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Copyright of Canadian Journal of Human Rights is the property of Canadian Journal of Human Rights and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Almost 80 million people globally are forcibly displaced. A small number reach wealthy western countries and seek asylum. Over half are children. Wealthy reception countries have increasingly adopted restrictive reception practices including immigration detention. There is an expanding literature on the mental health impacts of immigration detention for adults, but less about children. This scoping review identified 22 studies of children detained by 6 countries (Australia, Canada, Hong Kong, Netherlands, the UK and the US) through searches of Medline, PsychINFO, Emcare, CINAHL and Scopus data bases for the period January 1992–May 2019. The results are presented thematically. There is quantitative data about the mental health of children and parents who are detained and qualitative evidence includes the words and drawings of detained children. The papers are predominantly small cross-sectional studies using mixed methodologies with convenience samples. Despite weaknesses in individual studies the review provides a rich and consistent picture of the experience and impact of immigration detention on children's wellbeing, parental mental health and parenting. Displaced children are exposed to peri-migration trauma and loss compounded by further adversity while held detained. There are high rates of distress, mental disorder, physical health and developmental problems in children aged from infancy to adolescence which persist after resettlement. Restrictive detention is a particularly adverse reception experience and children and parents should not be detained or separated for immigration purposes. The findings have implications for policy and practice. Clinicians and researchers have a role in advocacy for reception polices that support the wellbeing of accompanied and unaccompanied children who seek asylum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Law & Society/Revue Canadienne Droit et Societe (Cambridge University Press) is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Review of Sociology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In focusing on the way emotional ideologies underpin migration regimes, this paper underlines how migrants manage their emotions in a quest towards wider economic and social integration. It compares the experiences of Mainland Chinese immigrants who are in Canada with those that returned to China temporarily but plan to remigrate to Canada eventually, thus sustaining transnational journeys. The paper suggests that the intersection of emotional and migration regimes imposes norms and sanctions that direct migrants towards what are considered appropriate emotions and emotional subjectivities. The economic logics shaping the circulation of emotions within and across geographical space during transnational sojourning is referred to here as the emotional economy of migration. The paper argues that certain emotions appreciate or depreciate in value as they are mobilised geographically during such transnational sojourning. The analysis contributes to migration scholarship by drawing out the emotional logics, circulations, and calculations that structure and prop up the political economy of migration regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, the problem of sex trafficking has become an alarming global concern. Reports suggest that half of active cases of sex trafficking involve female children and youth. This paper considers the mental health impact of sex trafficking on illegalized female trafficked youth under the age of 29 who live in Canada without legal immigration status. It will draw on a qualitative research, including individual interview and survey questionnaires, to explore the lived conditions and mental health outcomes of illegalized trafficked youth in the Greater Toronto Area. Sex trafficking is a gender and human rights violation, as well as a total control over an individual's body, sexuality, and livelihood. Trafficking negatively impacts the social determinants of health and mental health of trafficked persons. This paper provides three recommendations to improve mental health conditions of illegalized trafficked youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Graduate Journal of Sociology & Criminology / Revue Canadienne des Études Supérieures en Sociologie et Criminologie is the property of Paladin Academic Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cet article examine l'existence d'un paradoxe de facilitation/contrôle dans le cadre des efforts gouvernementaux de contrôler la migration des époux. La littérature sur le jugement discrétionnaire et les fonctionnaires de proximité est utilisée pour analyser comment les agents canadiens des visas décident quelles relations de couples sont 'vraies' ou 'fausses'. Cet article démontre que les agents des visas utilisent plusieurs cadres de référence pour construire des modèles types de ce que sont les relations 'normales' entre époux. Ces modèles types permettent aux agents des visas de construire des cas comme crédibles ou non crédibles, et ce processus établit les bases des décisions concernant l'exclusion et l'inclusion d'immigrants. This paper questions whether there is a facilitation/enforcement paradox associated with state efforts to control spousal migration. The literature on discretion and street-level bureaucrats is used to analyze how Canadian visa officers make decisions about which spousal relationships are 'real' and which are 'fake.' The paper shows that visa officers use various cultural