with progressive legislation that advances human rights principles and adopts innovative approaches to migration management. One of the most notable features of the new law is its explicit rejection of the criminalization of migration, and its promotion of efforts to regularize undocumented migrants. Although the law itself is new, the values embedded in the law reflect recent trends in Brazilian immigration policy, which has embraced legalization, and has generally resisted the use of criminal law to punish unauthorized migration. Indeed, in Brazil, an initial unlawful entry does not carry criminal consequences, and at the level of society, public discourse and policy debates display minimal concern regarding this act. This posture is especially intriguing, given Brazil's otherwise aggressive focus on criminality and incarceration. This paper seeks to understand the circumstances that have led to this non-embrace of the criminalization of migration, and in particular, the scarce use of criminal law tools to punish and deter unlawful entry and related acts. The paper explores how a combination of historical factors, present-day conditions, and political forces have largely suppressed practices that dominate in the United States and in parts of Europe. Contemporary Brazilian immigration policies have generally adopted norms of forgiveness and integration--values buoyed by broader geopolitical interests that the Brazilian government has pursued in recent times. Additional factors unique to Brazil undergird the current approach, including Brazil's history of immigration, current migration flows, and criminal justice priorities. The paper concludes with some cautionary notes, suggesting that the disavowal of criminalization in Brazil may be ephemeral in Brazil's volatile political climate, and may mask other conditions that create structural vulnerability for noncitizens in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sexual and reproductive health needs and rights are one of the bleakest examples of (racialised) gender health inequalities in Brazil. This is so despite legal and constitutional specificity recognising the right to health as right of citizenship. In this paper we argue that a 'performance gap' is revealed in contradictions between what the right to health as a normative framework encourages states to do, and institutional arrangements and power relations that underpin everyday gendered inequalities in health delivery. The contribution of this article is two-fold. First, it contributes to feminist political economy accounts of the neglect of sexual and reproductive rights by adding a perspective of human dignity as an approach to gender inequalities. Second, it explores ways in which health inequalities manifest in everyday practices, and how divergent expectations of what the right to health means for professionals and for disadvantaged black women limit the capacity of healthcare to make a difference to their well-being. The article also underlines the importance of complementing legal accountability in health with mechanisms that account for prerogatives of gender justice, equality and dignity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Latin American Studies is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Direito Internacional is the property of Revista de Direito Internacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: This paper discusses methods of professional education and intervention that highlight the technical-ethical- political role of occupational therapy in dealing with contemporary social problems. The paper describes how experiences of occupational therapy in the social field were used with students as strategies for understanding social reality, accomplishing academic education and developing research and reflections about caring technologies in this field. The overall aims of the project are to promote undergraduate and graduate education and to increase the knowledge base of social occupational therapy, especially in the area of youth problems that, for social, cultural and historical reasons, disrupt social support networks. To achieve these objectives, we developed technologies for social actions directed toward socially vulnerable groups of Brazilian youths, through university extension activities and academic research. Occupational therapy provides interventions at the population level and contributes to the development of mutual social living. Our experiences of these interventions are used to demonstrate principles underpinning the promotion of the practice of democracy and rights deriving from citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the issue of judicialization of the right to health in Brazil. Data from the National Council of Justice evidence a substantial increase in the number of lawsuits concerning the right to health. We emphasize that the national doctrine exhaustively discusses ways to make the authority more effective, but it does not, as a general rule, discuss the economic aspect of health judicialization. Using the concept of opportunity cost extracted from economics science, it is shown that the judge, by deferring the lawsuit formulated by the plaintiff, automatically forces the Executive Branch to reduce the scope of other policies to generate resources to meet the court order. In specific contexts, this setting ends up favoring individual rights at the expense of the collective rights of SUS users, in violation of the principle of isonomy and efficiency. Finally, the case of the judicialization promoted by the hemophiliac patients in the Federal District is shown as a way of evidencing, at the factual level, the consequences of judicialization in the SUS policies.