frameworks to construct typifications of 'normal' relationships. These typifications allow visa officers to construct cases as credible or not credible, and constitute simultaneous bases for decisions about immigrant exclusion and inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the impact of medical inadmissibility provisions in Canada's immigration law on applicants with disabilities. The paper draws on key informant interviews, policy analysis, and Ministry of Immigration data on medical inadmissibility findings. We follow the lead of recent mobilities scholarship to examine how the immigration system is enacted, reproduced, and contested over time. From this perspective, we see that recent court challenges to the statutory provisions have created additional procedural space for applicants to contest findings of inadmissibility. However, the legitimacy of excessive demand as a basis for exclusion remains firmly in place, while recent immigration policy changes signal an intensification of measures to limit the social reproductive costs of immigration. Les personnes handicapées, l'inadmissibilité pour motifs sanitaires et la politique d'immigration sélective Cet article s'intéresse aux effets des dispositions de la législation canadienne en matière d'immigration relatives à l'inadmissibilité pour motifs sanitaires des candidats ayant une incapacité. L'article se fonde sur des entretiens auprès d'informateurs clés, des analyses politiques et des données du ministère sur les décisions d'inadmissibilité pour motifs sanitaires. Les recherches récentes portant sur la mobilité forment le point de départ d'une exploration du mode de fonctionnement du système d'immigration, sa reproduction et sa remise en question au fil du temps. Vues sous cet angle, les contestations actuelles des dispositions légales devant les tribunaux ont permis de dégager un espace de procédure supplémentaire pour les candidats afin de contester les verdicts d'inadmissibilité. Cependant, la légitimité de la demande excessive en tant que motif d'interdiction perdure, tandis que les changements récents apportés à la politique d'immigration annoncent une intensification des mesures visant à limiter les coÛts sociaux de l'immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Migration & Integration is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Migrants can obtain permanent residency in Canada under the family-reunification category set out in s. 12(1) of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA). Canadian citizens or permanent residents may apply to sponsor their non-citizen spouse, common law or conjugal partner, or other relatives to move to Canada pursuant to s. 117(1)(a) of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Regulations (IRPR). The bad-faith clause under s. 4(1) of the IRPR requires spousal-sponsorship applicants to prove to visa officers that, on a balance of probabilities, their relationship is "genuine" and not "entered into primarily for the purpose of acquiring any status or privilege under the [IRPA]". The bad-faith clause is meant to prevent socalled marriage fraud: the idea that migrants, hoping to take advantage of the family-reunification regime, trick vulnerable Canadians into marriage and then subsequently abandon them once they have obtained citizenship status. Drawing on the work of feminist, antiracist, and anti-colonial scholars, this paper argues that the construction of marriage fraud as a threat to national security rationalizes an increasingly exclusionary spousalsponsorship regime post 9/11. Focusing on this "threat" detracts from the insidious naturalization of the neoliberal, hetero-patriarchal, and white settler-colonial values that animate the exclusionary nature of family class migration--values that pre-date the recent moral panic over marriage fraud. This paper concludes by sounding a cautionary bell: Canadians must be wary of the ongoing reproduction and sedimentation of exclusionary values that give meaning to legal constructions of family because they reinforce and perpetuate experiences of precarity among migrants who live on the underside of global capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political status and movements of refugees and sans-papiers has become a focal point for French political thought, but also more universally in the wake of globalisation. We have witnessed the issue here in the US in the debate over immigration. In France, Alain Badiou's Organisation Politique, for instance, has coined the phrase, in regard to France's sanspapiers, 'all those who are here are from here.' However, if we follow closely the events of 2002 and after among the Algerian refugees of Montréal, what emerges is a case study in politics as conceived by Jacques Rancière. This paper details both the movement and its implicitly Rancièrean underpinnings. I will include an overview of Rancière's political thought. What is attempted in this paper, as part of a larger project that will examine other contemporary political movements, is to show how a politics can look in our world, and thus to begin to efface the line that is often drawn between political theory and political activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: This study contributes to the ongoing efforts to address systemic inequality within social work by examining Canadian social workers' attitudes toward immigrants who are permanent residents (PR), refugees, temporary residents (TR), or undocumented immigrants. Using a cross-sectional design with a convenience sample (n = 653), we explore how social workers' attitudes toward immigrants vary in relation to (a) respondents' demographics, (b) contact with immigrants, (c) perceptions