Background: Health is recognized as a fundamental right in Brazil's constitution. In the absence of a clearly defined benefit packages of healthcare services that are financed under the Unified Health System (Sistema Único de Saúde, SUS), courts have become important in adjudicating coverage decisions. Empirical assessments of equity and the right to health tend to focus on simple measures of access. However, these empirical perspectives belie the significant inequalities and rights violations that arise in the case of more complex health needs such as cancer. To shed light on these issues, this paper focuses on the care pathways for breast and cervical cancer and explores access and quality issues that arise at different points along the care pathway with implications for the realization of the right to health in Brazil., Method: A mixed method approach is used. The analysis is primarily based on a quantitative analysis of national representative administrative data principally from the cervical and breast cancer information systems and the hospital cancer registry. To gain more insights into the organization of cancer care, qualitative data was collected from the state of Bahia, through document analysis, direct observation, roundtable discussions with health workers (HWs), and structured interviews with health care administrators., Results: The paper reveals that the volume of completed screening exams is well below the estimated need, and a tendency toward lower breast cancer screening rates in poorer states and for women in the lowest income brackets. Only 26% of breast cancer cases and 29% of cervical cancer cases are diagnosed at an early stage (stage 0 or I), thereby reducing the survival prospects of patients. Waiting times between confirmed diagnosis and treatment are long, despite new legislation that guarantees a maximum of 60 days. The waiting times are significantly longer for patients that follow the recommended patient pathways, and who are diagnosed outside the hospital., Conclusion: The study reveals that there are large variations between states and patients, where the poorest states and patients fare worse on key indicators. More broadly, the paper shows the importance of collecting data both on patient characteristics and health system performance and carry out detailed health system analysis for exposing, empirically, rights violations and for identifying how they can be addressed.

Drawing on ethnographic research conducted from 2011 to 2015 and the authors' long-term engagement in diverse aspects of HIV and human rights advocacy in Brazil, this paper explores key elements of the Brazilian sex workers' movement response to HIV and the broader political factors that profoundly influenced its trajectory. We argue that the movement has constantly challenged representations of prostitution by affirming sex workers' roles as political actors, not just peer educators, in fighting the HIV epidemic and highlight their development of a sex positive and pleasure centred response that fought stigma on multiple fronts. Moments of tension such as the censorship of an HIV prevention campaign and implementation of 'test and treat' projects are analysed, as are the complex questions that Brazil's 2016 political and economic crisis evokes in terms of how to develop and sustain responses to HIV driven by communities but with material commitment from the State. We conclude with what we see to be the unique, central components of Brazilian sex workers' approach to HIV prevention and what lessons can be learned from it for broader collective health movements in Latin America and beyond.

This paper examines family planning in Brazil as biopolitics and explores how the democratization of the State and of reproductive health services after two decades of military dictatorship (1964–1984) has influenced health professionals’ and family planning users’ discourses and practices. Do health professionals envisage family planning as a ‘right’ or do they conceive it, following the old neo-Malthusian rationale, as a ‘moral duty’ of poor people, whose ‘irrational’ reproduction jeopardizes the family's and the nation's well being? And how do their patients conceptualize and embody family planning? To answer these questions, this paper draws on 13 months of multi-sited ethnographic research undertaken between 2003 and 2005 in two public family planning services in Salvador da Bahia, where participant observation was undertaken and unstructured interviews were conducted with 11 health professionals and 70 family planning users, mostly low income black women. The paper examines how different bio-political rationalities operate in these services and argues that the old neo-Malthusian rationale and the current, dominant discourse on reproductive rights, gender equality and citizenship coexist. The coalescence of different biopolitical rationalities leads to the double stigmatization of family planning users as ‘victims’ of social and gender inequalities and as ‘irrational’ patients, ‘irresponsible’ mothers and ‘bad’ citizens if they do not embody the neo-Malthusian and biomedical rationales shaping medical practice. However, these women do not behave as ‘docile bodies’: they tactically use medical and non-medical contraceptives not only to be good mothers and citizens, but also to enhance themselves and to attain their own goals. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Right-wing populism advances a brand of communicative politics that are antithetical to Paulo Freire's vision of liberating, critical, and participatory communication. This essential opposition helps to understand why the Bolsonaro government has turned Freire into a target of criticisms, as part of its ambitious, furious attempt to remove progressive politics and human rights advances from Brazilian society. Considering the current situation, the purpose of this paper is to examine the relevance of Freire's ideas for the analysis of the politics of hope against populism. His principles of public criticism, dialogue, autonomous participation, humanism, and hope are antithetical to populism's vision. The unfolding of both dialogic and expressive politics against populism in Brazil and elsewhere illustrate the significance of Freire's arguments, and raise questions about the limitations of purely dialogic strategies to confront authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Many countries are employing strategies intended to reduce maldistribution of health workers and inequities. The purpose of this study was to analyse the impact of expansion policies of medical schools on regional inequalities in the distribution of undergraduate class sizes, and the capacity to attract and retain doctors and to expand health facilities. Methods: We conducted a descriptive analysis to compare the distribution of undergraduate places in 2007 and 2016 to determine the impact of targeted expansion policies on inequalities in access to medical education in Brazil. A group of municipalities with new medical schools (n = 54) and a control group without medical schools (n = 408) were compared to analyse impacts of expansion in the health sector. We compared the increase in the number of physicians per 1000 inhabitants and health establishments per inhabitants between 2007 and 2016 based on these two groups. We also analysed the relationship between geographic distance from the state capital and capacity to attract physicians. Results: There was a decrease in the regional inequalities of undergraduate places in medical schools; the greatest increase in the places per 1000 inhabitants was in municipalities of between 50 000 and 100 000 inhabitants. Municipalities with new medical schools showed an increase in physicians per 1000 inhabitants and in health establishments per inhabitant ratio, demonstrating the potential to attract and retain doctors, as well as strengthening the health infrastructure. Municipalities more distant from state capitals showed a greater increase in physician : inhabitant ratio. Discussion: Countries with health workforce shortages and inequalities in their distribution might consider public financing and regulation policies for expansion of medical schools as a strategy to attract and retain professionals. Early results in Brazil showed that such strategies could strengthen service networks in deprived areas, supporting implementation of Universal Healthcare Coverage. How can medical schools influence regional inequities in access to medicine? This paper describes how expansion policy impacts upon the distribution of the medical workforce and the capacity to attract doctors to underserved areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Brazil, the presence of psychology in prisons was established by the Criminal Sentence Execution Act, in 1984, and it was intensified in the past three decades. In the paper, the results of a study are discussed to understand the activity of psychologists in the prisons in Minas Gerais, based on clinical approaches to the work. We performed a qualitative research, with content analysis of documents, observations in five prisons, and interviews with 14 psychologists who work at these prisons. We verified that the role of psychology in prisons has been controversial, with different institutional intersections resulting from the security and punishment logic, which seems to frequently oppose professional ethical principles. The institutional demand for classifying prisoners overlaps with the monitoring of rehabilitation programs, set forth by law. This scenario, worsened by the lack of professionals, results in obstructions in the activity, the distress of the worker, trivialization of the violation of rights, and uncritical adhesion to the repressive mechanism of the institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Bioetica is the property of Conselho Federal de Medicina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of European Journal of Social Work is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Global health faces a broad spectrum of old and new challenges. Besides epidemiological problems, political conflicts, economic crisis and austerity policies are jeopardizing progress towards Universal Health Coverage (UHC), affecting the most vulnerable populations. During the 22nd International Union for Health Promotion and Education (IUHPE) World Conference on Health Promotion held in Curitiba, Brazil, in 2016, challenges and threats for global health, in addition to a wide range of innovative experiences in health promotion, were discussed with participants from 65 countries. At the end of the conference, a public statement was approved claiming for Democracy and Human Rights in all countries around the world as essential conditions for the promotion of health and equity. In this paper, we explore challenges, threats and innovations in global health promotion. We use scientific literature, analysis of the current situation of the Brazilian health system, and material presented during the 22nd IUHPE World Conference. Also, we discuss strategies to strengthen health systems, policies and practices through the approach of STI and illustrative local experiences presented at the congress mentioned above, including examples developed in the city of Curitiba. We conclude that STI is crucial to support strengthening local health systems, design effective intersectoral public policies, scaling up innovative initiates, and skilling staff in addressing the contemporary challenges. Finally, the Declaration of the 22nd World Conference on Health Promotion of the IUHPE is a fundamental policy statement based on the prioritization of democracy and human rights as essential conditions for the promotion of health and equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Data on disability are regularly collected by different institutions or ministries using specific tools for different purposes, for instance to estimate the prevalence of disability or eligibility of specific populations