of equal opportunities among immigrants, (d) perceptions of deservingness for immigrants with different legal statuses, and (e) the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on these attitudes. Findings: While Canadian social workers generally express positive attitudes toward immigrants, there is a slightly stronger endorsement for PR and refugees to access public services compared to nonstatus (NS) immigrants and TR. Social workers who identify as conservative or have limited contact with immigrants are more likely to perceive NS immigrants as potential criminal threats or burdens on the healthcare system. Significantly, a majority of respondents feel that their social work training inadequately prepares them to work effectively with immigrants. Applications: Canadian social workers advocate for principles of diversity, inclusion, and commitment to social justice. However, perceptions regarding which immigrants deserve access to social services vary based on legal status, suggesting a limitation in social workers' professional mandate. The study discusses implications for social work education and training, emphasizing the need to address and unsettle systemic racism within the profession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various issues related to immigration, population, and the Canadian future. Unlike the American and Australian studies, the Canadian Immigration and Population Study otherwise known as the "Green Paper" on immigration, was undertaken by a small group of bureaucrats in the Canada's Department of Manpower and Immigration and not by an independent commission. A number of reports on specific questions relating population and immigration were prepared by outside consultants, and some of these have been published as supplementary reports to the Green Paper, which was released early in 1975. Public discussion of the Green Paper on immigration has tended to emphasize the ethnic aspects and to be polarized around the question of whether Canadian immigration policy and the Green Paper itself-is "racist." Representatives of the black and Asian groups are afraid that the adoption of quotas, or other measures in the future will result in the restoration of de facto racial discrimination. Right wing groups advocating "white supremacy" consider that Canada has already gone too far in the direction of a liberal "open door" policy and should revert to the practice of restricting non-white immigration. Between these two extremes are the advocates of "zero population growth," who claim not to favor discrimination, but who argue instead in favor of a substantial reduction in total immigration. Given the recentness of immigration from Third World countries, such a policy would, in practice, have the same effect as reinstituting racial discrimination or imposing quotas proportional to the present ethnic composition of the Canadian population.

This paper considers how Philippine migrants prepare themselves and are prepared by others for emigration to Canada. In particular, it emphasizes how class-differentiated migrants are rendered socially homogenous as they are encouraged to be “grateful” transnational citizen subjects throughout their migration trajectories, commencing with initial decisions to migrate. Preparations for migration include individual decisions to increase marketability by acquiring particular kinds of skill sets matched to one of a variety of immigration streams. Despite such individual projects, the inequalities associated with gendered and racialized characteristics of Philippine migration trajectories and class dynamics are enduring for many migrants, though not all. Historical structural processes shaping the contours of global migration in the example of Philippine–Canada migration are compounded by the contradictory practices and outcomes associated with various preparations for migration. Current reforms to Canada’s immigration system to a “just-in-time” model promise to cause major disruptions to long-held migrant plans. Meanwhile, migrants are preconditioned to accept uncritically the multiple forms of subordination encouraged through the policies of multiple states and to accommodate themselves to new immigrant/citizen social identities which are devalued in a multiplicity of ways. This paper shows how, through the collusion of agents that migrants encounter in multiple sites, the disciplining of mobile citizens becomes more formalized and the contradictions between migrant ambition and neoliberal imperatives more visible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines decision-making in Federal Court of Canada immigration law applications for stays of removal, focusing on how the rates at which stays are granted depend on which justice decides the case. The article deploys a form of computational natural language processing, using a large-language model machine learning process (GPT-3) to extract data from online Federal Court dockets. The article reviews patterns in outcomes in thousands of stay of removal applications identified through this process and reveals a wide range in stay grant rates across many justices. The article argues that the Federal Court should take measures to encourage more consistency in stay decision-making and cautions against relying heavily on stays of removal to ensure that deportation complies with constitutional procedural justice protections. The article is also a demonstration of how machine learning can be used to pursue empirical legal research projects that would have been cost prohibitive or technically challenging only a few years ago--and shows how technology that is increasingly used to enhance the power of the state at the expense of marginalized migrants can instead be used to scrutinize legal decision-making in the immigration law field, hopefully in ways that enhance the rights of migrants. The article also contributes to the broader field of computational legal research in Canada by making available to other non-commercial researchers the code used for the project, as well as a dataset of several thousand Federal Court dockets that can be used for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the nature of the differences in the wage gap between Canadian born males and immigrant males in Quebec and in the rest of Canada (ROC) over the period 1980-2000. Relative to Canadian born individuals, immigrants in the ROC have been consistently, and increasingly, faring better in terms of wages than immigrants in Quebec. We cannot conclude that this is a consequence of Quebec having different immigration policies than the ROC, as the wage gap would be even larger if Quebec attracted the same immigrants as the ROC, nor can we conclude that immigrants are more discriminated against in Quebec. We find that the increased differential in the Quebec-ROC immigrant wage gap mostly reflects changes in the premium earned by immigrants who become citizens over those who remain landed immigrants; this premium virtually disappeared in Quebec while remaining stable in the ROC over the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates Romanians’ immigration to Canada after the fall of the communist regime, focusing on the case of applicants under the ‘skilled workers and professionals’ category. The empirical study of Canadian immigration policy constitutes the ground for a critical analysis of the nature of the state and modalities of state power. Selecting candidates for immigration involves a refined politics of making subjects, whereby the state is ‘effected’ through disciplinary inscriptions on migrants and projects of the self, materialized in extraterritorial social spaces, and objectified in a form of governmentality over ‘external populations’. It also opens a space to explore the workings of the self in a globalized world. Rights to international mobility may generate not only hybrid sorts of legal subjects incompletely and imprecisely tied to two states, but also highly reflexive individuals, performatively enacting themselves as subjects of policies, discourses, and knowledges from positions of ontological and emotional liminality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Canadian Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 outlines conditions under which individuals may be granted or denied admission to Canada. The Act stipulates that applications for residence will be rejected if their health is expected to generate excessive demand on Canadian health or social services. The purpose of this paper is to derive a statistical definition of excessive demand and to apply that threshold to persons with HIV who are seeking admission to Canada. The paper demonstrates that the current threshold used by Citizenship and Immigration Canada is much lower than the thresholds that may be derived statistically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canadian citizenship is a young official category of belonging, and the relationship of Aboriginal people to that category remains contested ground: scholars debate the legal status of First Nations people within the Canadian state while other academics and First Nations leaders note that these nations never ceded their sovereignty to a foreign colonial state. While such debates have deep historic roots, more recent post-1945 government policies and programs reveal the extent to which Aboriginal peoples continued to be seen as outsiders who need to be assimilated to the ‘mainstream.’ As a historical contribution to these ongoing debates, this paper explores efforts to create a distinct and common Canadian citizenship in the years after the Second World War when, as a follow-up to the passage of the 1947 Canadian Citizenship Act, the federal government strategically chose to combine its management of immigrant admissions, reception, and citizenship with its Indian Affairs policies under the rubric of one new federal ministry, the Department of Citizenship and Immigration (DCI). From 1950 until 1966, the Indian Affairs branch was located in the DCI, where its activities were heavily modelled after the citizenship campaigns being developed for immigrants within the DCI's Canadian Citizenship Branch. This paper reveals the ways in which ministry officials and their network of public and private groups and agencies aimed to create a one-size-fits-all category of societal Canadian citizenship. To do so they deliberately constructed Aboriginal peoples as ‘immigrants too’ and targeted both ‘Canada's original inhabitants’ and newly arrived European refugees and immigrants with similar ‘Canadianization’ programs. The analysis of the programs targeting both groups highlights the similarities (for example, both Natives and newcomers were constructed as outsiders who needed to adopt dominant middle-class Canadian social and moral codes and pro-capitalist values) and the differences (for example, the immigrant campaigns were more tolerant of cultural differences than the Aboriginal campaigns that, despite their seemingly progressive rhetoric, effectively continued earlier assimilationist policies) as well as their gendered and class features. In offering this comparative analysis between these twinned postwar campaigns, the paper brings together two histories, Aboriginal and immigrant, that have usually been studied in isolation from each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon transnational multi-sited research