for social benefits. The interoperability of disability data collected in countries is essential for policy making and to monitor the implementation of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. The first objective of this paper is to map and compare tools that collect data on disability for different purposes, more specifically the Brazilian National Health Survey and the Brazilian Functioning Index to the World Health Organization (WHO) and the World Bank Model Disability Survey (MDS), currently recommended as a standard tool for disability measurement. The second objective is to demonstrate the usefulness and value of the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health Linking Rules to map and compare population-based surveys and other content-related tools collecting data on disability, even when these have already been developed based on the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health. Methods: Disability information collected with the three different tools was mapped and compared using the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health Linking Rules. Results: Although the disability module in the Brazilian National Health Survey is fundamentally different from the MDS, the mapping disclosed that several modules of the Brazilian National Health Survey already cover many aspects necessary to estimate prevalence and understand disability as currently recommended by the WHO and the World Bank. The Brazilian Functioning Index and the MDS are both based on the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health and are very similar in the approach and content of their questions on functioning. Specific information on environmental factors is essential to identify needs and barriers, as well as to devise procedures to reduce injustice and inequalities. This information is still not targeted broadly enough in both the Brazilian National Health Survey and the Brazilian Functioning Index. Conclusions: Overall, this mapping exercise showed that applying the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health linking rules to population-based data coming from different sources provides researchers and stakeholders involved in decision-making with standardized and straightforward information about overlaps and gaps. Implications for Rehabilitation: Data on functioning and disability regularly collected with different purposes and by different institutions or ministries within a country can be compared using the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health as a reference framework and the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health linking rules. The recently published refinements of the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health Linking Rules go beyond the sole linking to International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health categories and provide standardized procedures to document the perspective of linked questions or the categorization of response options. They are therefore useful to compared tools that have been developed based on the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health. The current disability module of the Brazilian Health Survey needs a revision to be suitable to collect data on disability that is Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities conform and guarantees interoperability with disability data from other sources in Brazil, especially from disability assessment for social benefits and implementation of policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Jurídica (0103-3506) is the property of Revista Juridica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) firmly enshrined a legal framework guaranteeing enforceable minimum intellectual property (IP) standards at the international level. But it also resulted in a greater inclusion of intellectual property rights (IPRs) in wider political debates between developing and industrialised countries – for instance on questions of global health and development. This paper argues that the increasing reach and efficacy of the IP regime has given rise to wider challenges to the IP system needing urgent conceptual analysis. The focus here is on IP’s increasing confrontation with the right to health, which is analysed not as an encounter of radically opposed legal systems, but as an ambivalent process in which the right to health operates as a challenge to the IP system – and, paradoxically, as an argument for its extension. To account for this ambivalence, the analysis develops a Foucauldian understanding of the right to health’s potential challenge, re-evaluating the right to health’s role as a part of a process of incremental realisation of governmental priorities, which negotiates tensions between guaranteeing the function of the economy and improving the health of populations. While this incremental process draws attention to the limitations of the right to health’s potential to challenge the IP regime, it also highlights this regime’s difficulty in accommodating a wider range of active entrepreneurial subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper analyses the approach to human rights in Brazilian foreign policy agendas since President Fernando Henrique Cardoso's first mandate. It discusses institutional arrangements arising from domestic processes of democratisation, as well as from human rights regime changes that have occurred regionally and globally. The paper's key contention is that the foreign policy changes—both in emphasis and positioning—which took place after 2003 were due to three variables: (i) the securitisation of the global order after 9/11 and the resumption of the double standards policy; (ii) the transnationalisation of human rights movements and the emerging judicialisation of foreign policy; and (iii) at the domestic level, non-governmental actors' and social movements' emerging demands for participation in the field of foreign policy. The paper aims to contribute to the theoretical debate on foreign