analysing sending and receiving aspects of migration flows and the shifting priorities of neoliberal citizenship regimes, this article highlights the class complexity of Philippine gendered migration pathways to Canada. Migrant agency and class complexity are linked to neoliberal immigration and labour export policies that privilege the acquisition of capital serving the interests of sending and receiving countries. Sometimes this benefits elite migrants but it also exacerbates gendered class cleavages between migrants and within Philippine society. The histories of Philippine internal and overseas migration have contributed to a culture of migration whereby Filipinos exhibit flexibility to draw advantage from subtle shifts in Canadian immigration policy. The paper concludes that Filipinos may well represent the ideal immigrant but there are personal, social, and political consequences for migrants and the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Migration & Integration is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: Increased immigration requires successful interaction of different cultures in various life domains, such as health. This study investigates acculturation orientation (AO) of immigrant patients and doctors native to the country, as a potential factor related to perceived medical advice adherence.Data and Methods: N = 171 immigrant patients (M = 54.38 years, SD = 17.94, range = 23-96, 74.3 % female) and their N = 12 doctors (M = 38.88 years, SD = 13.42, range = 27-66, 83 % female) from a hospital in Montreal, Canada, participated in a paper-based survey to assess AOs, patients' perceived expectations of their doctor (regarding adopting the new culture or keeping their previous culture), doctors' actual expectations, perceived quality of care and perceived adherence.Results: AO of patients significantly related to perceived adherence, via a path model involving perceptions of doctors' expectations and perceived quality of care. Integration was positively related to perceived adherence, while Marginalization was negatively related to it. Doctors' AOs were not significant.Conclusion: Patient perceptions seem to be a significant factor to be considered when striving to improve immigrant medical advice adherence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the suburban night through the recent cultural phenomenon of the Summer Night Market in Richmond, British Columbia, Canada. Night markets have existed in China since the 8th century, and have followed Chinese migration, first to Southeast Asia, and more recently, to Canada. Richmond, because of significant Asian settlement in the 1990s, is known as the ‘new Chinatown’ ethnoburb of Metro Vancouver. Its night market is a weekend evening event where predominantly Asian vendors sell clothing, food and a range of other products to the Chinese community and others attracted by the spectacle or seeking a bargain. The Richmond night-time landscape contrasts sharply with the 24/7 cultures of Hong Kong, Taiwan and Mainland China. But the Richmond market makes possible a cultural use of night-time space – for strolling and meeting at night – in a suburban landscape that is quiet after 18:00 h. In the last three years, the market has been re-branded as a multicultural, rather than Chinese, space. We explore the role of this market in the night-time leisure culture of Metro Vancouver, through themes of the changing nature of the suburbs, suburban night places, and the (messy) question of authenticity in an age (and place) of ongoing migration and super-diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Youth with precarious legal status (PLS) in several provinces are entitled to access primary and secondary education regardless of their immigration status. However, once they graduate from high school their opportunities for post-secondary education are highly constrained. This article sets out an argument for expanding post-secondary educational opportunities for PLS students, drawing on the example of the only existing program in Canada targeting such students: York University's "Access for Students with Precarious Immigration Status Program." The article considers possible legal impediments to the establishment of such programs, including offences under Canadian immigration legislation, and argues that charges against post-secondary institutions or their employees are unlikely. Moreover, the article contends that if such charges were pursued, courts would likely find that the relevant legislative provisions are unconstitutional due to overbreadth and because they penalize humanitarian assistance, which was not the intention of the drafters of the provisions. The article also argues that in the unlikely scenario that post-secondary institutions were found to be in breach of Canadian immigration law for admitting PLS students, this is one of the limited sets of circumstances where pushing back against the law--and even breaking the law if necessary--would be warranted. Overall, the article argues that it is time for faculty, students, and administrators at Canadian colleges and universities to join the fight to create pathways for post-secondary education for PLS students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to current debates around neoliberalism and subnational developments in Canadian immigration policy. In response to critiques of neoliberalism's 'promiscuity,' scalar and governmentality frameworks are used to analyze Nova Scotia's failed economic nominee category experiment. The competing choices, calculations, and commitments at stake at 'meso'- and 'micro'-scales reveal a more complex and compelling reality that underscores the contributions and challenges of a range of political actors. This, in turn, suggests possible disruptions to neoliberalization and seeks to strike a better balance between structure and agency, as well as economic and social immigration priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizenship and Immigration Canada's new citizenship guide, Discover Canada, received significant coverage in the national media and among popular bloggers when it was released in late 2009. Among the more controversial responses were allegations that the guide served a partisan political purpose. It was 'an incremental step in the rebranding of Canada into a conservative country, full of people more inclined to vote Conservative.' This paper investigates the veracity of this claim by documenting the historical evolution of Canada's citizenship guides. It finds that while Discover Canada departs notably from its immediate, Liberal-sponsored, predecessors, it is not so different from the initial documentation produced under the Liberal governments of Pierre Elliott Trudeau. To suggest that the new guide has fundamentally altered the national image is therefore a profound exaggeration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Quebec's management of immigration and diversity in the promotion of cultural and political autonomy from Canada. Quebec has been able to secure some of the prerogatives of a sovereign nation-state in part through its control of immigration and its development of an intercultural integrative policy framework. Instead of diminishing the national distinctiveness of Quebec within the Canadian federation, rising immigration has accentuated it in many ways. The concept of intercultural nationalism is used to define a particular state-building strategy that is responsive to economic and demographic changes brought by increased global integration. We argue that the emergence of Quebec as a strong nation with sporadic, but specifically dominant and legitimate state power is reflective of the adaptations that many nation-states have undergone in response to the challenges of globalisation. By that measure, the Quebec state is, in a sense, more of a national state than it ever was in the past. Increasing diversity both within and outside its borders has contributed to this evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the ongoing debates in Canadian higher education is the dilemma of the brain drain and the seemingly conflicting goals between the strategies and intentions of various government departments. While Citizenship and Immigration Canada aims to recruit the brightest students from across the globe to study in Canada and to enable their long-term stay as permanent residents and ultimately as citizens, the Canadian International Development Agency is mandated to strengthen human capacity in developing countries. This paper provides a critical analysis of the brain drain problem by juxtaposing Canadian policies with Cuban policies as manifested in the two countries' divergent approaches to international students and tertiary education scholarships for students from poorer countries. Following an overview of the existing scholarship programmes in both countries, ethical and philosophical considerations are examined that appear to underlie the two countries' individual-rights-based and collective-rights-based justifications for making decisions about the terms on which students from other countries are permitted to study in Canada and Cuba. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines current citizenship discourses and practices in Canada, focusing on the implications not only of marketization, but also of growing securitization vis-a-vis citizenship, and the gendered ramifications of such developments. The repercussions of marketization and securitization and their interrelations, for women in general, as well as racialized and immigrant women in particular, are outlined and assessed. In this way, we see how women are at the receiving end of highly contradictory processes in that they are both 'invisibilized', in other words, rendered invisible, by the Canadian state, but are also are increasingly 'instrumentalized', in other words, used in strategic ways. Yet, women also challenge these trends and tactics, thereby interrogating these processes that serve to limit the terms and scope of citizenship in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Criminality is now one of the most frequently used provisions for deporting non-citizens from Canada. Individuals who are convicted of crimes outlined in current immigration policies can find themselves subject to deportation proceedings after they have served their sentences unless they are eligible to make an appeal and can do so successfully. This paper examines 177 reported immigration appeal hearings in Canada involving non-citizens who are ordered deported on the basis of criminality. Using documentary analysis along with basic statistics to analyze the appeal hearing decisions, I demonstrate how gender and racial ideologies shape the outcome of these decisions. Theories of moral regulation, social control and governmentality are employed to develop an understanding of the state's treatment of immigrants. That a significant number of immigrants in this study were not deported, but were granted stays with strict conditions highlights how deportation hearings are one mechanism for differentiating between ‘deserving’ and ‘undeserving’ immigrants. This study illustrates how, through the use of racial and gender ideologies, deportation practices are as much about differential exclusion as they are about enforced assimilation. Concerns around criminality rationalizes the ongoing regulation