policy as public policy, and to offer some new frames of reference regarding Brazil's official motivations in the field of human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Over the past 25 years, there has been growing investment in concepts of rights in the areas of HIV prevention, care and treatment, including HIV- and AIDS-related education delivered in schools. Despite this increasing commitment to the notion of rights, few efforts appear to have been made to understand the varying conceptions of rights that underpin different kinds of initiatives. Engaging with a multi-disciplinary body of literature on the issue of rights, and through a focus on three rights-informed HIV- and AIDS-related initiatives, this paper seeks to address this gap in the current literature. In so doing, it also examines a central tension within human rights discourse, namely between the construal of rights as shared and universally applicable to all human beings, while being created in and limited by the location in which they were elaborated, as well as by the language used to formulate them. More explicit engagement with the diversity of approaches made possible through a commitment to human rights may facilitate forms of HIV- and AIDS-related education that are more meaningful to young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview of the regulatory responses to Covid-19 from the regulatory authorities of Brazilian states. This paper aims to provide new insights into the operationalization of the human rights to water and sanitation in the Brazilian regulatory authorities' actions during a health emergency. We find that communities located in unserved areas were not mentioned in the regulatory responses, nor were people in vulnerable situations. Equity and non-discrimination principles were correlated more with economic measures. This study has also identified the absence of responses related to access to sanitation facilities, with normative contents related to the issue not appearing in the content analysis. • The presence of HRtWS is unequal in the regulatory responses to the Covid-19 pandemic. • Communities without piped network were ignored in the regulatory responses to the Covid-19 pandemic. • No mentions regarding vulnerable people were identified in the regulatory responses to the Covid-19 pandemic. • No responses were identified regarding access to sanitation facilities. • There is an absence of a plural understanding of the sustainability in the regulatory responses to the Covid-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil is a middle-income country with universal maternity care, mostly by doctors. The experience of normal birth often includes rigid routines, aggressive interventions, and abusive, disrespectful treatment. In Brazil, this has been referred to as dehumanised care and, more recently, as obstetric violence. Since the early 1990s, social movements (SM) have struggled to change practices, public policies and provider training. The aim of this paper is to describe and analyse the role of SM in promoting change in maternity care, and in provider training. In this integrative review using a gender-oriented approach, we searched the Scielo database and the Ministry of Health’s (MofH) publications and edicts for institutional and research papers on SM initiatives addressing disrespect and abuse in the last 25 years (1993-2018) in Brazil, and their impact on public policies and training programmes. We analyse these groups of interrelated initiatives: (1) political actions of SM resulting in changes in public policies and legislation; (2) events organised by SM for diffusion of information to the public; (3) MofH policies to humanise childbirth with participation of SM; and (4) initiatives to change providers’ training, including legal actions based on obstetric violence reports. To promote real change in maternity care, the progression of policies and enabling environment of laws, regulations, and broad dissemination of information, need to go hand in hand with changes in all health providers’ training - including a solid base in ethics, gender and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to try to point out a possible link between the hostilities suffered by Judith Butler in Brazil and a capture of these conservative demonstrations by political movements. My hypothesis is that a new populism may be in the making. In this sense, the article dialogues with populism theories in Brazil and in the current international context. Butler's work also serves as a backdrop for a reflection of populist politics and how attacks on sexual and reproductive rights serve as fuel to power authoritarian forces with great appeal to the masses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, diverse moral entrepreneurs have been responsible for disseminating a moral panic against school teaching materials, educational programs and art exhibitions that addressed gender differences and sexuality. This paper aims to analyze three episodes involved in panic: the reaction, in 2011, against teaching materials for confronting homophobia in schools; the discussion, that happened between 2014 and 2015, on educational plans in which the notion of "gender ideology" was disseminated; and, in 2017, the persecution to exhibitions and artistic performances in Porto Alegre and São Paulo that preceded the arrival of Judith Butler to Brazil. We will discuss how the building of moral panic depended on the strategic discursive resource of transforming initiatives that aimed to promote advances in sexual rights in a threat to children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to test whether training correctional facility (CF) officers in the admission process would identify risk factors for inmates' unscheduled transfers to healthcare units in the first 24 hours. Design/methodology/approach Correctional officers (COs) were trained to use a questionnaire with ten closed questions, which seeks to identify occupational or nosocomial risk, applied