and surveillance of immigrants and the threat of deportation ensures their compliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The securitisation of migration in Western states has resulted in an array of restrictive laws and policies that raise important questions about the relationship between protection and the political. New technologies of control (such as detention) and strategies of exclusion (such as deportation) are rapidly undermining--indeed, effectively criminalising--national cultures of asylum. This article critically analyses how these measures are being contested and countered by the anti-deportation activism of undocumented non-citizen people in Canada. How are these campaigns re-casting the question of 'protection' in the face of deportation efforts by the Canadian state? This is a significant issue because the capacity to decide upon matters of inclusion and exclusion is a key element of sovereign power. In the case of asylum seekers, the ability to decide who will and will not be provided with protection is interpreted in this paper as a focal point where the state (re)founds its claim to monopolise the political. Consequently, disputes over who has the authority to protect, who will be protected, and under what terms and conditions, can reveal new problematisations as well as new ways of thinking and acting politically. Employing the conceptual framework of abject cosmopolitanism, this article seeks to understand how these campaigns are, and are not, reformulating the terms of political community, identity and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the spatial residential patterns of recent immigrant groups to Canada and compares them with other selected European groups to understand the differences, their causes and consequences. Using census data from the 2001 Canadian Census for the metropolitan areas and census tracts, various measures of concentration and segregation are examined. Preliminary analysis of the data show that substantial differences exist among the ethnic groups in their residential patterns. The differences seem to be along not only social class lines but also along social distance and ethnic cohesion dimensions. There does not seem to be much change in the last decade. The paper further explores whether the extent of residential segregation decreases in later generations. The persistence of ethnic enclaves over time has important policy implication. On the positive side, they are important in preserving aspects of the ethnic culture such as language, customs, religious beliefs, lifestyle, etc. They emphasize the cultural diversity of Canada. On the negative side, they may promote discrimination and prejudice and the development of ghettoes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Canadian immigration policies’ influence on immigrant and newcomer women’s vulnerability to intimate partner violence in Canada. Neoliberal policies’ influence on immigration policies and restructuring of the welfare state, the creation of structural conditions that increase immigrant and newcomer women’s vulnerability to intimate partner violence while restricting their access to services that can help them seek recourse from such abuse, are discussed. The underlying question raised and discussed in this article is whether cultural identity and distinctiveness could be used to rationalize exclusionary policies that are contrary to the ideals of multiculturalism in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a discussion on the recent changes in the Canadian immigration regulations. The public discussions in Canada which ensued as a result of the White Paper on immigration are in a great measure responsible for the revised immigration regulations which came into force on October 1, 1967. The new regulations are based on the government White Paper. The regulations set up three categories of immigrants: sponsored, nominated and independent. Sponsorship rights previously limited in cases of applicants from certain countries, will apply on equal terms to all areas of the world, and thus, in future, as it were, no area of the world is "off limits" for sponsorship of immigrants by their relatives in Canada. This means that a close family relationship with a Canadian citizen or resident will make it easier for a potential immigrant to gain admission to Canada. For others, the current standards of education and professional skill are revised with the application of objective tests and point ratings in nine categories. Immigrants in this category, most of whom will have no relatives in Canada, will qualify for entry if they can compile 50 "assessment units" based on their education, skill, age, and six other factors.

This paper examines two legacies of the Harper government in immigration and refugee law. The first is a discursive legacy, that is, a legacy pertaining to the government's particular characterization of claimants for refugee and immigrant status seen through a series of its legal initiatives. The government engaged in a "discourse of distrust" with respect to claimants, repeatedly identifying them as persons trying to fool or take advantage of Canada's immigration and social welfare schemes. The second legacy pertains more to a number of institutional and procedural changes in the immigration system. These initiatives have not received the same attention given the higher profile measures that comprise the discourse of distrust. However, they embody trends in Canadian immigration law toward enhancing the authority of executive government in administering the country's immigration programs, together with a consequent loss of security for the prospective and recent newcomer to Canada. In the end the discursive legacy of the Harper government appears to have outweighed its institutional legacy. The Conservative Government took a sword to many of the long-established understandings that informed Canada's immigration law -- and it seems that the Government's truculence in matters dealing with immigrants and refugees served as one of the bases on which the election of October 2015 turned. For the foreseeable future, political discussions about immigration issues in Canada will start from a different place than the distrust and fear of the stranger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When and why did Canada develop the legal powers to detain and deport immigrants? At the beginning of the twentieth century, Canada did have legal powers authorizing deportations, but the laws lay as inactive dead letters. After a signi!cant American diplomatic e"ort to establish a continental immigration exclusion program, initially resisted by Canadian corporate and state actors, Canada activated immigration police powers in the summer of 1900. After extensive archival research, this legal history shows that the government endorsed immigration police powers when it appeared that Canada was the destination for thousands of Jewish Roumanian refugees and that the Americans planned to set up extensive border controls along the Canadian-American frontier. From there, Canada quickly developed and enhanced its immigration policing powers and laws to forestall American economic sanctions. #is article considers how government, corporate interests, international law, and American interest combined to eventually lead to the passage of a 1902 law that !rmly established Canada’s right to arrest, detain, and deport undesirable immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This case study centers on the narrative accounts of a lesbian couple in a binational relationship (i.e., two women from different countries) who left the United States (U.S.) at a time when immigration laws did not recognize their union. Given that they could not legally stay in the U.S. together, they immigrated to the Netherlands and subsequently to Canada. When DOMA was overturned and the couple was eligible to apply for immigration to the U.S., they opted to remain in Canada, in part due to the strain of multiple migrations. This concept has been described as the complex process that accompanies more than one immigration experience and the cumulative effect that this can have on couples and families over time, particularly when multiple resettlements have taken place. A descriptive case study methodology was employed to investigate the perceptions of multiple migrations of this lesbian binational couple, focusing mainly on their experiences in Canada. Specifically, individual interviews were conducted with each woman to explore their lived experiences of multiple migration and the impact this has had on various aspects of their lives, including those occurring at the intersection of privilege and oppression. A description of each woman is presented, followed by the significant themes that emerged from this study, including immigration difficulties and the centrality of relationship. Implications for psychological training, practice, research, policy were presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Irregular migration is a growing, global issue that is still undertheorized in the Canadian context. While economic globalization and capitalist expansion displace growing numbers of migrants, advanced nations including Canada are tightening their borders and increasing their immigration laws. With fewer legal migration channels available, a growing number of migrants are choosing irregular ways of life, whereby they reside, work, and raise their families underground. This paper critically assesses how irregular migration is produced and perpetuated in Canada. Following other critical migration scholars (Andrijasevic 2009; De Genova 2002; Goldring et al. 2009), I begin from the premise that not only laws, but nation-state rulers and agents, employers, and a diversity of social actors who may appear unconnected to the government engage in practices that contribute to the production of irregular migration. From this view, irregularity is seen less as a legal status and more as a sociopolitical condition generated and maintained by a range of structural and psychosocial determinants. Henceforth, I discuss several key geopolitical, juridicial, and sociopsychological determinants of irregularity in Canada. Further, I highlight the challenging conditions that constitute irregular life in the Canadian context in order to make imperative the need for social change as well as propose some directions for political action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents key results from a study that analyzed Canadian citizenship guides as an example of an official policy voice of the Canadian government about what it means to be a Canadian citizen and what is expected from a naturalized Canadian citizen. Six Canadian citizenship guides in the English language developed between 1947 and 2012 were analyzed by identifying the format and thematic components of the guides, and the most recurrent words and rhetorical strategies, within each contemporary historical context. Each guide constructed a narrative about what constitutes a naturalized Canadian citizen and these six individual and different narratives resulted in a historically constructed typology of naturalized Canadian citizenship: good character citizen, responsible citizen, wholesome citizen, politically active citizen, test-ready citizen, and loyal citizen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]