upon the admission of inmates to a CF. Findings There were 1,288 admissions in six CFs in Ribeirão Preto and Serra Azul/Brazil from March 2010 to May 2011. Of those admissions, 21.2 percent were in penitentiaries and 78.9 percent in provisional detention centers. Of the questionnaires applied, 580 answered affirmatively (45 percent) for one or more of the questions, with nearly 60 percent related to drug use in the last 12 hours, 37.7 percent use of medications while the most frequently mentioned diseases were respiratory diseases (37 percent) and mental disorders (19 percent).The number of positive responses per evaluation presented an odds ratio of 3.6 (CI 95% - 1.6, 10.5) for unscheduled transfers for external clinical evaluation. Research limitations/implications The lack of a control group and the fact that morbidities described by prisoners could not be confirmed are study limitations. The research does, however, still contribute to the goal of achieving appropriate medical care within CFs. Originality/value The training of COs to identify risk factors that predict the need for unplanned transfers to healthcare units was feasible. These findings have important implications for CFs that do not provide ongoing medical service, a universal reality in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given that the health-related impacts of climate change in Latin America disproportionately affect the most marginalized sections of the population, there is a need to enhance countries' adaptive capacity through improved health systems. Though public health institutions have delineated guidelines to enhance health care systems' preparedness for climate change, embedding a human rights perspective in their translation into laws and policies further adds important value. Crucially, a rights-based approach strengthens health responses to climate change by calling attention to how climate law and policy fail to account for persistent and interlocking socioeconomic inequalities. This is an area that has not been fully present in the provision of health services in Latin America, which rely almost exclusively on a conventional epidemiological perspective and do not consider the historical and sociocultural nature of health challenges. Hence, this paper draws on two case studies--Brazil and Colombia--to identify the extent to which their national climate change laws and adaptation plans incorporate a human rightsbased approach in their tasks to enhance their adaptive capacity through the expansion of affordable and quality health care. With respect to the countries' laws, the absence of explicit references to the right to health exemplifies the fragmentation between the international human rights framework and international climate change law. Further, both countries' adaptation plans hold considerable room for improving their engagement with the human rights framework, particularly by establishing mechanisms to promote transparency, monitoring, and the participation of marginalized groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on one of the ‘child-trafficking scandals’ that occurred in Brazil in the 1990s. Ethnographic research was carried out between 2000 and 2001 within a movement of poor families formed in São Paulo to put pressure on the authorities to review the legal procedures that had led to their children being placed for national and international adoption. Fieldwork was supplemented by other data, including reports by legislative bodies, articles in the press, and case files involving the termination of parental rights. This paper explores views on international adoption among members of the Brazilian elites such as judges, agents in the field of child protection and journalists, in the context of old but persistent neo-Malthusian ideas. Although the Brazilian birth rate is now below the replacement level, it is still common to blame ‘irresponsible’ reproduction among the urban poor for violence in large cities. Drawing a parallel with the routine sterilization of women that prevailed for decades and was encouraged by Brazilian physicians, the paper examines how, in a ‘struggle against poverty’, judicial agents took it upon themselves to enforce ‘birth control’ through adoption, bypassing family consent and the law in the process. The paper concludes by arguing that discrimination against poor families who are viewed as disorganized, immoral and irresponsible – characteristics frequently associated with criminality by a sector of the elites – has contributed to the view that lower-class families do not have the right to bear children, or to keep them. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Culture, Health & Sexuality is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose — To consider transnational aspects linked to the social production of adoptable children in a Brazilian setting. Design/methodology/approach — Looks at legislation and media reports, giving particular attention to how, during the 1990s, vigorous campaigns in favor of plenary adoption by Brazilian nationals implied the near-total silencing of alternative forms of childcare such as foster care, and how recent circumstances are reversing this trend. Findings — Argues that an apparently straightforward conflict between poverty-stricken families and the state authorities that strip them of parental rights is in fact a highly political issue involving innumerous overseas as well as national influences. National childcare policies that encourage certain childcare options and eliminate others emerge as much from scandals in the media, ‘consumer demands’ by adoptive parents, and philanthropic support as from the more apparent global trends in child welfare legislation. Research limitations/implications — The findings challenge the view that childcare is a consensual issue with all fronts working for the ‘child's best interest’. Rather, in this paper, the issue is revealed as a political matter of conflicting interests between unequal categories of caretakers. Practical implications — This paper has direct relevance for international legislation on child adoption policy. Originality/value — This paper furnishes a ‘view from below’ on international adoption, putting in question principles that are normally accepted as obvious in international legislation on child rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On March 5, 2002, a special division of the São Paulo military police in Brazil positioned several vehicles with heavily armed officers on a highway near Campinas. The police sought to intercept and ambush a truck transporting twelve suspects that their intelligence services had indicated was on its way to participate in an armed robbery. When the suspects' vehicle came into their sights, the police opened fire, spraying hundreds of rounds of machine gunfire at the truck, killing all twelve men. No police were injured. It is unlikely that there was any return fire at all, given the sudden intensity of the police attack. Authorities reported, later that day, that a dozen drug traffickers had been killed in a shootout with police forces on the highway. The state governor hailed the killings as a "dream police" operation. Rights activists and policing experts in Brazil know that authorities routinely contend that the police have killed in shootouts to paper over what are in fact summary executions. They also recognized that it was highly unlikely, in this case, that a gun battle would leave twelve civilians dead and no police killed or wounded. Yet, remarkably, in the immediate aftermath of the incident, no rights groups stepped forward to challenge the official version. Individually or through consultation, these rights defenders seemingly concluded that challenging the official version would be counterproductive. Because there was little doubt that those killed were tied to a dangerous criminal enterprise, rights groups feared--and rightly so--that denouncing police excesses would be unpopular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Improving the health status of indigenous children is a long-standing challenge. Several United Nations committees have identified the health of indigenous peoples as a human rights concern. Addressing the health of indigenous children cannot be separated from their social, cultural, and historic contexts, and any related health program must offer culturally appropriate services and a community perspective broad enough to address the needs of children and the local worlds in which they live. Evaluations of programs must, therefore, address process as well as impacts. This paper assesses interventions addressing indigenous children's health in Brazil, ranging from those explicitly targeting indigenous children's health, such as the targeted immunization program for indigenous peoples, as well as more generalized programs, including a focus upon indigenous children, such as the Integrated Management of Childhood Illness. The paper discusses the tensions and complexities of ethnically targeted health interventions as well as the conceptual and methodological challenge of measuring the processes employed and their impact. The lessons learned, especially the need for countries to more systematically collect data and evaluate impacts using ethnicity as an analytical category, are drawn out with respect to ensuring human rights for all within health sector responses., Competing Interests: Conflicts of Interest: None declared.

Background: Since the publication of the reports by the Commission on Social Determinants of Health (CSDH), many research papers have documented inequities, explaining causal pathways in order to inform policy and programmatic decision-making. At the international level, the sustainable development goals (SDGs) reflect an attempt to bring together these themes and the complexities involved in defining a comprehensive development framework. However, to date, much less has been done to address the monitoring challenges, that is, how data generation, analysis and use are to become routine tasks., Objective: To test proposed indicators of social determinants of health (SDH), gender, equity, and human rights with respect to their relevance in tracking progress in universal health coverage and population health (level and distribution)., Design: In an attempt to explore these monitoring challenges, indicators covering a wide range of social determinants were tested in four country case studies (Bangladesh, Brazil, South Africa, and Vietnam) for their technical feasibility, reliability, and validity, and their communicability and usefulness to policy-makers. Twelve thematic domains with 20 core indicators covering different aspects of equity, human rights, gender, and SDH were tested through a review of data sources, descriptive analyses, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions. To test the communicability and usefulness of the domains, domain narratives that explained the causal pathways were presented to policy-makers, managers, the media, and civil society leaders., Results: For most countries, monitoring is possible, as some data were available for most of the core indicators. However, a qualitative assessment showed that technical feasibility, reliability, and validity varied across indicators and countries. Producing understandable and useful information proved challenging, and particularly so in translating indicator definitions and data into meaningful lay and managerial narratives, and effectively communicating links to health and ways in which the information could improve decision-making., Conclusions: This exercise revealed that for monitoring to produce reliable data collection, analysis, and discourse, it will need to be adapted to each national context and institutionalised into national systems. This will require that capacities and resources for this and subsequent communication of results are increased across countries for both national and international monitoring, including the successful implementation of the SDGs.